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Diplomacy and the Study of International Relations/Part 2/Chapter 7

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Part 2: Chapter 6
Diplomacy and the Study of International Relations
D. P. Heatley
Part 2: Chapter 7
Part 2: Chapter 8
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London: Oxford University Press, pages 149–167

​

7

Supplementary Reading

1. (a) Machiavelli,[1] Il Principe: the best edition is that by Burd, with an Introduction by Lord Acton and copious and scholarly notes by the editor;[2] the best English translation is that by N. H. Thomson.[3]

(b) N. H. Thomson, Counsels and Reflections of Guicciardini.[4]

(c) Dallington, Aphorismes Civill and Militarie: Amplified with Authorities, and exemplified with Historie, out of the first Quarterne of Fr. Guicciardine:[5]

'The Argument is generall, wherein the publicke Minister may meet with his experience, the Souldier with his practise, the Scholler with his reading: and every of these in his owne Element, parallel both the Aphorisme, Example, and Authorities. The Method is not vulgar, for though bookes of Civill discourse be full of axiomes, Philosophers of proofes, and Historians of instances; yet shall ye hardly meete them all combined in one couplement. Out of their legions of Authorities I have drawne out these Maniples, because our Masters in the art of warre doe teach us, that these are more readie for use, upon all sodaine occasion of service. I have enter-laced them with variety of Language, to procure his better appetite for whom they were written. I was the more plentifull in Authorities, because, to read many and great volumes, few young men have the will, no Prince Rae the leisure. It is true, many of them may serve to severall Aphorismes, so doth the workmans Last for severall men's wearing, and yet neither the shooe is cut, or foote pinched: Nor are he so loose but that with Lipsius[6] Soder you may ​cyment them together, and make them con-center in the main proposition. … In the Examples I have bound my selfe to the truth of the history, but used my liberty for the phrase and manner of relation.'[7]

Aphorisme XVI. of Lib. 3: 'He that weareth his heart in his fore-head, and is of an ouvert and transparent nature, through whose words, as through cristall ye may see into every corner of his thoughts: That man is fitter for a table of good fellowship, then a Councell table: For upon the Theater of publicke imployment either in peace or war, the actors must of necessity weare vizards, and change them in every Scene. Because, the generall good and safety of a State, is the Center in which all their actions and counsatles, must meet: To which men cannot alwates arrive by plaine pathes and beaten waies. Wherefore a Prince may pretend a desire of friendship with the weaker, when hee meanes, and must, contract it with the stronger. Hee may sometimes leave the common highway, and take downe an un used by path in the lesser of dangers, so hee be sure to recompence it in the greater of safetie.'[8]

Aphorisme XXII. of Lib. 5: 'As in things we have, so in those we doe, each hath his proper tryall, to prove the excellencie thereof in his kinde: Gold by the test, the Diamant by his hardnesse, Pearle by his water: So, the best discouverers of mens minds are their actions: the best directer of actions is counsaile: and the best triall of counsailes, is Experience.'[9]

A reading of Thucydides and of Tacitus may be substituted for Machiavelli and Guicciardini. For an understanding of policy, of democracy (howsoever defined) and of empire, the pages of Thucydides are still unsurpassed.[10]

​2. An extensive anti-Machiavel[11] literature, due mainly to uncritical interpretation of The Prince and to ignorance regarding Machiavelli's other works, as well as to 'Machiavellian' practice.

3. (a) Merriman, Life and Letters of Thomas Cromwell,[12] e.g. Letters 218 and 222.

(b) Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, Book XIV; and Gardiner, History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, vol. ii,[13] on Oliver Cromwell's foreign policy in 1654.

4. (a) Gentilis, De Legationtbus:[14]

'Legalem itaque, ethicum et politicum—at e Peripato—philosophum, Legatum volo; at etiam sobrie. Volo non ex umbra eum scholarum deduci, sed educatum in consiliis ​rerum, atque in imperiorum administratione versatum. … Fori aliud ius est, aliud regni.'[15]

(b) De Abusu Mendacii, dedicated to a Bishop. We may compare with it De Iure Belli ac Pacis, ii. 5, 'de mendaciis': 'Respondeo autem contingere varie posse, ut quis mendacio utatur adversus hostes.'

