Debates in the Several State Conventions/Volume 4/Duties
Duties.—Bill laying Duties on Goods, &c.
House of Representatives, May 15.
Mr. WHITE. The Constitution, having authorized the House of Representatives alone to originate money bills, places an important trust in our hands, which, as their protectors, we ought not to part with. I do not mean to imply that the Senate are less to be trusted than this house; but the Constitution, no doubt for wise purposes, has given the immediate representatives of the people a control over the whole government in this particular, which, for their interest, they ought not to let out of their hands.
Mr. MADISON. The Constitution places the power in the House of originating money bills. The principal reason why the Constitution had made this distinction was, because they were chosen by the people, and supposed to be the best acquainted with their interest and ability. In order to make them more particularly acquainted with these objects, the democratic branch of the legislature consisted of a greater number, and were chosen for a shorter period; that so they might revert more frequently to the mass of the people.
Mr. MADISON "moved to lay an impost of eight cents on all beer imported. He did not think this would be a monopoly, but he hoped it would be such an encouragement as to induce the manufacture to take deep root in every state in the Union."—Lloyd's Debates of Congress, vol. i. p. 65.
The same. "The states that are most advanced in population, and ripe for manufactures, ought to have their particular interests attended to in some degree. While these states retained the power of making regulations of trade, they had the power to protect and cherish such institutions. By adopting the present Constitution, they have thrown the exercise of this power into other hands. They must have done this with an expectation that those interests would not be neglected here."—Idem, p. 24.
The same. "There may be some manufactures which, being once formed, can advance towards perfection without any adventitious aid; while others, for want of the fostering hand of government, will be unable to go on at all. Legislative attention will therefore be necessary to collect the proper objects for this purpose."—Idem, p. 26.
Mr. CLYMER "did not object to this mode of encouraging manufactures, and obtaining revenues, by combining the two objects in one bill. He was satisfied that a political necessity existed for both the one and the other."—Idem, p. 31.
Mr. CLYMER "hoped gentlemen would be disposed to extend a degree of patronage to a manufacture [steel] which a moment's reflection would convince them was highly deserving protection."—Idem, p. 69.
Mr. CARROLL "moved to insert window and other glass. A manufacture of this article was begun in Maryland, and attended with considerable success. If the legislature was to grant a small encouragement, it would be permanently established."—Idem, p. 94.
Mr. WADSWORTH. " By moderating the duties, we shall obtain revenue, and give that encouragement to manufactures which is intended."—Idem, p. 128.
Mr. AMES " thought this a useful and accommodating manufacture, [nails,] which yielded a clear gain of all it sold for; but the cost of the material, the labor employed in it, would be thrown away probably in many instances. * * * He hoped the article would remain in the bill."—Idem, p. 81.
The same. "The committee were already informed of the flourishing situation of the manufacture, [nails,] but they ought not to join the gentleman from South Carolina, Mr. Tucker, in concluding that it did not, therefore, deserve legislative protection. He had no doubt but the committee would concur in laying a small protecting duty in favor of this manufacture."—Idem, p. 82.
Mr. FITZSIMONS "was willing to allow a small duty, because it conformed to the policy of the states who thought it proper in this manner to protect their manufactures."—Idem, p. 83.
The same. "It being my opinion that an enumeration of articles will tend to clear away difficulties, I wish as many to be selected as possible. For this reason I have prepared myself with an additional number, among these are some calculated to encourage the productions of our country, and protect our infant manufactures."—Idem, p. 17.
Mr. HARTLEY. "If we consult the history of the ancient world, Europe, we shall see that they have thought proper, for a long time past, to give great encouragement to establish manufactures, by laying such partial duties on the importation of foreign goods, as to give the home manufactures a considerable advantage in the price when brought to market. * * * I think it both politic and just that the fostering hand of the general government should extend to all those manufactures which will tend to national utility. Our stock of materials is, in many instances, equal to the greatest demand, and our artisans sufficient to work them up, even for exportation. In those cases, I take it to be the policy of every enlightened nation to give their manufacturers that degree of encouragement necessary to perfect them, without oppressing the other parts of the community; and, under this encouragement, the industry of the manufacturer will be employed to add to the wealth of the nation."—Idem, p. 22.
