Philosophical Transactions/Volume 3/Number 37
PHILOSOPHICAL
TRANSACTIONS.
Monday, July 13. 1668.
The Contents.
The Remainder
BEfore we proceed to the rest of these Observations it ought not to be pass'd by, what the Learn'd Author of them takes notice of, as done by the Publisher in the first part of the same, printed in the Year 1667, in Septemher (viz. Numb. 27, p.498.) where the said Publisher takes the liberty to offer a reason, opposite to his of Similar Attraction: which this Observer in his Second Letter thinks not so fair, except the othe instances, he mentioned, had been refuted.
To which 'tis thought there needs no more to be said, to satisfie the observer, than that the Publisher did not at all obtrude another reason of the Effect, there spoken of, but very modestly (as he conceives) and with an expression implying doubt, suggested only his thoughts, which then occurr'd to him; being so unconcern'd herein, that, to shew on this occasion his averseness from disputing, he altogether leaves it to the Reader to judge, whether Similar Attraction, or Pulsion and Weight be the more Philosophical account of the Phænomenon, there discoursed of: In reference to which, this curious Travellor farther observes;
That the Sea-brise comes not into Jamaica till 8 or 9 of the clock in the morning, and ordinarily ceaseth about 4 or 5 at night. Where yet he adds, that he hath known a Sea-brise blow in the Winter-months 14 days and nights together; and that then no Clouds gather, but Dews fall: But if a North-wind blow, (which sometimes in the Winter-months lasts as long) that then no Dew falls, nor Clouds gather. The Clouds (he faith) begin to gather about 2 or 3 of the clock in the afternoon at the Mountains, and do not embody first in the Air, and after settle there, but settle first, and embody there; the tell of the Skie being clear till Sun-set; so that they do not pass near the Earth in a body, and only stop where they meet with parts of the Earth elevated above the rest; but precipitate from a very great height, and in particles of an exceeding rarified nature, so as not to obscure the Air or Sky at all, that great variety of beautiful Colours in the Canopy of Heaven, being raised to a much greater distance than 'tis here.
Next (to do the Observer farther right) he desires that what is said Numb. 27, p. 497. of having fail'd in the Latitude of Barbados for two days, may be read for some days, he having kept no exact Journal, and believing it was more days. And p. 498. he suggests, that for F. Hawkins it should be read Sir Richard Hawkins in his observ. Sect. 12.
Thirdly, he takes, notice, that he could not learn, how the Tortoises do, when they sleep on the top of the Sea; for they float asleep (faith he) in a calm day a long time, so that the Sea-men hoise out their Boats and row gently to them, and either strike them with irons, or ensnare their Legs with a Rope and a running Net, and so take them. He doth not remember any Swim or Bladder in them, than what contains their Urine.
Fourthly, he observes of the Purging-nuts (of whom so much is said by Authors, as Ligon, Piso, Simon Pauli, &c.) that he could never adjust the Dose, having given from 3 to 60, without any effect in the same person, so that he never durst rely on them; yet he adds, that they often do work as is related.
Fifthly, he notes, that he never saw any good effect of the most innocent Purge during his stay in the Indies, except in Chronical distempers; nor did he ever almost give any, after frequent tryals had made him cautious, but Pills that were Antimonial, or Mercurius vitæ, or Vomitive Infusions.
Sixthly, he relates, that inquiring at the Barbadoes of the Doctors and Chirurgions there, about the use of Opium, so much magnified by Bontius and Piso, he heard them all condemn it, as most stupifying and mortal; and found, that they us'd the London-Laudanum, which he observ'd to be very narcotique, the Opium being extracted with Spirit of Wine. But he faith, he had a Laudanum of Monsieur Le Fevre, call'd Laudanum Simplex, of torrefied Opium, extracted with distill'd Vinegar and some other Correctives, which he affirms never stupifies, no, nor inclines to sleep after 'tis taken, yet immediately easeth all pain. He adds, that he used the London-Laudenum several times, and found two grains to stupifie so, that those who took it, were almost senseless for two days, even when it was mixt with purging Pills in the Colick; but that other never rendred them sleepy; and if they fell asleep, and he awaken'd them presently after, he found them as intelligent, as if they had taken nothing of Opium To which he subjoyns, that he took it himself for 14 weeks every night in the Bilious Colick, where it immediately ceas'd his pains, but perhaps he slept not till two or three hours after; taking it with so much security, that he very seldom weigh'd it, but guess'd at a Pill of two or three, or (as he found his mistake sometimes, when he weigh'd it out of curiosity) even four grains. Nor hath this Laudanum Simplex (by his observation) only this effect in the Indies, where he faith, he used it in all cases to all ages, even sucking Children, but that even here in England he gave it not long ago to a Lady in the Colique bilious, never weighing it, and it eas'd her pains, yet did she never apprehend, that she had taken any such thing, and all the night, if any did but stirre, she could hear them as perfectly, as ever she could when she slept naturally.