5. (a) Le Parfait Ambassadeur, traduit de l'Espagnol en François, par Le Sieur Lancelot.[16] The work is in the form of a dialogue where 'Jule' is of the Mazarin type:

'Definition de la charge d'Ambassadeur;[17] Qui fut l'auteur de la premiere Ambassade;[18] On ne peut estre bon Ambassadeur, sans estre bon Orateur;[19] Pourquoi Aaron fut Collegue de Moyse vers Pharaon;[20] Comment un Ambassadeur doit proceder entre l'utile & l'honneste;[21] Si l'Ambassadeur se peut servir de l'entremise des femmes pour le progrez de ses affaires; Les femmes sont ordinairemens les premieres adverties des secrets; Exemples de plusieurs grands secrets revelez par les femmes; Doute, si les femmes peuvent estre Ambassadrices; Dames employées en Ambassades;[22] De la menterie officieuse; Si l'Ambassadeur peut uzer de menterie au Prince Estranger; Instructions sur ce point;[23] Exemple d'une subtile dexterité de certains Ambassadeurs de Florence; Ruse & contre-ruse;[24] Pourquoi il faut qu'un Ambassadeur soit riche; Inconvenients de la pauvreté & de l'excessive richesse;[25] Les Ambassadeurs Venissiens ne peuvent recevoir aucuns presens;[26] Comme les Ambassadeurs se doivent ​gouverner pour acquerir des intelligences par presens;[27] Qu'un Ambassadeur doit estre sobre, & sabstenir des mets exquis; Qu’il se devoit abstenir de boire du vin aux banquets;[28] En quels cas un Ambassadeur peut témoigner sa hardiesse & son courage;[29] Que l'usage du chiffre est fort necessaire à l'Ambassadeur; Accidents advenus faute de se servir des chiffres; Les instructions des Ambassadeurs doivent estre écrites en chiffres; Raisons au contraire;[30] Le secret est fort recommendable à l'Ambassadeur entre toutes autres qualitez.[31]

'Indice des plus belles Harangues, dispersees en tous les Historiens, tans anciens que modernes, apropriees aux plus importantes matieres de l'Ambassade.'[32]

(b) Wicquefort,[33] L'Ambassadeur et ses Fonctions,[34] which was ​translated into English by John Digby, under the title, The Embassador and his Functions, to which is added An Historical Discourse, concerning the Election of the Emperor, and the Electors.'[35]

On the birth and learning of an Embassador;[36] Whether Clergymen are proper for Embassies;[37] Of Instructions;[38] Of the Function of the Embassador in general;[39] Of Prudence ​and Cunning;[40] Of Moderation;[41] Of Letters and Dispatches;[42] Of Treaties.[43]

(c) Callières[44], De la Maniere de negocier avec les Souverains. De l'utilité des Negociations, du choix des Ambassadeurs & des Envoyez, & des qualitez necessaires pour réüssir dans ces emplois:[45]

De l'Utilité des Negociations;[46] Des Qualitez et de la Conduite du Negociateur;[47] Des connoissances necessaires et utiles à un Negociateur;[48] Des Fonctions du Negociateur;[49] Observations ​sur les manieres de negocier;[50] Des Traitez et des Ratifications;[51] Des Dépêches et de ce qu'il y faut observer;[52] Des Lettres en Chiffre;[53] Du Choix des Negociateurs;[54] Observations touchant le choix des Negociateurs;[55] S'il est utile d'envoyer plusieurs Negociateurs en un même Pays.[56]

(d) Martens (Charles de), Le Guide Diplomatique.[57]

The scope of this standard work is shown by the sub-title:[58] 'Précis des Droits et des Fonctions des Agents Diplomatiques et Consulaires; suivi d'un Traité des Actes et Offices divers qui sont du ressort de la Diplomatie, accompagné de Pièces et Documents proposés comme exemples, et d'une Bibliothèque diplomatique choisie.'

Certain sections of the work are more especially of value for the study of international relations, and more particularly the following:

Considérations générales sur l'étude de la Diplomatie;[59] Du Ministére des Affaires Étrangères et de son Chef;[60] Des Ministres publics et des Missions diplomatiques en général;[61] De l'Envoi des Agents diplomatiques et de l'établissement de leur caractère public;[62] Des devoirs et des fonctions de l'Agent ​diplomatique;[63] Observations générales sur le style diplomatique;[64] De la langue employée dans les relations diplomatiques;[65] Actes Publics émanés d'un Gouvernement;[66] Pièces et Documents concernant l'établissement du caractère public de l'Agent diplomatique, ainsi que l'exercice et la cessation de ses fonctions;[67] Correspondance diplomatique;[68] Congrès et Conférences.[69]

(e) Satow (Sir Ernest), A Guide to Diplomatic Practice.[70]

The intention of the author 'was to produce a work which would be of service alike to the international lawyer, the diplomatist, and the student of history.'[71] Accordingly, both the ​practical and the legal side of diplomacy have been kept in view; an outline of the important Congresses and Conferences is included, and the different kinds of international compacts have been treated in some detail. The manner of conducting Congresses and Conferences, and of framing treaties and like instruments, is in the majority of cases, analysed. With regard to Good Offices and Mediation the historical supports and illustrations given by the author are considerable and ample. The language of the originals is retained, in the larger part of the work, in quotations from treaties and other State Papers. An Appendix contains a list of treatises on International Law likely to be of use to diplomatists, and a supplementary list of works, historical, biographical, and other, that 'may be useful to junior members of the diplomatic service', and not to these only.