Mr. WHITE. "In order to charge specified articles of manufacture so as to encourage our domestic ones, it will be necessary to examine the present state of each throughout the Union."—Idem, p. 19.
Mr. BLAND (of Virginia) "thought that very little revenue was likely to be collected from the importation of this article, [beef;] and, as it was to be had in sufficient quantities within the United States, perhaps a tax amounting to a prohibition would be proper."—Idem, p. 66.
Mr. BLAND "informed the committee that there were mines opened in Virginia capable of supplying the whole of the United States; and, if some restraint was laid on importation of foreign coals, those mines might be worked to advantage."—Idem, p. 97.
Mr. BOUDINOT. "I shall certainly move for it, [the article of glass,] as I suppose we are capable of manufacturing this as well as many of the others. In fact, it is well known that we have and can do it as well as most nations, the materials being almost all produced in our country."—Idem, p. 28.
The same. "Let us take, then, the resolution of Congress in 1783, and make it the basis of our system, adding only such protecting duties as are necessary to support the manufactures established by the legislatures of the manufacturing states."—Idem, p. 34.
Mr. SINNICKSON "declared himself a friend to this manufacture, [beer,] and thought that, if the duty was laid high enough to effect a prohibition, the manufacture would increase, and of consequence the price would be lessened."—Idem, p. 65.
Mr. LAWRENCE "thought that if candles were an object of considerable importation, they ought to be taxed for the sake of obtaining revenue, and if they were not imported in considerable quantities, the burden upon the consumer would be small, while it tended to cherish a valuable manufacture."—Idem, p. 68.
Mr. FITZSIMONS "moved to lay a duty of two cents per pound on tallow candles. The manufacture of candles is an important manufacture, and far advanced towards perfection. I have no doubt but in a few years we shall be able to supply the consumption of every part of the continent."—Idem, p. 67.
The same. "Suppose 5s. cwt. were imposed, [on unwrought steel:] it might be, as stated, a partial duty; but would not the evil be soon overbalanced by the establishment of such an important manufacture?"—Idem, p. 69.
The same. "The necessity of continuing those encouragements which the state legislatures have deemed proper, exists in a considerable degree. Therefore it will be politic in the government of the United States to continue such duties until their object is accomplished."—Idem, p. 67.
Mr. SMITH (of South Carolina.) "The people of South Carolina are willing to make sacrifices to encourage the manufacturing and maritime interests of their sister states."—Idem, p. 212.
Gen. Washington's Speech to Congress, of January 11, 1790, declares, "That the safety and interest of a free people require that Congress should promote such manufactures as tend to render them independent of others for essential, particularly military supplies.
"The advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, by all proper means, will not, I trust, need recommendation."
Extract from the reply of the Senate, to the speech of Gen. Washington, January, 1790.—"Agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, forming the basis of the wealth and strength of our confederated republic, must be the frequent subject of our deliberations, and shall be advanced by all the proper means in our power."
Extract from the reply of the House of Representatives.—"We concur with you in the sentiment that 'agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, are entitled to legislative protection.'"
His speech of December, 1796, holds out the same doctrine.—"Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much importance not to insure a continuance of these efforts in every way which shall appear eligible."
Extract from the reply of the Senate to the speech of Gen. Washington, December, 1796.—"The necessity of accelerating the establishment of certain useful branches of manufactures, by the intervention of legislative aid and protection, and the encouragement due to agriculture by the creation of boards, (composed of intelligent individuals,) to patronize the primary pursuit of society, are subjects which will readily engage our most serious attention."
Mr. Jefferson, in his Message of 1802, states that—"To cultivate peace, maintain commerce and navigation, to foster our fisheries, and protect manufactures adapted to our circumstances, &c., are the landmarks by which to guide ourselves in all our relations."