Seventhly, he takes notice, that the Observation, which Oviedo hath about Lice, which is, that they leave the Spaniards as they go to the Indies in such a degree, and meet them again in the same Latitude in their return, is very true. For though the ships, they went in, with such a multitude of Servants and Seamen, were not over-cleanly, yet (as he remembers) before they came to the Tropick, there were none Lowsie; whereas before, one could not walk amongst them, but his cloaths would gather Lice. In the Indies (faith he) none are Lowsie, how nasty soever, except it be in their heads; and there they breed much: but he could never hear of the most nasty, that ever they had them in their shirts or cloaths. And in their return home he did observe, that they did multiply again, after they came to about the Latitude of the Maderas. Discoursing with his Captain and others about the reason of it, the ingenious Sir Christopher Mings, one of the most observing persons in the World, said, that when they approach the Long-reach and Tropick, they begin to sweat excessively, which sweat abounding over the body, cloaks the old Lice and kills them: Just thus, he said, it was an usual remedy for lowzy heads, to rubb them all over with Butter or Oyl, and he would warrant, it would kill all the Lice. And as for any new generation, the sweat not lodging in the pores long enough, it was not disposed to produce these vermine at all; for no sweat in the Indy's is rank, as in Europe, that ever he could observe. In their return, the sweat lodgeth longer in the pores and habit of the body, and the particular forms or ferments, being exalted and unloosen'd, and put into activity, shape out those creatures, and so they breed them. But if you ask, why they breed in the Head in the Indies; He answers, that though our faces sweat much, yet doth not our hair so much: besides that the sweat is lodg'd in the hair, and there breeds the vermine, and they take not the care of their heads there as here. However, the Spanish Negroes wash their heads with soap once a week to prevent being lowsie; whilst the other Negroes loose a great deal of time in looking after their heads, which by reason of their curls breed Lice more than the English, insomuch, that he affirms to have seen great holes eaten by Lice in the heads of some of them that were lazy.
Eighthly, He relates, that in the Colick bilious they often used Clysters of Tobacco smoak, but with no success at all. That he gave the juyce of Tobacco, an ounce in a Clyster, which stupified extreamly, but did no other good, than for the present to render them insensible of their pain. He adds, that 'tis usual to give Clysters of a pint of Brandy there, which will make them as drunk and mad as if they had taken it at their mouth. He observ'd, that less Brandy would foxe them in a Clyster then if drunk by them. He tryed a quarter of a pint in a Clyster on himselfe, and it made him not dead drunk, but raging mad, (though mixt with other things) and he faith, he remembers still, how unruly he was, so as not to be held in bed, his reason being depraved by these fumes. So he never took more of that Clyster but once, to reiterate the experiment, the effect being the same. But he complyed with the Spanish Negroes, who to nourish him, gave him a Clyster of halfe a pint of Madera-Sack, the yoke of one Egg, and a little Pepper, warm'd and given at night, and to hold it in all night: which did gently warm his bowels, and cast him always into a gentle sleep and sweat for some hours. He faith, he took many of these in the day time, the effect ceasing after two or three hours.
Lastly, He takes notice of the censure of Simon Pauli in his Herbal p. 383, against Chocolata, and faith, he cannot forgive him for it; being of opinion, that that Liquor, if it were well made and taken in a right way, is the best Diet for Hypochondriaks and Chronical distempers, and the Scurvy, Gout and Stone, and Women lying in, and Children new-born (to prevent Convulsions, and purge the Meconium out) and many other distempers, that ever came into Europe; but that 'tis now rather used for Luxury then Physick, and so compounded, as to destroy the stomack, and to encrease Hypochondriacal diseases, and so cook'd now, as if it were to be transform'd into a Caudle or Custard.
A curious and exact Relation
SIR, I beg your pardon, that I have not made an earlier return to the Letter, by giving you the account, you required of those prodigious Sands, which I have the unhappiness to be almost buried in, and by which a considerable part of my small fortune is quite swallow'd up. But I assure you, my silence was not the result of any neglect, but rather of my respects to you, whose employments I know are too great to suffer you often, vacare nugis. The truth is, I suspended the giving you any trouble, till I was put into some capacity of answering the whole Letter, as well concerning those few Improvements, this part of the Nation has made in Agriculture, as these wonderful Sands, which although they inhabit with and upon me, and have not yet exceeded one Century, since they first broke prison, I could not without some difficulty trace to their Original. But I now find it to be in a Warren in Lakenheath (a Town belonging to the Dean and Chapter of Ely, distant not above 5 miles, and lying South-west and by West of this place) where some great Sand-hills (whereof there is still a remainder) having the Superficies, or sword of the ground (as we call it) broken by the impetuous South-west winds, blew upon some of the adjacent grounds; which being much of the same nature, and having nothing but a thin crust of barren earth to secure its good behaviour, was soon rotted, and dissolved by the other Sand, and thereby easily fitted to increase the Mass, and to bear it company in this strange progress.
At the first Eruption thereof (which does not much exceed the memories of some persons still living) I suppose, the whole Magazin of Sand could not cover above 8. or 10 acres of ground, which increas'd into a 1000 acres, before the Sand had travailed 4 miles from its first aboad. Indeed it met with this advantage, that till it came into this Town, all the ground, it past over, was almost of as mutinous a nature as it self, and wanted nothing but such a Companion to set it free, and to sollicit it to this new Invasion. All the opposition it met with in its Journy hither, was from one Farm-house, which stood within a mile and a half from its first source. This the Owner at first endeavour'd to have secur'd by force and building of Bulworks against the Assaults thereof; but this wing'd Enemy was not to be so oppos'd: which, after some dispute, the Owner perceiving, did not only slight the former Works, but all his Fences, and what else might obstruct the passage of this unwelcome guest, and in four years effected that by a Compliance and Submission, which could never have been done upon other terms: In which he was so successful, as that there is scarce any footsteps left of this mischievous Enemy.
