American History Told by Contemporaries/Volume 2/Chapter 3
PART II THE SEPARATE COLONIES
CHAPTER III — NEW ENGLAND
16. Salem Witches (1692)by reverend deodat lawson (1704)
Lawson was minister at Salem Village (now Danvers), where the witchcraft excitement first broke out. His account is paralleled by those of Calef and Increase Mather.—Bibliography: Charles W. Upham, Salem Witchcraft, I, 268-284, II, 76-92, 525- 537; Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, II, ch. vi, notes; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 129.
IT pleased God in the Year of our Lord 1692 to visit the People at a place called Salem Village in NEW-ENGLAND, with a very Sore and Grievous Affliction, in which they had reason to believe, that the Soveraign and Holy GOD was pleased to permit Satan and his Instruments, to Affright and Afflict, those poor Mortals in such an Astonishing And Unusual manner.
Now, I having for some time before, attended the work of the Ministry in that Village, the Report of those Great Afflictions, came quickly to my notice ; and the more readily, because the first Person Afflicted, was in the Minister's Family, who succeeded me, after I was removed from them; in pitty therefore to my Christian Friends, and former Acquaintance there, I was much concerned about them, frequently consulted with them, and fervently (by Divine Assistance) prayed for them; but especially my Concern was augmented, when it was Reported, at an Examination of a Person suspected for Witchcraft, that my Wife and Daughter, who Dyed Three Years before, were sent out of the World under the Malicious Operations of the Infernal Powers; as is more fully represented in the following Remarks. I did then Desire, and was also Desired, by some concerned in the Court, to be there present, that I might hear what was alledged in that respect; observing therefore, when I was amongst them, that the Case of the Afflicted was very amazing, and deplorable; and the Charges brought against the Accused, such as were Ground of Suspicions yet very intricate, and difficult to draw up right Conclusions about them. . . .
1. One or two of the first that were Afflicted, Complaining of unusual Illness, their Relations used Physick for their Cure, but it was altogether in vain.
2. They were oftentimes, very stupid in their Fits, and could neither hear nor understand, in the apprehension of the Standers by, so that when Prayer hath been made, with some of them, in such a manner as might be audible in a great Congregation; yet when their Fit was off, they declared they did not hear so much as one Word thereof.
3. It was several times Observed, that when they were discoursed with, about GOD or CHRIST, or the Things of Salvation, they were presently afflicted at a dreadful Rate, and hence were oftentimes Outragious, if they were permitted to be in the Congregation, in the Time of the Publick Worship. . . .
5. They affirm'd, That they saw the Ghosts of several departed Persons, who at their appearing, did instigate them, to discover such as (they said) were Instruments to hasten their Deaths; threatning sorely to afflict them, if they did not make it known to the Magistrates; they did affirm at the Examination, and again at the Tryal of an accused Person, that they saw the Ghosts of his two Wives (to whom he had carryed very ill in their Lives, as was proved by several Testimonies and also that they saw the Ghosts of My Wife and Daughter,(who dyed above three Years before) and they did affirm, that when the very Ghosts looked on the Prisoner at the Bar, they looked red, as if the Blood would fly out of their Faces, with Indignation at him: The Manner of it was thus; Several Afflicted being before the Prisoner at the Bar, on a sudden they fixed all their Eyes together, on a certain Place of the Floor before the Prisoner; neither moving their Eyes nor Bodies, for some few Minutes, nor answering to any Question which was asked them; so soon as that Trance was over, some being removed out of Sight and Hearing, they were all one after another asked what they saw, and they did all agree, that they saw those Ghosts above mentioned; I was present, and heard and saw the whole of what passed upon that Account, during the Tryal of that Person who was accused to be the Instrument of Satan's Malice therein. 6. In this (worse than Gallick) Persecution by the Dragoons of Hell, the Persons afflicted were harrassed at such a dreadful rate, to write their Names in a Devil-Book, presented by a Spectre unto them; and One in my hearing said, I will not, I will not Write, it is none of God's Book, it is none of God's Book; it is the Devil's Book for ought I know: And when they stedfastly refused to sign, they were told if they would but touch or take hold of the Book it should do: And Lastly, The Diabolical Propositions were so low and easy, that if they would but let their Clothes, or any thing about them, touch the Book, they should be at ease from their Torments, it being their Consent that is aimed at by the Devil in those Representations and Operations.
7. One who had been long afflicted at a stupendious rate, by two or three Spectres, when they were (to speak after the manner of Men) tyred out with tormenting of her, to Force or Fright her to sign a Covenant with the Prince of Darkness, they said to her, as in a Diabolical and Accursed Passion, Go your ways and the Devil go with you, for we will be no more pestred and plagued about you. And ever after that she was well, and no more afflicted that ever I heard of.
8. Sundry Pins have been taken out of the Wrists and Arms of the Afflicted ; and one in time of Examination of a suspected Person, had a Pin run through both her Vpper and her Lower Lip, when she was called to speak; yet no apparent festering followed thereupon, after it was taken out.
9. Some of the Afflicted, as they were striving in their Fits, in open Court, have (by invisible means) had their Wrists bound fast together with a real Cord, so as it could hardly be taken off without cutting. Some Afflicted have been found with their Arms tyed, and hanged upon an Hook, from whence others have been forced to take them down that they might not expire in that Posture.
10. Some Afflicted have been drawn under Tables and Beds, by undiscerned Force, so as they could hardly be pull out: And one was drawn half way over the Side of a Well, and was with much difficulty recovered back again.
11. When they were most grievously afflicted, if they were brought to the Accused, and the suspected Persons Hand but laid upon them, they were immediately relieved out of their Tortures; but if the Accused did but look on them, they were instantly struck down again. Wherefore, they use to cover the Face of the Accused, while they laid their Hands on the Afflicted, and then it obtained the desired Issue; for it hath been experienced (both in Examinations and Tryals) that so soon as the Afflicted, came in sight of the Accused, they were immediately cast into their Fits ; yea, though the Accused were among the Crowd of People unknow to the Sufferers, yet on the first view were they struck down ; which was observed in a Child of four or five Years of Age, when it was apprehended, that so many as she could look upon, either directly or by turning her Head, were immediately struck into their Fits.
12. An iron Spindle of a woollen Wheel, being taken very strangely out of an House at Salem Village, was used by a Spectre, as an Instrument of Torture to a Sufferer, not being discernable to the Standers by ; until it was by the said Sufferer snatched out of the Spectres Hand, and then it did immediately appear to the Persons present to be really the same iron Spindle.