From Mr. Jefferson's Message of 1808.—"The situation into which we have been thus forced has impelled us to apply a portion of our industry and capital to internal manufacturing improvements. The extent of this conversion is daily increasing, and little doubt remains that the establishments formed and forming will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent."
Extract from the Message of Mr. Madison, December 5, 1815.—"Under circumstances giving powerful impulse to manufacturing industry, it has made among us a progress, and exhibited an efficiency, which justify the belief that, with a protection not more than is due to the enterprising citizens whose interests are now at stake, it will become, at an early day, not only safe against occasional competitions from abroad, but a source of domestic wealth, and even of external commerce. * * * * In selecting the branches more especially entitled to public patronage, a preference is obviously claimed by such as will relieve the United States from a dependence on foreign supplies, ever subject to casual failures, for articles necessary for public defence, or connected with the primary wants of individuals. It will be an additional recommendation of particular manufactures, where the materials for them are extensively drawn from our agriculture, and consequently impart and insure to that great fund of national prosperity and independence an encouragement which cannot fail to be rewarded."
From the Message of President Monroe, December, 1818.—"It is deemed of importance to encourage our domestic manufactures. In what manner the evils which we have adverted to may be remedied, and how it may be practicable in other respects to afford them further encouragement, paying due regard to the other great interests of the nation, is submitted to the wisdom of Congress."
From the same, December 3, 1822.—"Satisfied I am, whatever may be the abstract doctrine in favor of unrestricted commerce, provided all nations would concur in it, and it was not liable to be interrupted by war, which has never occurred, and cannot be expected, that there are strong reasons applicable to our situation, and relations with other countries, which impose on us the obligation to cherish and sustain our manufactures."
From the same, December, 1823.—"Having communicated my views to Congress, at the commencement of the last session, respecting the encouragement which ought to be given to our manufactures, and the principle on which it should be founded, I have only to add that those views remain unchanged, and that the present state of those countries with which we have the most immediate political relations, and greatest commercial intercourse, tends to confirm them. Under this impression, I recommend a review of the tariff, for the purpose of affording such additional protection to those articles which we are prepared to manufacture, of which are more immediately connected with the defence and independence of the country."
Wm. H. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury, in his report, December, 1819, says,—"It is believed that the present is a favorable moment for affording efficient protection to that increasing and important interest, if it can be done consistently with the general interest of the nation."
Extract from the Message of President Jefferson, December 2, 1806.—"The question now comes forward, To what objects shall surpluses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of impost, after the entire discharge of the public debt, and during those intervals when the purposes of war shall not call for them? Shall we suppress the impost, and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? On a few articles of a more general and necessary use, the suppression, in due season, will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on which impost is paid are foreign luxuries, purchased only by those who are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them. Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance, and application to the great purposes of public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers. By these operations, new channels of communication will be opened between the states; the lines of separation will disappear; their interests will be identified, and the union cemented by new and indissoluble ties. Education is here placed among the articles of public care. Not that it would be proposed to take its ordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much better all the concerns to which it is equal; but a public institution alone can supply those sciences which, though rarely called for, are yet necessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the improvement of the country, and some of them to its preservation. The subject is now proposed for the consideration of Congress, because, if approved, by the time the state legislatures shall have deliberated on this extension of the federal trusts, and the laws shall be passed, and other arrangements made for their execution, the necessary funds will be on hand and without employment. I suppose an amendment to the Constitution, by consent of the states, necessary, because the objects now recommended are not among those enumerated in the Constitution, and to which it permits the public money to be applied." * * *
From the same, Nov. 8, 1808.—"The probable accumulation of surpluses of revenue beyond what can be applied to the payment of the public debt, whenever the freedom and safety of our commerce shall be restored, merits the consideration of Congress. Shall it lie unproductive in the public vaults? Shall the revenue be reduced? Or shall it not rather be appropriated to the improvements of roads, canals, rivers, education, and other great foundations of prosperity and union, under the powers which Congress may already possess, or such amendment of the Constitution as may be approved by the states? While uncertain of the course of things, the time may be advantageously employed in obtaining the powers necessary for a system of improvement, should that be thought best." * * *