'Tis between 30 and 40 years, since it first reacht the bounds of this Town; where it continued for 10. or 12 years in the Out-skirts, without doing any considerable mischief to the same. The reason of which I guess to be, that its Current was then down-hill, which shelter'd it from those winds, that gave it motion. But that Valley being once past, it went above a mile (up-hill) in two months time, and over-ran 200 acres of very good Corn the same year. 'Tis now got into the body of this little Town, where it hath buried and destroy'd divers Tenements and other Houses, and has inforc'd us to preserve the remainder at a greater charge than they are worth. Which doubtless had also perisht, had not my affection to this poor dwelling oblig'd me to preserve it at a greater expence than it was built: Where at last I have given it some Check, though for 4. or 5. years our Attaques on both sides were with so various success, as the Victory remain'd very ambiguous. For, it had so possest all our Avenues, as there was no passage to us but over two Walls of 8. or 9. foot high (which incompass'd a small Grove before my house, now almost buried in the Sand;) nay, it was once so near a conquest, as at one end of my house it was possest of my Yard, and had blown up to the Eves of most of my out-houses. At the other end it had broke down my Garden-wall, and stopt all passage that way.
But during these hard and various skirmishes l observed, than that Wing of Sand, that gave me the assault, began to contract into a much less compass. For by stopping of it 4. or 5. years (what I could) with Furre-hedges, set upon one another, as fast as the Sand levell'd them (which l find to be the best Expedient to hinder its passage, and by which I have raised Sandbanks near 20 yards high) I brought it into the Circuit of about 8. or 10 acres: And then in one year by laying some hundreds of Loads of Muck and good earth upon it, I have again reduced it to Terra firma, have clear'd all my Walls, and by the assistance and kindness of my neighbours (who help'd me away with above 1500 loads in one month) cut a passage to my house through the main body thereof.
But the other end of the Town met with a much worse fate, where divers dwellings are buried or overthrown, and our Pastures and Meadows (which were very considerable to so small a Town, both for quantity and quality) over-run and destroy'd: And the branch of the River Ouse, upon which we border, (being better known by the name of Thetford-or Brandon-River, between which two Towns we lye,) for 3 miles together so fill'd with Sand, that now a Vessel with two load weight passeth with as much difficulty as before with 10. But had not the stream interpos'd, to stop its passage into Norfolk, doubtless a good part of that Country had ere now been left a desolate Trophy of this Conquering Enemy. For according to the proportion of its increase in these 5 miles, which was from 10. acr. to 15 o; or 20 o; in 10 miles more of the same soil it would have been swell'd to a great vastness.
And now, Sir, I have given you the History of our Sands. I shall out of my respects to your design, (which I truly venerate, and should be glad to be subservient to in the meanest capacity) make this poor Essay towards a Discovery of a Reason and Cause of this strange Accident. Where the first thing observable to me is the quality and situation of the Country, in which this troublesome Guest first took his rise; which lyes East-Nord-East of a part of the great Level of the Fenns, and is thereby fully exposed to the rage of those Impetuous blasts, we yearly receive out of the opposite quarter: which, I suppose, acquire more than an ordinary vigor by the winds passing through so long a Tract; without any check (which, when it has gone so far in triumph, makes its first assaults with the greater fury.) The other thing, that contributes to it, is, the extream Sandiness of the Soyl, the levity of which, I believe, gave occasion to that Landstory of the Actions that use to be brought in Norfolk for Grounds blown out of the Owners possession. But this County of Suffolk is more friendly in that particular, I having hitherto possessed great quanties of this Wandring land, without any scruple; which I should yet be glad to be ridd of without any thing for the keeping, if the Owners would but do me kindness to fetch it away.
As to our Georgicks, they are so little the care and study of any ingenious persons in these parts, that I am asham'd, I mull be so breef upon a Subject so much every bodie's concern. The greatest matters that have been done, hath been by Marling: For, 50 load of Marle to an acre of dry barren lingy Heath make (as they say) a very great improvement both for Corn, Turnips, Clover-grass, Nonsuch and Cole-feed, Of the 3 first, I suppose, I need to say nothing. But of the 2. last, (which are late Experiments) I have received a very good account from some Norfolk Gentle-men, one of whom the last year had of 7 acre of Non-such or Hopp-Clover 70 loads of Seed, besides a great crop of good Hay; which was twice as much worth as the best crop of Wheat in this Country. 'Tis sown (as the Common Clover) with Corn, and when it once takes, it will hold 4 times as long in the ground. About a bushel and an half soweth an Acre; and the Seed is now brought to 12 s. the Comb (or 4 bushels) which was lately at 40 s. The same Gentleman had the last year 10 Combs per acre of Colefeed upon a very dry heath (only improv'd by Marling) and was this year in expectation of a much greater crop, when I last saw him. I am, Sir, Your, &c.
Downham Arenarum, in Suffolk, July 6, 1668. An Extract
SIr, I here present you with a Scheme of the Magnetical Variations, as it was sent me by Capt. Samuel Sturmy, an experienced Seaman, and a Commander of a Merchant Ship for many years; who (as he assures me) took the Observations himself in the presence of Mr. Staynred, an ancient Mathematician, & others, in Rownham-Meadowes by the water-side, in some such approach, I think, to Bristol, as Lime-house or the Fields adjoyning are to London. This (as the Table shews) was taken June 13. 1666; They observed again in the same day of the next year, viz, June 13. 1667; and then they found the Variation increas'd about 6. minutes Westerly.
| Observed June 13. 1668. | |||||||
| Sun's
Observ'd Altitude. |
Magnetical
Azimuth. |
Suns
true Azimuth. |
Variat.
Westerly. | ||||
| Gr. | M. | Gr. | M. | Gr. | M. | Gr. | M. |
| 44 | 20 | 72 | 00 | 70 | 38 | 1 | 22 |
| 39 | 30 | 80 | 00 | 78 | 24 | 1 | 36 |
| 31 | 50 | 90 | 00 | 88 | 26 | 1 | 34 |
| 27 | 40 | 95 | 00 | 93 | 36 | 1 | 24 |
| 23 | 20 | 103 | 00 | 101 | 23 | 1 | 23 |
Now he promiseth to take the Observations in the same Company and Place, on the 13th. June next following, with a Quadrant of 6 foot radius, accurately divided into minutes, and with a very good Needle about 8. inches long; and he doubts not, but the Observations shall be as exactly made, as can be done by any Men in any place of the World.