13. Sometimes in their Fits, they have had their Tongues drawn out of their Mouths to a fearful length, their Heads turned very much over their Shoulders ; and while they have been so strained in their Fits, and had their Arms and Legs, &c. wrested, as if they were quite dislocated, the Blood hath gushed plentifully out of their Mouths, for a considerable time together ; which some, that they might be satisfied that it was real Blood, took upon their Finger and rubbed on their other Hand. I saw several together thus violently strained and bleeding in their Fits, to my very great astonishment, that my fellow-Mortals should be so grievously distressed by the invisible Powers of Darkness. For certainly, all considerate Persons, who beheld these things, must needs be convinced, that their Motions in their Fits were Preternatural and Involuntary, both as to the Manner which was so strange, as a well Person could not (at least without great Pain) screw their Bodies into ; and as to the violence also, they were Præternatural Motions, being much beyond the ordinary Force of the same Persons when they were in their right Minds. So that being such grievous Sufferers, it would seem very hard and unjust to censure them of consenting To, or holding any voluntary Converse or Familiarity with the Devil.
14. Their Eyes were for the most part fast closed in their Trance-Fits, and when they were asked a Question, they could give no Answer ; and I do verily believe, they did not hear at that time, yet did they discourse with the Spectres as with real Persons ; asserting Things, and receiving Answers, affirmative or negative, as the Matter was. For Instance, One in my hearing thus argued with, and railed at a Spectre, Goodn be gone ! be gone ! be gone ! Are you not ashamed, a Woman of your Profession, to afflict a poor Creature so? What hurt did I ever do you in my Life? You have but two Years to live, and then the Devil will torment your Soul for this : Your Name is blotted out of God's Book, and it shall never be put into God's Book again. Be gone for shame, are you not afraid of what is coming upon you? I know, I know, what will make you afraid, the Wrath of an angry God : I am sure that will make you afraid. Be gone, do not torment me ; I know what you would have, (we judged she meant her Soul:) but it is out of your reach, it is clothed with the white Robes of Christ's Righteousness. This Sufferer I was well acquainted with, and knew her to be a very sober and pious Woman, so far as I could judge ; and it appears that she had not in that Fit, voluntary Converse with the Devil ; for then she might have been helped to a better Guess about that Woman above-said, as to her living but two Years, for she lived not many Months after that time. . . .
16. Some of them were asked how it came to pass that they were not affrighted when they saw the Black-man, they said they were at first, but not so much afterwards.
17. Some of them affirmed, they saw the Black-man sit on the Gallows, and that he whispered in the Ears of some of the Condemned Persons when they were just ready to be turn'd off; even while they were making their last Speech. . . .
19. Some of them, have sundry times seen a White-man appearing amongst the Spectres, and as soon as he appeared, the Black-Witches vanished . They said : This White-man had often foretold them, what respite they should have from their Fits ; as sometimes a day or two, or more, which fell out accordingly. One of the Afflicted said she saw him in her Fit, and was with him in a Glorious Place, which had no Candle nor Sun, yet was full of Light and Brightness ; where there was a multitude in white Glittering Robes, and they sang the Song in Rev. 5. 9. Psal. 110. Psal. 149. she was loth to leave that Place, and said how long shall I stay here, let me be along with you? She was grieved, she could stay no longer in that Place and Company.
20. A young Woman that was afflicted at a fearful rate, had a Spectre appeared to her, with a white Sheet wrapped about it, not visible to the Standers by, until this Sufferer (violently striving in her Fit) snatch'd at, took hold, and tore off a Corner of that Sheet ; her Father being by her, endeavoured to lay hold upon it with her, that she might retain what she had gotten ; but at the passing away of the Spectre, he had such a violent Twitch of his Hand, as if it would have been torn off; immediately thereupon appeared in the Sufferers hand, the Corner of a Sheet, a real cloth, visible to the Spectators, which (as it is said) remains still to be seen.
Deodat Lawson, Christ's Fidelity the only Shield against Satan's Malignity (Boston, 1704), Appendix, 93-109 passim.
17. Witches' Testimony (1692)
BY CLERK EZEKIEL CHEEVER
The original minutes of the witch trials at Salem, still well preserved, afford the most striking proof of the inadequacy of the evidence and of the terror of the prosecutors. — Bibliography: Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, II, ch. vi, notes; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 129.
Salem ffeby the 29th 16912
WHEREAS Mrs Joseph Hutcheson, Thomas Putnam, Edward Putnam, and Thomas Preston, Yeoman of Salem Village in ye County of Essex, personally appeared before vs and made Complaint on Behalfe of their Majests against Sarah Good the wife of William Good of Salem Village abovesd for suspition of Witchcraft by her Committed, and thereby much Injury donne by Eliz. Paris, Abigail Williams, Anne Putnam and Elizabeth Hubert all of Salem Village aforesd Sundry times within this two moneths and Lately also don, at Salem Village Contrary to ye peace of our Souern Ld and Lady Wm & Mary, King & Queen of Engld &c — You are therefore in theire Majesties names hereby required to apprehed & bring before vs, the said Sarah Good to morrow aboute ten of ye clock in ye forenoon at ye house of Lt Nathaniele Ingersalls in Salem Village or as soon as may be then and there to be Examined Relating to ye abovesd premises and hereof you are not to faile at your perile. Dated. Salem, febr 29th 16912
| John Hathorne Jonathan Corwin |
Assists. |
To Constable George Locker.
I brought the person of Saragh Good the wife of William Good according to the tenor of the within warrant, as is Attest by me
1 March 16912 George Locker—Constable Anno : Regis et Reginee Willm et Mariae
nunc Anglice &c. Quarto
Essex ss.
The Jurors for our Sovereigne Lord and Lady the King and Queen, present, That Sarah Good the wife of William Good of Salem Village in the County of Essex, Husbandman, the Second Day of May in the forth year of the Reigne of our Sovereigne Lord and Lady William and Mary by the Grace of God of England, Scotland ffrance & Ireland King and Queen Defenders of the ffaith &c and Divers other Days and times as well before as after, certaine Detestable arts called Witchcrafts and Sorceries, Wickedly and ffeloniously hath vsed, Practised and Exorcised, at and within the Township of Salem in the County of Essex aforesaid, in, upon and against one Sarah Vibber wife of John Vibber of Salem aforesaid, Husbandman, by which said wicked Arts, she the said Sarah Vibber the said Second Day of May in the fourth year abovsaid and divers other Days and times as well before as after was and is Tortuered Afflicted, Pined, Consumed, wasted and Tormented, and also for Sundry other Acts of witchcraft by said Sarah Good committed and done before and since that time agt the Peace of our Sovereigne Lord & Lady the King & Queen theire Crowne and Dignity and ag the forme of the Statute in that case made and Provided.
Witnesses
Sarah Vibber Jurat
Abigail Williams Jurat
Elizabeth Hubbard "
Ann Putnam Jurat
Jno Vibber Sworne . . .
The examination of Sarah Good before the worshipfull Assts John Harthorn Jonathan Curran
(H.) Sarah Good what evil Spirit have you familiarity with
(S. G.) None.
(H.) Have you made no contracte with the devil
Good answered no.
(H.) Why doe you hurt these children
( g ) I doe not hurt them. I scorn it.
(H) Who doe you imploy then to doe it.
( g ) I imploy no body
(H) What creature do you imploy then.