There are parts of this work that more especially deserve attention within our own purpose: the first few pages[72] on definitions and uses of the words 'diplomacy' and 'diplomat', 'diplomate', 'diplomatist'; a chapter[73] on 'The Minister for Foreign Affairs'; a chapter,[74] historical in character, entitled 'Precedence among States and Similar Matters'; a chapter[75] on 'The Language of Diplomatic Intercourse, and Forms of Documents', especially the sections on the former use of Latin, French, and Spanish, on the language used in treaties, and on the Note, the note verbale, and the memorandum; a chapter[76] on 'Counsels to Diplomatists', including the Minister for Foreign Affairs;[77] ​a chapter[78] on 'Latin and French Phrases'—ultimatum, uti possidetis and status quo;[79] ad referendum[80] and sub spe rati; casus belli and casus foederis; démarche; prendre acte; a short chapter[81] 'Of Diplomatic Agents in General'; a chapter[82] entitled 'Classification of Diplomatic Agents';[83] one[84] on 'The Diplomatic Body'; two chapters,[85] historical in character, on 'Congresses' and 'Conferences'; parts of five chapters[86] on 'Treaties and other International Compacts'—e.g. Treaty, Convention, Additional Articles, Acte Finale, Declaration, Protocol, Procès-verbal, Exchange of Notes, ​Modus vivendi, Ratification, Adhesion, and Accession; a chapter[87] on 'Mediation'.[88]

6. (a) Frederick the Great, L'Histoire de mon Temps.

The interest of the State, said Frederick, ought to serve as the rule to sovereigns in their regard for treaties and alliances. Alliances may be broken: (1) when the ally fails to fulfil his engagements; (2) when the ally is thinking of deceiving you, and there remains to you no resource except to anticipate him; (3) when une force majeure overwhelms you, and constrains you to break your treaties; and (4) when there is a lack of adequate means to continue war.

'Par je ne sais quelle fatalité ces malheureuses richesses influent sur tout. Les Princes sont des esclaves de leurs moyens; l'intérêt de l'État leur sert de loi, & cette loi est inviolable. Si le Prince est dans l'obligation de sacrifier sa personne même au salut de ses sujets, à plus forte raison doit-il leur sacrifier des liaisons dont la continuation leur devien-droit préjudiciable. Les exemples de pareils traités rompus se rencontrent communément. Notre intention n'est pas de les justifier tous. J'ose pourtant avancer qu'il en est de tels, que la nécessité, ou la sagesse, la prudence, ou le bien des peuples obligeoit de transgresser, ne restant aux Souverains que ce moyen-là d'éviter leur ruine.'

The word of a private person (un particulier), Frederick says, may involve only one man in misfortune, whereas that of Sovereigns may bring calamities to whole nations. 'The question, therefore, is reduced to this, whether it is better ​that the people should perish, or that the Prince should break the treaty he has made. And what man would be so stupid as to hesitate in deciding the question?' … 'If war could fix securely the frontiers of States, and maintain that balance of power which is so necessary for the Sovereigns of Europe, we might regard those who have fallen in war as sacrifices to the public tranquillity and safety.' Reason prescribes a rule from which no statesman should depart: he should seize occasion, and when it is favourable embark on his enterprise. 'La Politique demande de la patience, et le chef-d'œuvre d'un homme habile est de faire chaque chose en son temps et à propos.'[89]

(b) Clausewitz (1780–1834), On War.[90]

Allies in relation to 'the extent of the means of defence':