He adds, that he has found in several places or Meridians, upon his own Observations, from 2. min. to 7. minuts some difference. In this Table he notes the greatest distance or difference to be 14. minutes; and so taking the mean for the true Variation, he concludes it then and there to be just 1. deg, 27. min. viz., June 13, 1666.
The same person promiseth an exact accompt concerning Tydes there, according to the directions formerly given in the Transactions. At present he assureth from many former Observations, that the biggest Spring-Tydes, and Annual Tydes there, are about the Æquinoxes, according as the Moon is neer the Full, or Change, before or after that time. Of this you may expect a more perfect account hereafter.
An Extract,
IAm to acquaint you of an Experiment, if it may deserve that name, and not rather that of a Trifle; the matter of which is known to many, but un-applied (for ought I know) to such use as it affords. And the use is to my self of greater value, than you'l easily imagine, and I think, it may be equally profitable to many. Thus it is: you know, I have mourn'd for the loss of my eyes. I confess my unmanliness, that I have shed many tears in my study for want of them; but that was quite out of the way of recovering them. I know not, whether by standing much before a blazing Fire, or by writing often right before a bright Window, or what else might be the cause of this decay of my sight, who am not above 60 years of age. But I seem'd alwayes to have a kind of thick smoak or mist about me, and some little black balls to dance in the air about my eyes, and to be in the case, as If I came into a room suddenly from a long walk in a great Snow. But so it was, I could not distinguish the Faces of my acquaintance, nor Men from Women in rooms that wanted no light. I could not read the great and black English Print in the Church-Bibles, nor keep the plain and trodden paths in Fields or Pastures, except I was led or guided. I received no benefit by any Glasses, but was in the case of those, whose decay by Age is greater than can be helped by Spectacles. The fairest Prints seemed through Spectacles like blind Prints, litle black remaining.
Being in this sad plight, what trifle can you think hath brought me help, which I value more than a great Sum of Gold? Truly, no other than this; I took Spectacles that had the largest Circles; close to the semi-circles, on the over-part, on both sides, I cut the bone; then, taking out the Glasses, I put black Spanish leather taper-wise into the emptied circles, which widen'd enough (together with the increasing wideness of the Leather,) took in my whole eye at the wider end; and presently saw the benefit through the lesser taper-end, by reading the smallest Prints that are, as if they had been a large and fair Character. I caus'd a Glover to sow them with a double-drawn stitch, that they might have an agreeable roundness, and exclude all rayes of light. So l colour'd the Leather with Ink, to take off the glittering. And this was all the trouble I had, besides the practice and patience in using them. Only, finding that the smaller the remote orifice was, the fairer and clearer the smaller Prints appear'd; and the wider that orifice was, the larger Object it took in, and so required the less motion of my hand and head in reading; I did therefore cut one of these Tapers a little wider and shorter than the other; and this wider I use for ordinary Prints, and the longer and smaller for smallest Prints: These without any trouble, as oft as I see need, or find ease in the change, I alter. l can only put the very end of my little finger into the orifice of the lesser, but the same finger somewhat deeper, yet not quite up to the first joynt, I can insert into the orifice of the wider. Sometimes I use one eye, sometimes another, for ease by the change; for you must expect that the visual rayes of both eyes will not meet for mutual assistance in reading, when they are thus far divided by Tubes of that length.
The lighter the stuff is, the less it will cumber. Remember alwayes to black the inside with some black that hath no lustre or glittering. And you should have the Tubes so moveable, that you may draw them longer or shorter, allowing also (as was newly intimated) the orrifice wider or narrower, as is found more helpful to them, that have need of them. To me it was not necessary, but I conceive it convenient, that Velvet or some gentle Leather should be fastned to the Tabulous part next the eyes, to shadow them from all the encompassing light.
I have already told you, that I found no benefit at all by any kind of Spectacle-glasses; but I have not tryed, what Glasses will doe, if setled in these Tubes; having no need of them, I rest as I am. Now I should be heartily glad, if any of my friends should receive any aid or ease by such an obvious device (containing nothing but emptiness and darkness) as this is. And probably they may be more proper for some that are Squint-eyed, whose eyes doe interfere, and so make the object, as if you would write one line upon another, where, though both should be ever so fairly written, yet neither will be easily legible. Here Squint-eyes will be kept in peace, and at fair Law. Certainly it will ease them, that cannot well bear the light; and perchance it will preserve the sight for longer durance. If N. N. should find the benefit, as I do, he may thank you for the information, &c.
An Extract
THere is more worth in that slight notice, which I sent you last, than any one, that hath not the defect, which I have, will easily imagine. And perhaps no man will have the patience to endure to use it, but he, that is in a like case of necessity and distress as I am. I praise God for it, I see now by this trifle (these Taper-tubes) as well as the youngest in my Family, and can read through them the smallest and blindest Prints, as ever I could from my childhood, though my sight be almost lost. And having used these empty holes for Spectacles little more than a week, I can now use them without trouble all the day long; and I verily believe, that by this little use of them, my sight already is much amended. For I do now see the Greeness of the Garden, and Pastures in a florid verdure, whereas very lately dark colours, blue, and green, had the same hue to my eye.