( g ) no creature but I am falsely accused.
(H) why did you go away muttering from Mr Parris his house.
( g ) I did not mutter but I thanked him for what he gave my child
(H) have you made no contract with the devil.
(g) no.
(H) desired the children all of them to look upon her and see if this were the person that had hurt them and so they all did looke upon her, and said this was one of the persons that did torment them —presently they were all tormented.
(H) Sarah Good do you not see now what you have done, why doe you not tell us the truth, why doe you thus torment these poor children
( g ) I doe not torment them.
(H) who do you imploy then.
( g ) I imploy nobody I scorn it.
(H) how came they thus tormented
( g ) what doe I know you bring others here and now you charge me with it.
(H) why who was it.
( g ) I doe not know but it was some you brought into the meeting house with you.
(H) wee brought you into the meeting house.
( g ) but you brought in two more.
(H) who was it then that tormented the children.
(g) it was osburn.
(H) what is it you say when you go muttering away from persons houses
( g ) if I must tell I will tell.
(H) doe tell us then
( g ) if I must tell, I will tell, it is the commandments. I may say my commandments I hope.
(H.) what commandment is it.
( g ) if I must tell I will tell, it is a psalm.
(H) what psalm.
(g) after a long time shee muttered over some part of a psalm.
(H) who doe you serve
( g ) I serve God
(H) what God doe you serve.
( g ) the God that made heaven and earth, though shee was not willing to mention the word God. her answers were in a very wicked spitfull
Salem Village March the 1st 16912
Written by Ezekiell Chevers
Salem Village March th 1st 16912 . . .
Salem Village March the 1st 16912
Sarah Osburne the wife of Alexander Osburne of Salem Village brought before vs by Joseph Herrick constable in Salem, to answer Joseph Hutcheson and Thomas putnam &c yeomen in sd Salem Village Complainants on behalfe of theire Majestsaganist sd Sarah Osburne for Suspition of Witchcraft by her Committed and thereby much Injury don to the bodys of Elizabeth Parris, Abigail Williams Anna Putnam and Elizabeth Hubert, all of Salem Village aforesaid, according to theire Complaint, according to a Warrant, Dated Salem ffebuy 29th 16912
Sarah Osburne vpon Examination denyed ye matter of fact (viz) yt she ever vnderstood or vsed any Witchcraft, or hurt any of ye aboue sd children.
The children aboue named being all personally present accused her face to face which being don, thay ware all hurt, afflicted and tortured very much ; which being ouer and thay out of theire fitts thay sayd yt said Sarah Osburne, did then come to them and hurt them, Sarah Osburn being then keept at a distance personally from them. S. Osburne was asked why she then hurt them, she denyed it, it being asked of her how she could soe pinch and hurt them and yet she be at that distance personally from ym , she Answered she did not then hurt them, nor never did, she was asked who then did it, or who she Imploy to doe it, she Answered she did not know yt ye Divell goes aboute in her likeness to doe any hurt. Sarah Osburn being told yt Sarah Good one of her Companions had vpon Examination accused her, she nottwithstanding denyed ye same, according to her Examination, wch is mor at Large giuen in as therein will appeare.
p. vs.
| John Hathorne Jonathan Corwin |
Assits. |
(H) what evil spirit have you familiarity with.
(O) none.
(H) have you made no contract with the devill.
(O) no I never saw the devill in my life.
(H) why doe you hurt these children.
(O) I doe not hurt them.
(H) who do you imploy then to hurt them.
(O) I imploy no body.
(H) what familiarity have you with Sarah Good.
(O) none. I have not seen her these 2 years.
(H) where did you see her then.
(O) one day a going to town.
(H) what communications had you with her.
(O) I had none, only, how doe you doe or so, I did not know her by name.
(H) what did you call her then.
Osburn made a stand at that, at last said, shee called her Sarah.
(H) Sarah Good saith that it was you that hurt the children.
(O) I doe not know that the devil goes about in my likeness to doe any hurt.
Mr Hathorn desired all the children to stand up and look upon her and see if they did know her, which they all did and every one of them said that this was one of the women that did afflict them, and that they had constantly seen her in the very habit, that shee was now in, theire evidence do stand that shee said this morning that shee was more like to be bewitched, than that shee was a witch. Mr Hathorn asked her what made her say so, shee answered that shee was frighted one time in her sleep and either saw or dreamed that shee saw a thing like an indian all black which did prick her in her neck and pulled her by the back part of her head to the dore of the house
(H) did you never see anything else.
(O) no.
it was said by some in the meeting house that shee had said that shee would never be tied to that lying spirit any more.
(H) what lying spirit is this, hath the devil ever deceived you and been false to you.
(O) I doe not know the devil I never did see him.
(H) what lying spirit was it then.
(O) it was a voice that I thought I heard.
(H) what did it propound to you.
(O) that I should goe no more to meeting, but I said I would and did goe the next Sabbath day.
(H) were you never tempted furder.
(O) no.
(H) why did you yield thus far to the devil as never to goe to meeting since
(O) Alas. I have been sike and not able to goe. her husband and others said that shee had not been at meeting this yeare and two months. . . .
Salem Village March 1st 1691.
Titiba an Indian woman brought before vs by Const Joseph Herrick of Salem vpon Suspition of witchcraft by her committed according to ye complaint of Jos. Hutcheson and Thomas Putnam &c of Salem Village as appears p warrant granted Salem 29 ffebry 16912 Titiba vpon examination and after some deny all acknowledged ye matter of fact according to her examination giuen in more fully will appeare, and who also charged Sarah Good and Sarah Osburne with ye same . . .
(H) Titibe whan evil spirit have you familiarity with.
(T) none.
(H) why do you hurt these children.
(T) I do not hurt them,
(H) who is it then.
(T) the devil for ought I know.
(H) Did you never see the devil.
(T) The devil came to me and bid me serve him.
(H) Who have you seen.
(T) Four women sometimes hurt the children.
(H) Who were they.
(T) Goode Osburn and Sarah Good and I doe not know who the other were. Sarah Good and Osburne would have me hurt the children but I would not she further saith there was a tale man of Boston that she did see.
(H) when did you see them.
(T) Last night at Boston.
(H) what did they say to you.
they said hurt the children
(H) and did you hurt them
(T) no there is 4 women and one man they hurt the children and
(H) but did you not hurt them
(T) yes, but I will hurt them no more.
(H) are you not sorry you did hurt them.
(T) yes.
(H) and why then doe you hurt them.
(T) they say hurt children or wee will doe worse to you.
(H) what have you seen.
an man come to me and say serve me.
(H) what service.
(T) hurt the children and last night there was an appearance that said kill the children and if I would no go on hurting the children they would do worse to me.
(H) what is this appearance you see.
(T) Sometimes it is like a hog and sometimes like a great dog, this appearance shee saith shee did see 4 times.
(H) what did it say to you
(T) it s the black dog said serve me but I said I am afraid he said if I did not he would doe worse to me.