'We may further reckon allies as the last support of the defensive. Naturally we do not mean ordinary allies, which the assailant may likewise have; we speak of those essentially interested in maintaining the integrity of the country. If for instance we look at the various states composing Europe at the present time, we find (without speaking of a systematically regulated balance of power and interests, as that does not exist, and is often with justice disputed, still, unquestionably) that the great and small states and interests of nations are interwoven with each other in a most diversified and changeable manner; each of these points of intersection forms a binding knot, for in it the direction of the one gives equilibrium to the direction of the other; by all these knots, therefore, evidently a more or less compact connection of the whole will ​be formed, and this general connection must be partially overturned by every change. In this manner the whole relations of all states to each other serve rather to preserve the stability of the whole than to produce changes; that is to say, this tendency to stability exists in general. This we conceive to be the true notion of a balance of power, and in this sense it will always of itself come into existence, whenever there are extensive connections between civilised states. How far this tendency of the general interests to the maintenance of the existing state of things is efficient is another question; at all events we can conceive some changes in the relations of single states to each other, which promote this efficiency of the whole, and others which obstruct it. … The defensive, in general, may count more on foreign aid than the offensive; he may reckon the more certainly on it in proportion as his existence is of importance to others, that is to say, the sounder and more vigorous his political and military condition.'[91]

Influence of the political object on the military:

'Even in wars carried on without allies, the political cause of a war has a great influence upon the method in which it is conducted. … The reciprocal action, the rivalry, the violence and impetuosity of war lose themselves in the stagnation of weak motives, and … both parties move with a certain kind of security in very circumscribed spheres. If this influence of the political object is once permitted, as it then must be, there is no longer any limit, and we must be prepared to come down to such warfare as consists in a mere threatening of the enemy and in negotiating. That the theory of war, if it is to be and continue a philosophical study, finds itself here in ​a difficulty is clear. All that is essentially inherent in the conception of war seems to fly from it, and it is in danger of being left without any point of support. … All military art then turns itself into mere prudence.'[92]

War as an instrument of policy:

'War is nothing but a continuation of political intercourse, with a mixture of other means. We say, mixed with other means, in order thereby to maintain at the same time that this political intercourse does not cease by the war itself, is not changed into something quite different, but that, in its essence, it continues to exist, whatever may be the form of the means which it uses, and that the chief Nines on which the events of the war progress, and to which they are attached, are only the general features of policy which run all through the war until peace is made. … Is not war merely another kind of writing and language for political thoughts? It has certainly a grammar of its own, but its logic is not peculiar to itself. … That the political point of view should end completely when war begins, is only conceivable in contests which are wars of life and death, from pure hatred. … The subordination of the political point of view to the military would be contrary to common sense, for policy has declared the war; it is the intelligent faculty, war only the instrument, not the reverse. … The art of war in its highest point of view is policy, but, no doubt, a policy which fights battles, instead of writing notes. … It is only when policy promises itself a wrong effect from certain military means and measures, an effect opposed to their nature, that it can exercise a prejudicial effect on war by the course it prescribes. … This has happened times without end, and it shows that a certain knowledge of the nature of war is essential to the management of political commerce. … If war is to harmonise entirely with the political views and policy, to accommodate itself to the means available for war, there is only one alternative to be recommended when the statesman and soldier are not combined in one person, which is to make the chief commander a member of the cabinet, that he may take part in its councils ​and decisions on important occasions. But then, again, this is only possible when the cabinet, that is the government itself, is near the theatre of war, so that things can be settled without a serious waste of time.'[93]

7. Sorel, L'Europe et la Révolution francaise.[94]

In the first volume[95] there are passages treating of La Raison d'État; Les Règles de Conduite; La Foi des Traités; Le Système de l'Équilibre; La Diplomatie; Ruine de l'Europe.

8. James Harris, first Earl of Malmesbury (1746–1820), Diaries and Correspondence.[96]

The work is an established and indispensable authority for an understanding of the diplomacy of the times of which it treats. It contains much that is of value bearing on internal politics both in Britain and in Continental States, and on the influence of the constitutional system and of domestic politics upon the conduct of foreign policy.[97]

Malmesbury gave advice to a young man 'destined for the foreign line'.[98] His grandson had doubts whether the maxims then enunciated were wholly applicable a generation later.[99]

g. Bernard[100] (Mountague), Four Lectures on Subjects connected with Diplomacy.[101]

​The subjects of these four very interesting lectures are: (1) The Congress of Westphalia; (2) Systems of Policy;[102] (3) Diplomacy, Past and Present (with much miscellaneous information) ; (4) The Obligation of Treaties.

10. Holland, Studies in International Law.[103]

The following are among the subjects discussed: Gentili; Early Literature of the Law of War (to the second half of the sixteenth century); the Progress towards a written Law of War; Pacific Blockade; Treaty Relations between Russia and Turkey, 1774–1853, with Appendices,[104] on which subject ​reference should be made to the same author's The European Concert in the Eastern Question[105] (Treaties and other Public Acts, with introductions and notes).

11. (a) Report from the Select Committee on the Diplomatic Service (with Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence, &c.),[106] 1861.