If you ask me, how this device came in my head, I shall tell you all I do know. Some years agoe I was framing one of Hevelius's Polemoscopes: As I was trying the Tube, without the Dioptrick Glasses, I perceived, that, though the Tube took in very little, and seem'd scarce serviceable for any considerable purpose; yet the object appear'd to me more distinct and clear through the Tube, than through the open Air. This I recollected, and thereupon made the tryal, and found the effect fully to answer to my case, and to be most proper for Characters, as there printed. And then I blam'd not a little my own stupidness, that I did no sooner apply to my self the hint, I might have taken from the Ingenious Dr. Lowers Observations concerning a Blemish in horses eyes, printed in Number 32, though that be nothing to my case, forasmuch as I see very little, if the Air be gloomy, or the Sky clouded; neither have I any resort of humors or sensible defluxions about my eyes.
And now give me leave to add, that if I had consulted with the learnedst and wisest men living, I make no doubt but I should have been disappointed of all relief; and perhaps I might have lost the Crepuscular remains of my Sight by adventurous Essayes upon such a tender Organ. Who knoweth how often the wisest of Mortals are lost, whilst they trample on the remedy, that offers it self at hand? We see how many ingenious and laborious Artists have long labour'd for the Elliptical or Hyperbolical Section of Glasses, hoping thereby to make that britle body of Glass of more worth, than the fairest Diamonds; yet if this were obtain'd to perfection, I doubt it would not afford me the kindness and relief, I gain by these empty and dark Tubes. And now I hope, that all who pretend to Vertue and Philosophy, will use such just scales for the virtue of things, as to estimate every thing, how cheap and contemptible soever it may seem to be, according as 'tis beneficial, and as it brings relief and supply to the distressed. ᾽Αξιςον μεν ὓδωζ.
I must not let this pass, without inserting here a few Notes, some of which referre to those Observations, you received from Dr. Lower, and communicated in the late mentioned Number (32)
1.That Horses of an Iron gray, or Dapple-gray are frequently inclining to loose one or both Eyes, if back'd and hard ridden too soon.
2.That in Man, and Beast (in Horses at least) the right eye is the weakest, and most frequently failing.
3.That the pupil or black of the eye is wider and larger in those that are short-sighted, than in those that see at greater distance.
4. I have often noted some that are short-sighted, I say not pore-blind, to discern all things that are done about them, almost quite behind them, more perfectly then the best-sighted, if the room was not too large for the reach of their sight.
5. Also some of Dr. Lowers Observations I could confirme by my own experience, In my youngest days I had a very narrow escape from an excellent Horse, which had that only defect, which they call, Moon-blind (and they told me of it after the mischief.) I purpos'd to leap a Ditch, but the Horse saw no Ditch, so we fell in together. As Coach-and Cart-horses have flaps on the Ear-sides of their eyes, so these flaps may be fitted (and in some shew of ornament) to shadow the over-part of the eyes, and yet to afford them light enough to see their way. I know not, whether it be usual amongst you; but I have seen a young, Child wear a kind of black Riband, like a narrow Masque before her eyes, the Riband or Maske having holes made in fit places to guide the eye. And this was said to been effectual remedy to cure the Child of Squinting, which she had hereditarily from her Mother.
To conclude, for your trial of the Tubulous Spectacles; the Tubes may be of paper only colored black, and pasted on, and with the inner folds to be drawn out from one inch to three; some of the folds to be taken out, that the orifice may be wider or narrower, as best fits to every degree of defect.
Of the Antiquity of the Transfusion of Bloud from one Animal to another.
There hath been of late some contest about the origin of the Transfusion, the English first claiming it as a late Invention of theirs; the French pretending thereupon, that it had been proposed among them ten years agoe: after which, it was affirm'd upon further investigation, by some ingenious performs in England, that there it had been known 30 years agoe; whereof the Publisher of these Tracts hath good proof in his hands. But it seems, that an Italian Philosopher, in a certain Tract, entituled, Relatione delt'Esperience fatte in Inghilterra, Francia & Italia intornola Transfusione del Sangue, lately printed in Rome, (for the notice whereof we are obliged to the Author of the Journal des Scavans) undertakes to prove, that the Transfusion is yet of greater Antiquity, as having been known to Libavius above 50, years since, For which, that Roman Author alledgeth a place out of the said Libavius (in Defensione Syntagmatis Arcanorum Chymicorum contra Heningum Schneumannum, actione 2. pag. 8. Edit. Francos. A. 1615.) where the Transfusion is so plainly described, that one can hardly discourse of it with more clearness, than there is done, in these words: Adsit (saith Libavius l. c.) Juvenis robustus, sanus, sanguine spirituoso plenus: Adstet exhaustus viribus, tenuis, malicentus, vix animam trahens. Magister artis habeat tubulos argenteos inter, se congurentes, aperiat arteriam robusti, & tubulum inserat muniatque; mox & ægroti arteriam findat, & tubulum fœmineum infigat. Jam duos tubulos sibi mutuo applicet, & ex sano snguis arterialis, calens & spirituosus saliet in ægrotum, unaque vatæ fontem afferet omnemque languorem pellet. This indeed is cleer enough, and obliges us to averre a greater antiquity of this operation, than before we were aware of; though 'tis true, Libavius did not propose it but only to mock at it (which is the common fate of new Inventions, in their Cradle;) besides that he contrives it with great danger, both to the Recipient and Emmittent, by proposing to open Arteries in both; which indeed may be practised upon Brutes, but ought by no means upon Man.
Mr. Gregories Answer
This Answer we shall give the Reader in the same Language and Words, in which the Author of it desired, it might be inferred in this Tract, vis.