(H) what did you say to it.
(T) I will serve you no longer, then he said he would hurt me and then he looked like a man and threatens to hurt me, shee said that this man had a yellow bird that kept with him and he told me he had more pretty things that he would give me if I would serve him.
(H) what were these pretty things.
(T) he did not show me them.
(H) what also have you seen
(T) two rats, a red rat and a black rat.
(H) what did they say to you.
(T) they said serve me.
(H) when did you see them.
(T) last night and they said serve me, but I said I would not
(H) what service.
(T) shee said hurt the children.
(H) did you not pinch Elizabeth Hubbard this morning
(T) the man brought her to me and made me pinch her
(H) why did you goe to Thomas Putnams last night and hurt his child.
(T) they pull and hall me and make me goe
(H) and what would have you doe.
Kill her with a knif.
Left. Fuller and others said at this time when the child saw these persons and was tormented by them that she did complayn of a knife, that they would have her cut her head off with a knife.
(H) how did you go
(T) we ride upon stickes and are there presently.
(H) doe you goe through the trees or over them.
(T) we see nothing but are there presently.
[H] why did you not tell your master.
[T] I was afraid they said they would cut of my head if I told.
[H] would you not have hurt others if you cold.
[T] They said they would hurt others but they could not
[H] what attendants hath Sarah Good.
[T] a yellow bird and shee would have given me one
[H] what meate did she give it
[T] it did suck her between her fingers.
[H] did not you hurt Mr Currins child
[T] goode good and goode Osburn told that they did hurt Mr Currens child and would have had me hurt him two, but I did not.
[H] what hath Sarah Osburn.
[T] yellow dog, shee had a thing with a head like a woman with 2 legges, and wings. Abigail Williams that lives with her Uncle Parris said that she did see the same creature, and it turned into the shape of Goode Osburn.
[H] what else have you seen with Osburn.
[T] another thing, hairy it goes upright like a man it hath only 2 leggs.
[H] did you not see Sarah Good upon Elizabeth Hubbard, last Saterday.
[T] I did see her set a wolfe upon her to afflict her, the persons with this maid did say that she did complain of a wolfe.
T. shee further saith that shee saw a cat with good at another time.
[H] What cloathes doth the man go in
[T] he goes in black clouthes a tal man with white hair I thinke
[H] How doth the woman go
[T] in a white whood and a black whood with a top knot
[H] doe you see who it is that torments these children now.
[T] yes it is Goode Good, shee hurts them in her own shape
[H] and who is it that hurts them now.
[T] I am blind now. I cannot see.
Salem Village Written by Ezekiell Cheevers.
March the 1st 16912 Salem Village March 1st 16912
[William Elliot Woodward, compiler], Records of Salem Witchcraft (Roxbury, 1864), I, 11-48 passim.
18. Guilt Contracted by the Witch Judges (1697) BY CHIEF JUSTICE SAMUEL SEWALL
Sewall was a distinguished Massachusetts man; for a time a minister, later a judge. In the latter capacity he joined in the condemnation of the witches. His public humiliation is characteristic of the time. — Bibliography: Tyler, American Literature, II, 99-103; Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, II, ch. vi, notes; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 129. —See Contemporaries, I, No. 149.
COPY of the Bill I put up on the Fast day ; giving it to Mr. Wiilard as he pass'd by, and standing up at the reading of it, and bowing when finished ; in the Afternoon.
Samuel Sewall, sensible of the reiterated strokes of God upon himself and family; and being sensible, that as to the Guilt contracted upon the opening of the late Comission of Oyer and Terminer at Salem (to which the order for this Day relates) he is, upon many accounts, more concerned than any that he knows of, Desires to take the Blame and shame of it, Asking pardon of men, And especially desiring prayers that God, who has an Unlimited Authority, would pardon that sin and all other his sins ; personal and Relative : And according to his infinite Benignity, and Sovereignty, Not Visit the sin of him, or of any other, upon himself or any of his, nor upon the Land : But that He would powerfully defend him against all Temptations to Sin, for the future ; and vouchsafe him the efficacious, saving Conduct of his Word and Spirit.
Diary of Samuel Sewall (Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, Fifth Series, V, Boston, 1878), I, 445.
19. An Explanation by Rhode Island (1699)
Cranston was annually elected governor of Rhode Island for thirty years (1696- 1726); a firm, popular, and successful administrator. This letter is addressed to the Lords of Trade. — Bibliography: Arnold, Rhode Island, I, 544-548; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, III, 376-380, V, 163; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 133. — For previous Rhode Island history, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xvii.
RIGHT Honorable : Your letter bearing date Whitehall, October the 25th, 1698, came to our hands the 5th of April last, as likewise the duplicate of the same, we received the same day; wherein your Lordships do signify your observation of the long interval between the date of your letter, the 9th of February, 1698-9, and our-answer to the same.
May it please your Lordships : We shall not justify ourselves wherein we have been remiss, or negligent in that affair ; and hope your Lordships will not impute any thing of contempt in us for the same ; and we shall for the future endeavor to be more dilligent and observant in re turning your Lordships an answer, and giving an account of the affairs of this government. But we having no shipping that sails directly from this Collony, and many times we are disappointed for want of timely notice from other places, the which has been a great disappointment to us in the performance of our duty to your Lordships.
Your Lordships are also pleased to signify that our letter was principally in vindication of our conduct in relation to piracies and pirates, &c. We hope your Lordships will put that constructions upon our writing, that we do not vindicate ourselves, wherein we have ignorantly erred, or for want of better knowledge and a right method we have gone out of the due form and practice your Lordships have now prescribed for us ; and wherein we did or do vindicate ourselves, it is in our innocency, and it s said sins of ignorance ought to be forgiven. And we do humbly beg your Lordships' pardon for the same, hoping for the future to be more circumspect. Your Lordships having been so favorable as to give us directions and instructions, the which we accept as a most bountifull favor from you, and shall with our best endeavors follow the same accordingly.
Your Lordships are also pleased to require a copy of all private commissions which have been granted to any persons from this government,with the bonds, &c. And in obedience to your Lordships' command, we have herewith sent copies of such commissions (if they may properly be so called), they being only defensive, and were granted by the Deputy Governor (contrary to the mind of the then Governor), and he not knowing the due form and method in such cases, took no bonds, concluding as he hath solemnly declared, that they were bound upon a merchandizing voyage ; their design being unknown to the authority.
Your Lordships are further pleased to require copies of the tryall of George Cutler and Robert Munday, with all proceedings from first to last, relating to the same ; and of all other persons and things in the like case. Likewise a copy of the laws and Acts of this government, all which we have accordingly done. Humbly submitting ourselves to your Lordships' favorable constructions upon any thing that may therein be found amiss ; we being wholly ruled and governed by the good and wholesome [laws] of our Mother, the kingdom of England, as far as the constitution of our place will bear ; and we doubt not, but your Lordships are sensible that in these remote parts, we cannot in every punctilio follow the niceties of the laws of England ; but it will be a great damage to his Majesty's interest in the settling and peopling the country.