This very valuable Report contains the evidence of Clarendon, Stratford de Redcliffe, Malmesbury, Cowley, Lord John Russell, Edmund Hammond (Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs), and others. It is of high value on questions of training, procedure, the effect of telegraphic communication on the requirements and conditions of the service, the publication of dispatches. There is a helpful Index of fifty-four pages.

(b) Hammond, Adventures of a Paper in the Foreign Office, 1864, reprinted in Report of the Commission on the Diplomatic and Consular Services, 1871.[107]

Hertslet (Sir Edward), Recollections of the Old Foreign Office.[108]

(c) Parliamentary Paper, Miscellaneous, No. 5 (1912): Treatment of International Questions by Parliaments in European Countries, the United States, and Japan.[109]

(d) Fifth Report of the Royal Commission on the Civil Service: Diplomatic Corps and the Foreign Office.[110]

​The Statesman's Year-Book, recent and current, and The Foreign Office List,[111] begun in 1852, should be consulted.

Footnotes

  1. ↑ See above, 'Diplomacy and the Conduct of Foreign Policy', pp. 22–5.
  2. ↑ 1891.
  3. ↑ 2nd ed., 1897.
  4. ↑ 1890: e.g. Nos. 6, 30, 41, 48, 76, 78, 109, 140, 147, 336, 345. See above, pp. 25–6.
  5. ↑ 1613.
  6. ↑ Justus Lipsius, 1547–1606, Professor at Leyden and Louvain, a writer on Politics, author of Political Monitions and Models concerning the Virtues and Vices of Princes. The father of Grotius studied under Lipsius, who called him his 'intimate friend and pupil'. Lipsius was also one of the admirers of the early genius of Hugo Grotius.
  7. ↑ 'To the Reader.'
  8. ↑ p. 176 of 2nd ed. Quotations from Tacitus, Cicero, and others follow; and thereafter an example from History.
  9. ↑ p. 318.
  10. ↑ See, for example, i. 33, 40, 41 (the expedient and the just), 70 (contrast of the Athenian and the Spartan character), 75 (Athenian envoys at Sparta: 'The development of our power was at first forced upon us by circumstances: our first motive was fear; later, ambition was added, and then interest'), 76–7, 93 (sea-power); ii. 8, 36 (Funeral Oration of Pericles), 64 ('Your empire is at stake: it is too late to relinquish it, for you are already hated'); iii. 37 (Cleon's speech on the Mitylenaean rebels: I have said more than once that a democracy cannot conduct an empire), 38 ('You are always hankering after an ideal state: you do not give your minds to what is straight before you'), 40 ('Do not be misled by the charm of words or by a too forgiving disposition'), 44, 46 (administration and its salutary effects), 47 (the higher expediency in the conduct of great affairs), 82 (the sway of imperious necessities), 83 (the revolutionary character of the year 427 B.C.); v. 89 (justice and necessity), 92–112 (the Athenians and the Melians: dominion and dependence; interests and security: 'To uphold our rights in relation to our equals, to be politic with superiors, and to be moderate towards inferiors—that is the path of safety'); vi. 11–13 (Nicias and the proposed Sicilian expedition: Conserve and develop your own resources: contain your ambition: the Sicilians have their own country: let them manage their own affairs), 18 (Alcibiades: Inactivity spells our ruin: 'You cannot afford to regard inaction in the same light as others, unless you put a corresponding limit to your policy'), 39 (Athenagoras on a true democracy), 84, 85 (expediency and empire), 87.
  11. ↑ See above, pp. 76–7, foot-note.
  12. ↑ 2 vols., 1902.
  13. ↑ 1897; especially chapters xxxiii and xxxiv.
  14. ↑ 1585.
  15. ↑ iii. x.
  16. ↑ 12mo, pp. (vit ) 602 (+12 pages of a summary of contents), published at Paris, 1642. The original work, El Ambaxador, by Antonio de Vera (Spanish Minister at Venice), was published in 1621. For extracts see Appendix, pp. 216 sqq.; also p. 17, above.
  17. ↑ pp. 32–3, 36.
  18. ↑ pp. 53–4.
  19. ↑ pp. 177–8; see p. 17, above.
  20. ↑ p. 183; see p. 17, above.
  21. ↑ pp. 218–29.
  22. ↑ pp. 282–7.
  23. ↑ pp. 297–315.
  24. ↑ pp. 315–17.
  25. ↑ pp. 353, 355.