AD ea quæ dicit D. Hugenius contra meam Circ. & Hyperb. Quadraturam, ingenue fateor (cum illa scriberem) me non animadvertisse exemplum in prop. 10. non esse seriem convergentem; experientiam enim feci solummodo de primis & secundis terminis, non considerando tertios cum primis coincidere; nam ratiociniis insistebam, de exemplis parum solicitus: Ut autem apparent in hoc nihil contineri contra nostram Doctrinam, agedum hoc loco 10. prop. totidem verbis, sedcum legitimo exemplo, repetamus,
Prop. 10. Problema
SIt series convergens, cujus duo termini convergentes quicunque sunt a, b, & termini convergentes immediate sequentes §§ , #; termini priores inter se multiplicati efficiunt ab, item sequentes inter se multiplicati efficiunt eandem ab; ex his invenienda sit proposita seriei terminatio. Manifestum est, quantiatem ab codem modo sieri a terminis convergentibus a, b, quo a terminis convergentibbus immmediate sequentibus ig': & quoniam quantitates a, b, indefinite ponuntur pro quibustibet totius seriei terminis convergentibus, evidens est, duos quoscunque terminos convergentes propositæ seriei inter se multiplicatos idem efficere productum, quad faciunt termini immediate sequentes etiam inter se multiplicati; cumque duo termini convergentes duos terminos convergentes semper immediate sequantur, manifestum est, duos quoscunque terminos connvergentes inter se multiplicatos idem semper efficere productum, nempe ab; atque ultimi termini convergentes sunt æquales, & proinde sit ultimus ille terminus, seu seriei terminatio z, que in seipsum multiplicata facit ; est igitur z. seu seriei terminatio , quam invenire oportuite & proinde ad inveniendam cujuscunque seriei convergentis terminationem opus est solummado invenire quantitatems eodem modo compositam ex terminis convergentibus primis, quo componitur eadem quantitas ex terminis convergenibus secundis.
Consectarium.
SI quis aliud exemplum desideret, sint primi termini a, b, secundi r'a'b=" fab, quantitias eodem modo composita &c.. est a b & seriei terminatio r"a'b*: videat Hugenius, duo example legitima hic adducta inquisitionem septimæ non, admittere; ope tamen prop. decimæ (supposita tertia illa quantitate) facile resolvuntur, neque ullo modo consectarium respuunt, quod solummodo esse momenti satis sit indicasse; plura autem exempla desideranti millena afferam.
AD primam Hugenii objectionem quod spectat, miror eum non considerasse præcedens consectarium ubi illa, que desiderat, evidenter, deduco ex prop. 10. At agnoscit hoc verum esse in illis seriebus, quæope nostre methodi turminantur: velim certe ut assignet mihi Nobiliss. vis seriem aliquam convergentem cum sua terminatione, quæ consectarium nostrum respuat; vel si eam assignare non possit, solidam dubitandi rationem tantum desidero. Ut autem funditus averatur hæc objectio, sequentem exhibeo demonstrationem Geometricam.
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A |
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Z
X
In objectionibus 2, 3 & 4, contra suas ipsius imaginationes argumentatur Hugenius: Ego enim satis dilucide affirmo in scholio prop. 5, et in fine prop 9. septimam & nonam propositionem esse particularem, unamquæmq, suo casui; item in prop. decima (quam ergo progenerali substituo) evidenter suppono, & non quero, illam quantitatem eodem modo compositam ex primis, quo ex secundis terminis convergentibus; satis enim scio, talem methodum generalem esse impossibilem. Sed omnium maxime admiror, Clarissimum virum non animadvertisse in 8 definitione, Quantitates C, D, E, compositionem ingredientes, semper esse easdem, nempe definitas & invariabiles, ipso autem terminos A, B, esse indefinitos & variabiles, nimirum in F, G, & infinitos alios: at quis est qui non videt. Hugenii non minus esse indefinitam, quam sunt ipsi termini? Deinde in Proœmio nostræ Geometriæ partis universalis, sic dico. Alii objiciunt contra prop. 2, ita; si addatur termino & termino , enervetur vis utriusq; demononstrationis. Respondeo, esse quantitatem indefinitam & alias quantitates indefinitas præter ipsos terminos convergences compositonem non posse ingredi, quod analystam latere non potest: Eodem modo respondeo Hugenio, esse quantitatem indefinitam & ideo compositionem non posse ingredi. Si autem mihi objiciat, in septima me credidisse, suisse quantitatem indefinitam; Respondeo, etiamse divisio per à me satis inconsiderate neglecta sit, aperte tamen constat, me hoc cognovisse ex diversitate methodorum, quibus utor in septima & decima, quippe ista particulari, in qua quantitatcm illam quæro, & hac generali, in qua illam suppone; nulla enim alia ratio hujus diversitatis excogitari potest; quod etiam ex ipsis septima & decima est manifestum, cum appellum semper terminos convergentes quantitates indefinitas, hoc ipso satis significans, nullas alias quantitates indefinitas calculo inesse.
Semper credidi in rebus scientificis verba ita candide esse explicanda (se modo possibite sit) ut discursus nullum includat absurdum; at Hugenius statis percipit, discursum nihil continere absurdi, modo nulla quantitas indefinite præter ipsos terminos compositionem ingrediatur; judicat tamen absque omni ratione, me contrarium existimasse; libenter eni, optarem Hugenium assignasse locum, ubi assero, illam inquisitionem 7mæ esse universalem. Dico igitur & declaro me intelligere, nullam quantitatem indefinitam præter ipsos terminos convergentes compositionem posse ingredi. Atque ita corrunt tres ultimæ Hugenii sive diverse objectiones, sive ejusdem portiones; nescio enim, quare in tot partes dividatur.