We do also acknowledge the receipt of your Lordships' letter bearing date Whitehall, February the 3d, 1698–9, with his Majesty s Instructions, relating to the observation of the Acts of trade, &c. ; all which we kindly accept, and shall with the best of our endeavors comply with the same, and we do further acknowledge the receipt of a letter bearing date Whitehall, January the 24th, 1698–9 (the which came to our hands the 24th instant), wherein his Majesty gives us to understand, that severall ships of force have been fitted out of Scotland, with an intent to settle in some parts of America, contrary to his Majesty's knowledge, forbidding of us to hold any correspondency with them, whilst they are engaged in the aforesaid enterprise ; commanding us to send your Lordships an account of our proceeds therein. In obedience to which, we forthwith issued out a Proclamation concerning the same, a copy of which, we herewith send you, and it shall be our further endeavor to see it duly executed.
And may it please your Lordships to accept this further information : that on the beginning of April last, arrived a ship upon our coast, which was by the men that did belong to her, sunk, as they have since confessed. It was a hagboat, of about four hundred tons, belonging to London, bound for the Island of Borneo, in the East India, whereof one Capt'n Gullop was Commander. And at the Island of Polonoys, near the Island of Sumatra, their Commander being on shore with severall others, the boatswain s mate of said ship, one Bradish, with severall others combined, and run away with her, leaving their Commander and severall others, on shore, at said Island of Polonoys.
And for your Lordships' better information, we have herewith sent you the examination of one of the men, now a prisoner in his Majesty's jail in this government, who after the sinking of the said ship, distributed themselves into severall parts of this country, and are all taken and secured in the severall governments, except one, with the greatest part of their money that they brought with them.
We having in our hands to the value of twelve hundred pounds, or thereabouts; all which we shall secure till further orders from your Lordships, we having used all the dilligence we can for discovering what more may be distributed about the country.
We shall always for time to come be very observant in following your Lordships, advice and Instructions, in all cases relating to his Majesty's interest, and once more humbly begging your Lordships' favorable con structions in what of weakness may appear in us. We being a plain and mean sort of people, yet true and loyall subjects to his Most Excellent Majesty, King William, and we hope time will make manifest the same to your Lordships, we being not insensible of the many enemies we have, who hath and do make it their business to render us (to his Majesty and your Lordships), as ridiculous as they can, and to present things to your Lordships quite contrary to what they are or were. For instance, there is one Esquire Randolph, who was employed by the Commissioners of his Majesty's Customs, who did publickly declare he would be a means to eclipse us of our priviledges ; and we know he picked up severall false reports against us. But we do not doubt your Lordships will in time have a further insight and knowledge of such men's actions, and we humbly beg of your Lordships, that you will not entertain any reports against us, so as to give any determination on the same, to our ill conveniency till we can have liberty to answer for ourselves ; we having commissionated and appointed Jahleel Brenton, Esq'r (his Majesty s late Collector of his Customs in these parts), our Agent to answer to what shall be objected against us, or in any other matter or thing, relating to this his Majesty's Collony, begging your Lordships' favor towards him in what shall appear just and right.
So having not further to offer to your Lordships at present, but humbly submitting ourselves to his Most Excellent Majesty, and your Lordships' favorable constructions of what herein shall appear amiss ; wishing his Majesty a long and peaceable reign, and your Lordships health and prosperity under his government.
- Your Lordships most humble servants,
- SAMUEL CRANSTON, Governor.
- Your Lordships most humble servants,
Newport, on Rhode Island, the 27th of May, 1699.
John Russell Bartlett, editor, Records of the Colony of Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, in New England (Providence, 1858), III, 373-375
20. An Historical Sketch of New England (1720)
Daniel Neal was an intelligent historian, one of the few careful writers of his time. — Bibliography: Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 157-158; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 130. — For previous New England history, see Contemporaries, I, Part V.
The inhabitants of New-England. THE Inhabitants of New-England are the Posterity of old English Puritans or Nonconformists to the Church of England, who chose to leave their native Country, and retire into a Wilderness, rather than submit to such Rites and Ceremonies in Religion as they apprehended sinful. They did not differ with the Church in any of the Articles of her Faith, but they scrupled the Vestments, kneeling at the Sacrament, some Parts of the Common- Prayer, and the promiscuous Admission of all Persons to the Communion ; for these things they were silenced and deprived of their Livings, which put great Numbers of the Ministers under a Necessity of removing with their Followers to America.
Their Numbers and military Strength. The Number of Planters that went over to New-England before the Year 1640, were about 4000; after which for the next 20 Years they had no Increase but what sprung up from among themselves ; In the Reigns of King Charles II. and King James II. great Numbers of Dissenters, both Ministers and People went over, to avoid the Hardships they suffer d from the Church ; and it deserves to be taken Notice of, that the Increase of the English Plantations abroad depends very much on the Treatment the Dissenters from the Established Church of England meet with at home : When they are allowed the free Exercise of their Civil and Religious Liberties, they love their native Country too well to leave it ; but when they are oppress'd in so tender a Point as their Consciences, 'tis but reasonable to suppose, that many of them will go where they can make themselves easy ; for the Confirmation of this Observation, we need look no further at present than Ireland, from whence, if I am rightly inform'd, above 6000 Scotch Presbyterians have shipp'd off themselves and their Effects within these few Years for the Plantations of America, chiefly on the Account of the Uneasinesses they were under, with Regard to the free Exercise of their Religion : And great Numbers are still going over every Summer, which if the Legislature are not pleas d to take into Consideration, may in Time very much weaken, if not totally subvert the Protestant Religion in that Kingdom.
To such Causes as these, New-England owes the vast Increase of its Inhabitants . . . the whole Number of Inhabitants must now amount to 160 or 165,000, and of them about 30 or 35000 fighting Men, which is the Military Strength of the Country.
From this Calculation we may conclude, that the Province of New-England is in no great Danger at present from any of its Neighbours, for the Indians are an inconsiderable Body of themselves, and if the French should joyn them, though they might ravage the Frontiers by their flying Parties, they could make no Impressions upon the Heart of the Country ; besides the Indians are divided, some being in Alliance with the French, and others with the English so that in case of a War they may be play'd one against the other. . . .
Their Trade As the Government of New-England is dependant on the Crown of England, so is their Trade ; tis impossible to make an exact Estimate of the Exports and Imports from New-England, without examining the Custom-House-Books, but 'tis computed by the most experienced Merchants trading to those Parts, that they receive from hence all Sorts of Woollen-Drapery, Silks, Stuffs, and Hats ; all Sorts of Linnen, and printed Callicoes, all Sorts of Iron Manufacture, and Birmingham Ware, as Tools for Mechanicks, Knives, Scissars, Buckles, Nails &c. to the Value of 100,000 l. annually, and upwards.