  26. ↑ p. 359: 'Entre plusieurs merveilleuses ordonnances de la Republique de Venise, il y en a une qui deffend expressement à leurs Ambassadeurs de recevoir aucun present du Prince où ils resident.'
  27. ↑ p. 363.
  28. ↑ pp. 388, 389: 'Secrets découvers a cause du vin'; p. 391.
  29. ↑ pp. 393–4.
  30. ↑ pp. 467–73.
  31. ↑ pp. 572–3, 574. 'Raisons au contraire de la precedante contre la loüange des Venissiens à garder le secret', pp. 576–8.
  32. ↑ pp. 585–602; e.g. 'Pour faciliter une entreprise difficile, soit militaire ou civile, & contester l'opinion contraire', pp. 596–7.
  33. ↑ 1598–1682. Wicquefort was born at Amsterdam. He became minister resident of the Elector of Brandenburg at Paris, 1628. He continued in this office until 1658, when Cardinal Mazarin, having intercepted his correspondence of a character offensive to the Cardinal's government, ordered him to leave the kingdom, and, on his refusing, imprisoned him in the Bastile, whence he was sent under escort to Calais, and embarked for England. 'On his return to his native country, Wicquefort was appointed, on the recommendation of the Pensionary John de Witt, historiographer of the republic and secretary interpreter of despatches. Whilst in these employments, Wicquefort received a secret pension from Louis XIV, was named by the Duke of Luneburg his resident at the Hague, and being accused in 1675 of revealing the secrets of the state to foreigners, was tried and sentenced by the supreme court of Holland to imprisonment for life. He remained in prison until 1679, when he escaped through the address and filial devotion of his daughter, and retired to Zell in Hanover, where he died at the advanced age of eighty-five, in 1682.—Wheaton, History of the Law of Nations, pp. 234–5.
  34. ↑ 1679. 'One of the most remarkable works published during the sixteenth century on the subject of the rights and duties of ambassadors. … The curiously chequered life of this intriguing adventurer might almost have furnished materials for his once celebrated treatise, which is rather of an historical than didactic character, and was written during his long imprisonment in Holland.'—Wheaton, op. cit., p. 235.
  35. ↑ Small folio [1716], pp. (viii+) 570, of which pp. 431–570 treat of 'The Election of the Emperor'; there are, in addition, twenty-eight pages of Index. An 'analyse raisonnée' of the work is given in Bibliothèque de l'Homme public, by Condorcet (1790), tome douzième, pp. 6–104. 'De tous les auteurs qui ont traité des ambassadeurs, aucun n'a rapporté tant de faits que Wicquefort. … Ces faits y sont mal distribués, et se sentent de la situation violente où etoit l'auteur; mais on les y trouve. Il ne cite point ses garans; mais la plupart des faits qu'il rapporte sont vrais. Pour les principes, il ne fait que les entrevoir.'–p. 6. See Appendix, below, pp. 217 sqq-
  36. ↑ Bk. i, ch. vii.
  37. ↑ Bk. i, ch. ix.
  38. ↑ Bk. i, ch. xiv.
  39. ↑ Bk. ii, ch. i. See also Bk. i, ch. xvi, pp. 116–21, 'Of the Embassador's Powers' ('The Powers, with reference to an Embassador, are nothing else, than what a Letter of Attorney is in reference to a private Person', p. 116); ch. xviii, 'Of the Reception and Entry of the Embassador’, pp. 127–48; ch. xix, 'Of Audiences', pp. 148–64; ch. xx–xxii, 'Of Honours and Civilities', pp. 164–202; 'Of the Apparel and Expences', pp. 202–8 ('The Embassador Extraordinary cannot well avoid keeping an open Table, if he will do honour to his Master. … In the Courts of the North, where great Entertainments make part of the Negotiation, this Expence is very necessary, as well as in Holland, where they take great delight in reasoning between two Trestles. The Fenns of the Country produce a multitude of Frogs. The major Part of Embassadors do not succeed therein, as well because every Body is not fit for it, as because it is contrary to the Dignity of the Character'); ch. xxiv, 'Of the Competition between France and Spain', pp. 208–20; ch. xxv, 'Of Several Other Competitions', pp. 220–35; ch. xxx, 'When the Embassador’s Function ceases', pp. 282–93.
  40. ↑ Bk. ii, ch. vi.
  41. ↑ Bk, ii, ch. viii.
  42. ↑ Bk. ii, ch. x.