Sch. 5:
Con. 10Præcedentibus perceptis, evidentissimum est, Circuli, Ellipseos vel Hyperbolae Sectorem esse terminationem seriei convergentis, cujus primi termini , , & secundi , . & proinde Sectorem eodem modo componi ex primis terminis quo ex secundis; atque evidens est, nullam dari quantitatem eodem modo analyticè compositam ex primis terminis quo ex secundis, quoniam primos eodem modo analyticè tractando quo secundos, semper restat altior potestas ipsius a in primorum producto, quam in producto secundorum; de hoc (si non credatur) fiat experientia, & constabit non solum assertionis veritas, sed etiam ejusdem demonstratio; quando autem altior est ejusdem potestas in una quantitate quam in altera, nulla datur indefinita æquatio, de qua hic tantum loquimur, hoc est, ut (positis a, b, ad libitum) æqualitus semper ritè procedat. Atque hæc est summa non solum propnis 11mæ sed etiam totius nostræ Circ. & Hyp. Quadraturæ, ab Hugenio adhuc intactæ. Gratias tamen ago nobilissimo viro, quod meas qualescunque lucubrationes examinare dignatus est, hinc enim mihi data est occasio illas fusius explicandi & confirmandi. Num Hugeniana methodus circulum mensurandi mea sit præcisior, experientæ relinquo judicandum; quod autem nostra, Hyperbolam quadrandi, illi etiam innotuerat, de hoc nihil habea quod dicam, nisi quod mihi gratuler, inventa mea ipso Hugenio non æstimari indigna.
An Account of some Books.
I. DISCOURS PHYSIQUE DE LA PAROLE, par M. DE CORDEMOY, à Paris in 12° which is now a printing in English at London for Mr. John Marin in 12°.
This Author, after he had in a former discourse, (whereof an account was given Numb. 17. p. 306. under the Title of Le discernement du Corps & des Ame) proposed the way of Knowing on's selfe, shewing, that it consists only in discerning in our selves the Operations of the Soul, and those of the Body; doth now propose the means of knowing others, which is Speech, He explicateth, what it is, and endeavors exactly to distinguish, what it borrows from the Soul, and what from the Body.
In this disquisition, he reasons upon nothing but what he hath found in himselfe, and as if he had never yet been assur'd, there were any other men besides himselfe, he says in the very beginning upon this consideration, viz. Whether it be necessary, that all Bodies, which he sees to be like his, be united to such Souls as his. He resolv'd not to believe it, unless he have such evident signes of it, that he can doubt no longer thereof. He examines, what the most surprising things are, that Bodies do, and as long as he can impute the cause of it to the disposition of their Organs, he thinks he may assure, they have no Soul: But after having found in the sole frame and position of the parts of the Body, how to render a reason of the noise, sounds, difference of voices, and even of words, pronounced by Echo's and Parrets, he finds himself at last oblig'd to admit Souls in all such Bodys, as resemble His, and to acknowledge it not possible, that they should thus speak to purpose as they do, without being endow'd with Reason.
Next, having found, that to Speak, is nothing but to give signs of our thoughts, he takes notice of some of those signs. The first, he considers, are the motions of the Face, and those sounds, which ordinarily accompany the different states of the Body; observing, that naturally they are joyn'd to Passions, which the soul feels on the occasion of changes in the Body: taking also notice, that this manner of expressing on's self is the first of Languages, and the most Universal, since there is no Nation but understands it. Besides these Natural signs of the Passions of the foul, he discovers that there are others, that are instituted, by which she can express whatsoever he conceiveth. He shews the agreement and difference of some of these signes in order to make his deduction from thence to be understood. Here he takes occasion to consider, How one may invent a Language; How a man may understand that of a Contry, where no man understands his; and then, how Children learn to speak; admiring here the force of Reason in them from their infancy, to make them discern the signification of every word; but what surprises him most of all is, the order they follow therein, forasmuch as 'tis altogether like that of the Grammar, even the Rules of this seeming to have been learnt from little Children.
Then he distinguishes, what it is, that the Body contributes to Speech; examining in a Speaker, how the Air enters into his Lungs; why it makes a sound in issuing out of the Wind-pipe? What diversity the Muscles cause in sound? What parts or the mouth are employed to make it terminate in a voice? What is the configuration of every of them in these different terminations? What is the change of the Throat, Tongue, Teeth, Lips in all the Articulations? Which gives him to understand, what Speech is as to the Body. Then he observes the effect, which sound produces in the Ear and Brains of the Hearer; and finds, that it is by reason of the Agreement, which is between the Brain and the other parts of every Animal, that it can be so differently agitated by different sounds. And having considered the use of the Nerves, which communicate themselves from the Ear to all the parts that serve to the forming of speech, he discovers the reasons of many effects, that are thought surprising, as to see certain Birds imitating the song of others, the sound of our Musical Instruments, and often our very Words.
Hence also he draws Reasons to convince him, that Brutes need no Soul to make a noise, nor to be moved by a voice, nor to imitate the sound of our words: Whereas he finds, that in Men the motion of the Parts, which serve for the Voice, or of those that are agitated thereby, is always accompanied by some thoughts or other; and that in speech there are always two things inseparably joyned, viz, the Formation of the voice, which cannot proceed but from the Body, and the signification or Idea joyn'd with it, which cannot come but from the soul.
This Author treateth here concerning the Figures mention'd in the Title (measuring their Area's) very accurately and geometrically,; as also concerning several other things, conducing to the perfection of Geometry. He mentions one of these spirals to be the Line described by a Heavy body, falling towards the Center of the earth, supposing the Earths Motion; where also he touches the controversie betwixt himself and Riccioli; of which we discoursed more at large in the next foregoing Number.