In Return for these Goods, our Merchants export from thence about 100,000 Quintals of dried Cod-fish yearly, which they send to Portugal, Spain, and the several Ports of Italy, the Returns for which are made to London out of the Product of those Countries, and may amount to the Value of about 80,000 l. annually. . . .
But in the Concerns of Civil Life, as in their Dress, Tables, and Conversation, they affect to be as much English as possible ; there is no
Fashion in London, but in three or four Months is to be seen at Boston nay, they are fond of the very Name and Person of an English Man, insomuch that some who have had no great Affection for the People on the Account of their Preciseness, have yet been so agreeably entertain'd by them, as to leave the Country with Regret. In short, the only Difference between an Old and a New-English Man is in his Religion ; and here the Disagreement is chiefly about the Liturgy, and Church-Government, the one being for a National Church, govern d by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and a Convocation : The other esteeming all Ministers to be of the same Order, and every Society of Christians meeting together in the same Place, a compleat Christian Church, having all Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within itself, without being subject to a Classis, Synod, or Convocation any further than for Advice.
Their Political Interests. It can't be denied but there are two State-Factions in New-England, as well as in most Kingdoms of Europe,which have arisen partly from a private narrow Spirit in some leading Men, who are a Sort of Spies upon the Gover[n]ment they live under, and express their Dislike of the Management of publick Affairs in all Companies, chiefly because themselves have no Share in it ; but I can assure the World, that Religion is no Part of the Quarrel, for there being no Sacramental Test for Preferments in the State, all Parties of Christians among them are easy ; Happy People ! as long as Religion and the State continue on a separate Basis ; the Magistrate not medling in Matters of Religion any further than is necessary for the Preservation of the publick Peace ; nor the Churches calling for the Sword of the Magistrate to back their Ecclesiastical Censures with corporal Severities. May they long continue on this Foot a Sanctuary to oppressed Protestants in all Parts of the World !
But after all, it will be impossible for New-England to subsist of itself for some Centuries of Years ; for tho they might maintain themselves against their Neighbours on the Continent, they must starve without a free Trade with Europe, the Manufactures of the Country being very inconsiderable ; so that if we could suppose them to rebel against England, they must throw themselves into the Arms of some other Potentate, who would protect them no longer than he could sell them to Advantage ; the French and Spaniards are Enemies to their Religion and Civil Liberties, and the Dutch are too cautious a People, to run the Hazard of losing their own Country, for the Alliance of another at so great a Distance ; Tis therefore the Grand Interest of New-England to remain subject to the Crown of England, and by their dutiful Behaviour to merit the Removal of those few Hardships and Inconveniences they complain of; no other Power can, or will protect them, and next to their own, tis impossible their Religion and Civil Liberties should be in better Hands than in a Parliament of England.
And I must do the People of New-England so much Justice as to acquaint the World, that their Inclinations as well as Duty lead them to this ; they love the English Constitution, and would live and dye in the Defence of it, because when that is gone, they know their own must soon follow ; In the Reigns of King Charles and King James II. all the Men of Reflection throughout the Country seem d to be dispirited, and in Pain for the Protestant Religion, and English Liberty, but when the good Providence of God brought about the Happy Revolution, they began a Jubilee of Joy, which has continued almost ever since. When the Protestant Succession in the Illustrious House of Hannover was in Danger, no People in the World pray d more heartily for its taking Place ; and when it pleased Almighty God to bring His Majesty to the Throne of his Ancestors, none of his Subjects in any Part of his Domin ions celebrated the Auspicious Day with louder Acclamations of Joy and Thankfulness. In a Word, the People of New-England are a Dutiful and Loyal People, and that which the Protestant-Dissenters of the City of London, declared with so much Justice to His Majesty, in their Address occasioned by the late Rebellion, is litterally true of their Brethren in this Country, That King George is not known to have a single Enemy to His Person, Family, or Government in all New-England.
Daniel Neal, The Present State of New-England (Chapter XIV of his History of New-England, II, London, 1720), 600-616 passim.
21. The Condition of New Hampshire (1730/1)BY LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR JOHN WENTWORTH
This piece, very similar in character to those in Nos. 19 above and 22 below, is unsigned, but appears to be by Wentworth, who was at this date the only representative of the home government. — Bibliography : Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 163-164; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 123. —For previous New Hampshire history, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xix.
ANSWERS to the Queries sent from the Right Honorable the Lords of Trade and Plantations. — January 22, 1730.
1. The situation of the province of New-Hampshire, is between the province of the Massachusetts Bay, and the late province of Maine, bordering about fifteen miles in width upon the Atlantic Sea, or Western Ocean. — The nature of the country, as to the ground, is rough, uneven, and hilly, but for the most part a good soil, being a mixture of clay land and loam, well watered, and suitably adapted for hemp and flax, and having considerable meadows in it. As to the climate, 'tis cold. Portsmouth, the capital of the province, is in forty three degrees and twenty minutes north latitude, and sixty eight degrees west from London, settled by good observations.
2. The province has no other boundaries than what are expressed in the King's commission to the Governor, and they are from three miles to the northward of Merrimack river on the one side, to Pascataqua river on the other, and no other bounds are mentioned in the said commission, and both of them are in dispute with the government of the Massachusetts Bay.
3. As to the Constitution of the government, the supreme power here, is vested in the Governor and Council, (appointed by the King,) and a house of representatives, (chosen by the people,) who make laws, &c.
4. The trade of the province is lumber and fish. The number of shipping belonging to the province, are five, consisting of about five hundred tons ; and there are about three or four hundred tons of other shipping, that trade here (annually) not belonging to the province. The seafaring men, are about forty. The trade is much the same as it hath been, for some years past.
5. The province makes use of all sorts of British manufactures amounting to about five thousand pounds sterling, annually in value, which are had principally from Boston.
6. The trade of this province to other plantations is to the Caribbee Islands, whither we send lumber and fish, and receive for it rum, sugar, molasses and cotton ; and as to the trade from hence to Europe, it is to Spain, or Portugal, from whence our vessels bring home salt.
7. The method to prevent illegal trade is by a collector appointed at home.
8. The natural produce of the province is timber (of various kinds (viz.) (principally) oak, pine, hemlock, ash, beech and birch,) and fish, and they are the only commodity's of the place. The timber is generally manufactured into beams, plank, knees, boards-clapboards, shingles and staves, and sometimes into house frames, and the value of those commodity's annually exported from hence to Europe and the West-India Islands, is about a thousand pounds sterling. Mem. Besides what is above mentioned, the coasting sloops from Boston, carry from hence thither in fish and timber, about five thousand pounds per annum.
9. No mines are yet discovered, except a small quantity of Iron ore in two or three places.
10. The number of inhabitants, men, women and children, are about ten thousand whites, and two hundred blacks.
11. The inhabitants are increased about four thousand within this few years last past, a thousand of which (at least,) are people from Ireland, lately come into, and settled within the province ; another reason of the increase of late more than formerly, is a peace with the Indians the four last years.
