the other hand, are constantly at variance. They frequently break up into warring groups. At present there are two groups of importance, and five or six subordinate ones. If there was prospect of the strength of the Revolutionary Socialists increasing until they were able to impress their views upon the Chamber, the outlook for French commerce and industry would be serious indeed.
The Revolutionary Socialists want no half-way business about their old-age pension system. They desire that the pension shall be large enough to insure the aged working man living in comfort, and they do not want it to be put off until he has grown weary waiting for it. Not only do they want large pensions to begin before extreme old age is reached, but they are radically opposed to any contributions from the wages of the working people to replenish the pension fund. They want it all provided by the state. They would have the wealthy pay the pensions instead of making frugality a requisite, as in Germany.
The French Socialists show a tendency, however, to abandon the revolutionary ideas which have marked the programmes of their more radical groups. With the adoption of a sober and more practical programme they show growing strength. In national politics they have reached the dignity of representation in the Cabinet, as well as substantial power in the Chamber.
The library of the association for the betterment of working classes, known as “L’ Université Populaire,” Paris.
The chief practical success which French socialism has gained thus far, however, has been the acquisition of municipal power. Many of the larger cities of France are now controlled by Socialist councils. Before 1892 the Socialists had a majority in only one town council—in Saint Ouen—but since then they have succeeded in securing majorities in ten other important town councils, including such cities as Lille, Marseilles, and Calais. The municipal council of Paris has a Socialist group so important as to strongly influence its actions. In those towns where the Socialists have a majority they frequently pass radical measures for the benefit of the laboring classes, but those measures are always vetoed by the prefects, who have an absolute veto power. The prefects pronounce such legislation as outside the council’s jurisdiction. In that way the power of the Socialists in municipal affairs is sharply limited. No matter how radical may be the voice of the municipal council, the action of that body is held in check by the centralized system of government which Napoleon planned. The municipal council may have a majority of members with ever so revolutionary plans. The council is presided over by a prefect who represents the central Government, and wields a veto which will effectually check a tendency toward anything which the officials in Paris may regard as dangerous enactments.