This Book is re-printed in London, for Mos. Pitts in Little-Britain and annex'd to Logarithmotechnia N. Mercatoris, printed for the same; of which latter we intend to entertain the Reader in our next, (God permitting.) It was thought fit to be so reprinted, partly, by reason of its scarseness, there being but a few printed for the Author in Italy, but chiefly, by reason of the excellency of the Argument, which is, de Maximis & Minimis, or the Doctrine of Limits: Wherein (according to the account of the Intelligent Mr. J. C.) the Author shews a deep Judgement in discovering a Medium to reduce the lately found out Analytical Doctrine de Maximis & Minimis to pure Geometry.
The Tract it self is every small, being but little more than two sheets of Paper; wherein is demonstrated the Doctrine of Caravagio de Applicationibus, who affirms, that he, who is ignorant therein, may mispend his time about Æquations, in searching for that which cannot be found. He delivers also a method of drawing Touch-lines to all the Conick Sections, and divers other Curves, concerning which, the Author speaking of Apollonius saith,
Si quis ipsius Constuctionem, atque demonstrationem 34. prop. 1, lib. Conicorum cum nostris comparabit, nonnihil fortaffe proficiet in Arte diletandi Propostiones & Demonstrationes. Nam quod Ille de Quadratica tantum Hyperbole, Ellipsi, & Circulo starnit, Nos ad omns porrigimus Hyperbolas, Ellipses Circulosque Infinitos: And p. 12 the like for infinite Parabolas: And these are some of those matters handled by the Author, which p. 7, he affirms to be of excellent use, Ad inveniendas plurium linearum Tangentes, figurarum Centra gravitatis & Quadraturas: Herein, agreeing with des Cartes in his Geometry, p. 40. where speaking of the same matter, he saith; Nec verebor dicere, Problema hoc non eorum modo, quæscio, utilissimum & generalissimum esse, sed etiam corum, quæ in Geometria scire unquam desider averim.
This excellent Author promiseth some other Treatises in his Preface to an Abbot, where he saith;
Si hoc affequar, ut tibit cætrisque amicis, earundem disciplinarum intelligentibus, probetur, minus erit imposterum, quam ob rem humanissimis tuis hortationibus oblucter, cum Author mihi esse perseverabis edendi alia, quæ tecum jampridem communicavi, de Præceptis universæ Artis Analyticæ Geometrica methodo breviter & expedite demonstratis, una cum Animadversione Erratorum, quæ in ipsis tradendis magni nominis Authores errasse deprehendi; faciliusque obtinebis, ne diatius premam apud me, quæcunque da Geometria disputata, & literis consignata, in certa redegi Propositiones, & ex his illam præcipue a Torricellio & a Te quoq; tantopere comemendatam, quæ integram doctrinam 30. Propositionum Archimedis, Lucæ Valerii, & aliorum, una complectitur. Besides, he promiseth (which matter yet hath already been well handled by La Lovera in his Elementa Tetragonismica, Tolosæ, A, 1551. and by Hugenius in the same year in a small Tract, intitul'd Theoremata de Quadratura Hyperbaoes, Ellipsis, & Circuli, ex dato portionum gravitatis centro;) duas alias, quibus totam pené J., Caroli dela Faille, de Centro gravitatis partium Circuli & Ellipseos doctrinam (justo vol. ab ipso explicatam) absolvo.
But then, p. 7. he promiseth Justum opus, ibi dubimus novam solidorum Conicorum seriem, qui sectio exhibent infinitas, uti vocant, Hyperboldas, infinitas Parabolas, infinitas Ellipses, & analogiam servando, Circulos etiam infinitos: unde Lectoribus manifeste apprerebit, de Conicis me multo plus adinvenisse, quam cæteros, eosque ingeniosissimos viros, qui communem tantum Hyperbolen, Parabolen, Ellipsin, & Circulum (figuras, Conici, in nostra nova serie prædicta, secundi gradus) agnoverunt; alias, tertii & quarti, & cæterorum, non item: nisi quod de Parabolis infinitis, per puncta in Plano descriptis, pauca, licet cognitione dignissima, tradidere nonnulli; quos inter duo præcellentes ingenio viri, Fermatus ac Torricellius, inventorum præstantia & numero commendabiles, ac veteribus proximi, qui novum insuper excogitarunt Hyperbolarum Infinitarum genus. Neque prætereundum pato, quam plures Apollonii Propositiones atque demonstrationes aptari Sectionibus nostris, & per omnia congruere, affect asque multipliciter Æquationes, harum Sectionum ope resolvi facillime & determinari posse.
IV. LA VENERIE ROYALE du Sr. de SALNOVE, in 4°. a Paris.
THe Author of this Book, having (as himselfe declares) practised both the Art Military and that of Hunting for the space of 35 years under the active Reigns of those two Great Kings in France, HENRY IV. and LOUIS XIII. affirms, that he delivers only from his own experience the true Rules of Hunting: in the performing of which, he doth. from the different kinds of Game, divide his Book into 6 parts, teaching, what belongs to the Hunting of the Stagg (where he inserts the peculiar manner of Stag-hunting in Piemont) the Hare, Roe-buck, Wolf, Wild-boar, and the Fox; describing withal the peculiar and approv'd remedies for all manner of diseases of all sorts of Hunting-dogs; and adding his observations of all the various sounds, and his instructions for all the Terms of Hunting. All which he concludeth with directions, how to stock Forests with great Deere, and with an Enumeration of all the considerable Woods and Forests in France, together with their Games, Lodges, Relays, &c.
In the SAVOY,
Printed by T.N. for John Martyn, Printer to the Royal Society and are
to be sold at the Bell a little without Temple-Bar, 1668.