12. The militia are about eighteen hundred, consisting of two regiments of foot, with a troop of horse in each.
13. There is one fort or place of defence, called Fort William and Mary, situate on the great Island in New-Castle which commands the entrance of Pascataqua river, but is in poor low circumstances, much out of repair, and greatly wanting of stores of war, there not being one barrel of gun-powder, at this time in, or belonging to that garrison.
14. There are no Indians in this province now in time of peace, that we know of.
15. There are no Indians in the neighborhood of this province that we know of, except in the eastern parts of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, and what their number or strength is, we are not acquainted.
16. We have no neighboring Spaniards, or other Europeans, except the French, who, according to the best intelligence we can get, are extremely numerous and strong both at Canada and Cape-Breton.
17. The effect which the French settlements have on this province is, that the Indians are frequently instigated and influenced by them to disturb the peace and quiet of this province, we having been often put to a vast expense both of blood and treasure, to defend ourselves against their cruel outrages.
18. The revenue arising within this province is three hundred ninety and six pounds, by excise, which is appropriated towards the Governor's salary, and about three or four barrels of gun-powder, from the shipping, which is spent at the fort. There is no other revenue, but by tax on polls and estates.
19. The ordinary expense of the government is about fifteen hundred pounds per annum, now in time of peace ; the extraordinary and contingent charges, as repairs of the fort, powder, &c., are about five hundred pounds more.
20. The establishments are six hundred pounds per annum salary on the Governor, eight shillings per diem on each Councillor, and six shillings per diem on each Representative during the session of the general assembly, and a hundred and fifty pounds per annum on the officers, and soldiers at the fort. There is no other establishment civil or military within the government, but the general assembly make allowances from time to time as they see meet, to the Treasurer, Secretary, &c. The Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Clerks, and all other officers fees are fixed by a law to be paid by the parties and persons whom they serve, but they have nothing out of the treasury. All the officers, civil and military, hold their places by commission from the Governor, except the Councillors, appointed by the King ; the Recorder of deeds, chosen by the general assembly, the Clerks of courts, nominated by the Judges of the said courts respectively, and Selectmen, Assessors, Constables, Tythingmen and other town officers, chosen by the towns, at their respective town meetings.
New-Hampshire Historical Society, Collections (Concord, 1824), I, 227-230.
22. Affairs in Connecticut (1740-1758)BY ROGER WOLCOTT (1759)
Wolcott's experience in the military and civil affairs of Connecticut, and his office as governor, make him an admirable source of information. — Bibliography : Tyler, American Literature, II, 44-46; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, V, 163; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 130. — For previous Connecticut history, see Contemporaries, I, ch. xviii.
MR. PRESIDENT: You have several times moved me to write a History of New England, especially of Conecticott. I have told you I wanted both ability and materials. Since that two of the Councill have moved me to the same, or that at least I would write what hath fallen within my remembrance and observation. This must needs be a lame thing, but choosing rather to appear weak than disobliging, I enclose you the following minit. . . .
In 1740, his present Majestie ordered an expedition against the Spanish West Indies to be comanded by the Lord Cathcart. Two companys were from Conecticut under Capt. Newberry and Capt. Siliman. They landed at Cartagene and took several forts. It was supposed the Spaniards bought the town of Cartagene. Most of the American forces dyed of sickness in this expedition. A hard winter closed the year.
In 1745, the New England governments made an expedition against Cape Breton under General Pepperill with an army of 3,700 men, which as the generall then told me during the siege of Louisbourg was reduced to 3100 valids. After a siege of forty-nine days, on the 17th of June the city with the islands of Cape Breton, St. Johns &c. was surrendered to the English : the French inhabitants were sent to France.
From the granting of the charter until 1747, the Governor and Deputy Governor were chosen and declared to be chosen, as well as the Assistants, if they had more votes for the office than any other person, but now some active men that were given to change fomented an opinion that the Governor nor Deputy Governor were not chosen unless they had more votes then all that were scattered among other persons. These men were of such activity and influence that in 1749 neither the Governor nor Deputy Governor could be declared chosen because not according to this standard, but since neither of them wanted but a few votes the Assembly elected them. Thus they were not blown down tho much shaken at the root. The freemen being acquainted by this that the greater part did not vote for the present Governor and Deputy Governor were prone to mischief: there was some reason for it tho' unknown to them, and made them attentive to be informed what it was. The opinion was kept up, but when it happened there was no choice according to this standard the Assembly elected those that had most votes, so there was no alteration made and the end of these schemers not answered as yet, nor like to be untill something farther was done.
In the beginning of 1754, emmisarys were very busie in spreading a report that the Governor had extracted vast sums of the supercargo of a Spanish ship put into New London by distress, and so embarassed the affair that the Colony was lyable to pay for the ship and cargo, and that the Governor had pleaded with the Assembly to tax the Colony for it. These reports were so imprest that in most towns they were discoursed of as certain facts. Tho this was a palpable breach of peace there was not a justice found to bear any testimony against it except the court at Litchfield. Yea those very men that had approved the Governor's conduct in the Assembly now did nothing to assert the truth in his vindication.
At the next election the Governor was thrown down with a vengeance, and when down thought worthy of no more respect than a comon porter.
When he saw himself thus for future despised and hated by all as a betrayer of his trust and enemy to the Colony which had conferred so many honours upon him he found it a burden too heavie to be easie under. He, therefore, complained to the Assembly that he was condemned unheard, and therefore petitioned that he might be examined upon oath concerning these facts before the Assembly, and submitted himself wholly to their censure, but the doors were shut against him. Yet after this election the aforesaid opinion for the choice of the Governor and Deputy Governor ceased like some other plagues that are periodical, and may it forever cease.
What one Governor suffers and another gains by an intrigue is of no great importance to the public, yet in my opinion it is best to let things proceed in their natural course and that our wise men did wisely to stop this opinion as foolish and dangerous, for according to the proverb What is bad for me may be bad for thee, by turns.
In the year 1755, an expedition was made against the French in North America under Gen11 Shirly and General Johnson. General Shirly did nothing but blunder. Gen11 Johnson beat the French at Lake George and erected a fort there. Gen11 Bradock was defeated and slain.
In 1756, the expedition was renewed, and by the misconduct of Gen11Shirly and Gen11 Web the French took Oswego and our flotta on Ontario. The fort was demolished and the garrison led into captivity.
In 1757, Gen11 Web lost Fort William Henry and our flotta on Lake George. The garrison capitulated to before him, but the French suffered the Indians to murther many of them and strip and horribly abuse the rest. The fort was demolished.
Great Britain dost thou take delight
To see America look chearly?
Suspend us in no spider's Web
And never more send us a Shirley.
In 1758, Gen11Amherst took Louisbourg, the islands of Cape Breton, St. Johns &c. The inhabitants were sent to France. Gen 11Abercrombie came off with loss and Carilong. We took Fort Frontenac and in the fall of the year Dequesne by Gen11 Forbs.