  43. ↑ Bk. ii, ch. xii. The chapter is one of the best of the whole work. It is followed by chapters entitled, 'Of the Treaties of Munster and Osnaburg' [Osnabrück], ch. xiii; 'The most considerable Treaties relating to the Affairs of this Age', ch. xiv; 'Of Ratifications', ch. xv; 'Of the Report the Embassador makes of his Negotiation', ch. xvi; 'Of some illustrious Embassadors of our Time', ch. xvii.
  44. ↑ Conseiller Ordinaire du Roi en ses Conseils, Secretaire du Cabinet de Sa Majesté, ci-devant Ambassadeur Extraordinaire & Plenipotentiaire du feu Roi, pour les Traitez de Paix conclus à Ryswyck. Et l'un des Quarante de l'Academie Françoise.
  45. ↑ 12mo, Amsterdam, 1716, pp. (xii+) 252; dedicated to the Duke of Orleans. See Appendix, below, pp. 219 sqq. A considerable part of the work has been quoted by Satow, Diplomatic Practice (1917), i. 119–27, 129–30, 132–3. There is an English transl., Lond., 1716, 12mo, pp. xvi+239.
  46. ↑ ch. ii.
  47. ↑ ch. iii, and ch. iv, 'De quelques autres qualitez du Negociateur'.
  48. ↑ ch. v.
  49. ↑ ch. viii. Ch. vi is entitled 'Des Ambassadeurs, des Envoyez, et des Residents', and ch. vii, 'Des Legats, des Nonces, et des Internonces'. The succeeding chapters are: ch. ix, 'Des Privileges des Ministres Etrangers'; ch. x, 'Des Ceremonies et des Civilitez qui se pratiquent entre les Ministres Etrangers'; ch. xi, 'Des Lettres de Creance, des Pleins Pouvoirs et des Passeports'; ch. xii, 'Des Instructions'; ch. xiii, 'Ce que doit faire un Ambassadeur ou un Envoyé, avant que de partir'; ch. xiv, 'Ce que doit faire un Negociateur à son Arrivée dans une Cour Etrangere'; ch. xv, 'Moyens de s'insinuer dans les bonnes graces d'un Prince et de ses Ministres'.
  50. ↑ ch. xvi.
  51. ↑ ch. xviii.
  52. ↑ ch. xix.
  53. ↑ ch. xx.
  54. ↑ ch. xxi.
  55. ↑ ch. xxii.
  56. ↑ ch. xxiii.
  57. ↑ 1832; also, Le Manuel diplomatique, 1822. A fourth edition of Le Guide Diplomatique was published in 1851; a fifth, with notes by Geffcken, in 1856. See Appendix, below, pp. 220 sqq., for extracts.
  58. ↑ See fourth edition by Wegmann, 2 vols., pp. xxvi + 512, and xii + 607. The third edition (3 vols., 1837) was unauthorized by Martens, and in a note to the Preface of the fourth edition he wrote: 'L'édition actuelle est désormais la seule que nous entendions reconnaître'.
  59. ↑ i, pp. 1–28.
  60. ↑ i, pp. 29–37, with foot-notes which here, as throughout the work, are of value.
  61. ↑ i, pp. 38—53.
  62. ↑ i, pp. 66–82, with sections 'des lettres de créance, des pleins-pouvoirs, des instructions, du chiffre' (see foot-notes, pp. 77–9), and 'des passe-ports et des saufs-conduits'.
  63. ↑ i, pp. 167–201.
  64. ↑ ii, pp. 1–5.
  65. ↑ ii, pp. 6–9.
  66. ↑ ii, pp. 31–195: manifestes et proclamations; déclarations ('en quelque sorte des mémoires dont le but est de réfuter des bruits mal fondés, de justifier des mesures déjà prises ou à prendre, ou bien d'instruire le public des démarches faites ou à faire', ii, p. 56); exposés de motifs de conduite; traités publics et conventions; de la signature des traités; des cartels; actes d'acceptation, d'accession ou d'adhésion; actes de ratification, de garantie, de cession et de renonciation, de prise de possession, d'abdication; réversales (ou lettres réversales: 'la piéce officielle par laquelle une cour reconnait qu'une concession spéciale qui lui est faite par une autre cour ne devra préjudicier en rien aux droits et prérogatives antérieures de chacune d'elles. … Lorsque la réversale est signée par le chef de l'État elle reçoit la forme de lettre patente: lorsqu'elle est souscrite par des plénipotentiaires, elle est rédigée sous forme de déclaration', p. 193). See historical examples cited, e.g. Déclaration du roi de Prusse sur sa rupture avec l'Angleterre (1807), pp. 57–8.
  67. ↑ ii, pp. 196–265. See especially on 'instructions', with historical examples (e.g. of Choiseul to Breteuil, 1766), pp. 245–65.
  68. ↑ ii, pp. 266–524; especially, Mémoires et Memorandum; Notes diplomatiques; Lettres diplomatiques; Dépêches ou Rapports; with historical examples.
  69. ↑ ii pp. 525–43, especially Protocoles, pp. 525—35, with historical examples.