Sr. Since it is upon your desire I have exposed myself by this mean performance, I hope you will receive it with candour. I have nothing but my memory to depend upon, which in a man advanced to the eighty-first year of his age is but a poor library. Yet I am confident the chronology and the facts are true and will be found so when inquired into.
I have long wished for a History of New England and hoped Mr. Prince his Chronologie would have laid a good foundation for it, but he has left it unfinished.
This small mite cast into this treasury is my whole substance, and if men of ability would out of their abundance cast in proportionally we might have a good History of the Colony and of New England, before it is too late to get materials.
- I am &c.
- R. Wolcott
- I am &c.
To Mr. President Clap.
Connecticut Historical Society, Collections (Hartford, 1895), HI 3 2 5~336 passim.
23. "Boston the Metropolis of North America" (1750)
BY CAPTAIN FRANCIS GOELET
Goelet was a New York merchant, whose diary bears testimony to his lightness of disposition and to the convivial habits of gentlemen of the time. — Bibliography : Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, II, ch. xvi, notes. — For an earlier estimate of Boston, see Contemporaries, I, No. 146.
BOSTON the Metropolis of North America Is Accounted The Largest Town upon the Contenant, Haveing about Three Thousand Houses in it, about two Thirds them Wooden Framed Clap Boarded &c. and some of them Very Spacious Buildings which togeather with their Gardens about them Cover a Great deal Ground they are for the most Part Two and three Stories high mostly Sashd. Their Brick Buildings are much better and Stronger Built, more after the Modern Taste all Sashd and Prety well Ornamented haveing Yards and Gardens Adjoyning Also. The Streets are very Erregular the Main Streets are Broad and Paved with Stone the Cross Streets are but Narrow mostly Paved Except towards the Outskirts the Towne. The Towne Extends abt two Miles in Lenght North and South and is in some places 12 mile and Others 12 mile Broad has One Main Street Rung the whole Length The Towne from North to South and Tolerable broad the Situation is Vastly Pleasant being on a Neck Land The Tide Flowing on Each Side that Part the Towne may be termed an Island, the water which Parts it from the Main Contenant is about 20 Foot Over with draw Bridges and where the Tide Runs very Strong trough. The Harbour is defended by a Strong Castle of a Hundred Guns Built upon An Island where the Shipping must pass by and within Hale its Situation is Extroardenary as it Commands on Every Side and is Well Built and kept in Exceeding Good Order. The Tyde in the Harbour Flows about 12 or 13 Foot Perpendicular at the Full and Change moon its Very Inconvenient for Loaded Vessells, as they have not more then 12 Foot water at the End the Long wharf, which wharf is noted the Longest in North America being near half an English Mile in Lenght and runs direct out. One side whereof is full of whare Houses from One End to the Other. The Bostoniers Build a Vast NumbrVessells for Sale from Small Sloops up to Topsail Vessells from a Hundred Tons to 3, 4 and 5 Hundred Tons, and are noted for Good Sailing Vessels, they Runn mostly upon keene Built and very strong Counted about 15 Saile upon Stocks, which they Launch in Cradills at the full and Change the Moon. This Place has about Twelve Meeting Houses and Three Curches which are all Very Indifferent Buildings of no manner of Architect but Very Plain at the North End they have a Ring of Bells, which are but Very Indifferent. They have but One Markett which is all Built of Brick about Eighty Foot Long and Arch'd on Both Sides being Two Stories heigh the upper part Sashd, which Comprehends Several The Publick Offices the Towne, at the Southermost End is the Naval Office The Middle The Surveyars the Marketts Offices They have Also a Town House Built of Brick, Situated in Kings Street, Its a very Grand Brick Building Arch'd all Round and Two Storie Heigh Sashd above, its Lower Part is always Open Designd as a Change, tho the Merchants in Fair weather make their Change in the Open Street at the Eastermost End, in the upper Story are the Councill and Assembly Chambers &c. it has a Neat Cupulo Sashd all round and which on rejoycing days is Elluminated, As to Government Boston is dependent and Subordinate to Englands for its Laws &c. being a Kings Government. The Governour is a Person appointed from Home who Represents his Majesty. The Governmt Laws are Compyld by the Councill and Great and General Assembly, the Former Represents the House of Loards and the Latter the Commons, and the Governour Signs them and then they Pass in a Law. In Boston they are very Strict Observers of the Sabath day and in Service times no Persons are allow'd the Streets but Doctors if you are found upon the Streets and the Constables meet you they Compell you to go either to Curch or Meeton as you Chuse, also in Sweareing if you are Catcht you must Pay a Crown Old Tenor for Every Oath being Convicted thereof without farther dispute the 34ths of the Inhabitants are Strict Presbyterians.
Extracts from Capt. Francis Godefs Journal, in New-England Historical and Genealogical Register (Boston, 1870), XXIV, 62-63.
24. "Overweening Prejudice in Favor of New England" (1775)BY JOHN ADAMS
John Adams, schoolmaster, lawyer, public man, member of the Continental Congress, diplomat, and later vice-president and president of the United States, was one of the keenest observer of his time. —Bibliography : Channing and Hart, Guide, §§ 130, 136.
THERE is in the human breast a social affection which extends to our whole species, faintly indeed, but in some degree. The nation, kingdom, or community to which we belong is embraced by it more vigorously. It is stronger still towards the province to which we be long, and in which we had our birth. It is stronger and stronger as we descend to the county, town, parish, neighborhood, and family, which we call our own. And here we find it often so powerful as to become partial, to blind our eyes, to darken our understandings, and pervert our wills.
It is to this infirmity in my own heart that I must perhaps attribute that local attachment, that partial fondness, that overweening prejudice in favor of New England, which I feel very often, and which, I fear, sometimes leads me to expose myself to just ridicule.
New England has, in many respects, the advantage of every other colony in America, and, indeed, of every other part of the world that I know anything of.
1. The people are purer English blood ; less mixed with Scotch, Irish, Dutch, French, Danish, Swedish, etc., than any other ; and descended from Englishmen, too, who left Europe in purer times than the present, and less tainted with corruption than those they left behind them.
2. The institutions in New England for the support of religion, morals, and decency exceed any other ; obliging every parish to have a minister, and every person to go to meeting, etc.
3. The public institutions in New England for the education of youth, supporting colleges at the public expense, and obliging towns to maintain grammar schools, are not equaled, and never were, in any part of the world.
4. The division of our territory, that is, our counties, into townships ; empowering towns to assemble, choose officers, make laws, mend roads, and twenty other things, gives every man an opportunity of showing and improving that education which he received at college or at school, and makes knowledge and dexterity at public business common.
5. Our law for the distribution of intestate estates occasions a frequent division of landed property, and prevents monopolies of land. But in opposition to these we have labored under many disadvantages. The exorbitant prerogative of our Governors, etc., which would have overborne our liberties if it had not been opposed by the five preceding particulars.
Charles Francis Adams, editor, Familiar Letters of John Adams and his Wife (New York, 1876), 120-121.