  70. ↑ 2 vols., 1917, xii + 407, and ix + 405: one of a projected series of 'Contributions to International Law and Diplomacy', ed. by L. Oppenheim.
  71. ↑ Editorial Introduction, i. v.
  72. ↑ i, pp. 1–4.
  73. ↑ i, ch. iii, pp. 8–12.
  74. ↑ i, ch. iv, pp. 13–25.
  75. ↑ i, ch. vii, pp. 58–99.
  76. ↑ i, ch. ix, pp. 119–45.
  77. ↑ 'We venture to suggest that a Minister for Foreign Affairs ought always to have a clear idea of the policy to be pursued in regard to each separate foreign state, and to seize every convenient opportunity of discussing it with the heads of the respective diplomatic missions. It is to be regretted that the earlier practice of providing an envoy proceeding to his post for the first time with detailed instructions has in some countries fallen into disuse.'—i, p. 142. 'The moral qualities—prudence, foresight, intelligence, penetration, wisdom—of statesmen and nations have not kept pace with the development of the means of action at their disposal: armies, ships, guns, explosives, land transport, but, more than all, that of rapidity of communication by telegraph and telephone. These latter leave no time for reflection or consultation, and demand an immediate and often a hasty decision on matters of vital importance.'—i, p. 145.
  78. ↑ i, ch. x, pp. 146–67.
  79. ↑ These two phrases are often used to denote the same thing, but, 'while uti possidetis relates to the possession of territory, the status guo may be ,the previously existing situation in regard to other matters', i, p. 156. 'In stipulating for uti possidetis or for statu quo, it is … of the utmost importance to fix the date to which either expression is to relate', p. 157.
  80. ↑ 'In these days, when telegraphic communication is possible between capitals even the most distant from each other, a prudent diplomatist will take care not to commit his Government by a provisional acceptance of what is not warranted by his previous instructions. The utmost he will do will be to receive the proposal ad referendum.'—i, pp. 158–9.
  81. ↑ i, ch. xi, pp. 168–74.
  82. ↑ i, ch. xvi, pp. 229–39.
  83. ↑ 'Le mot ambaxador était apparu au milieu du xiiie siècle', Nys, Origines du droit international, p. 317, quoted i. 230.
  84. ↑ i, ch. xxiii, pp. 339–64.
  85. ↑ ii, ch. xxv, pp. 1–93, and ch. xxvi, pp. 94–171.
  86. ↑ ii, ch. xxvii–xxxi, pp. 172–288.
  87. ↑ ii, ch. xxxiii, pp. 307–57.
  88. ↑ 'Good offices' (see ii, pp. 289–306) are 'often confused with "mediation", and sometimes assume that form, while a mediation may now and then involve an arbitration. In fact, arbitration may be regarded essentially as an agreement to confer on a mediator, in place of a commission to negotiate terms of settlement, the more extended power of pronouncing a judgment on the matters at issue between the parties,' ii. 358.
  89. ↑ L'Histoire de mon Temps: Avant-Propos. Applications of Frederick's precepts abound in his writings: see, e.g., the beginning of ch. iv of the History.
  90. ↑ Translated from the third German edition, by Colonel J. J. Graham, 3 vols. in one, 1873. For the connexion of Clausewitz with Scharnhorst and Stein, see Seeley's Stein.
  91. ↑ Clausewitz, On War, ii, pp. 81–3. Cf.: 'When a great state which has smaller allies is conquered, these usually secede very soon from their alliance, so that the victor, in this respect, with every blow becomes stronger; but if the conquered state is small, protectors must sooner present themselves when his very existence is threatened, and others, who have helped to place him in his present embarrassment, will turn round to prevent his complete downfall.' Ibid., iii, p. 37.
  92. ↑ Ibid., iii, pp. 64–5.
  93. ↑ Clausewitz, iii, pp. 65–8.
  94. ↑ 6 vols., 1885–1903.
  95. ↑ 2nd ed., 1907, ch. , pp. 9–91.
  96. ↑ Containing an account of his missions at the Court of Madrid, to Frederick the Great, Catherine the Second, and at the Hague; and of his special missions to Berlin, Brunswick, and the French Republic. Edited by his grandson, the third earl. 4 vols., 1844.
  97. ↑ e.g. i. (2nd ed.), pp. 169 (Russia in 1778), 171 (Britain in 1778), and 208–9 (the absence of instructions in July 1779); cf. iii. 517.
  98. ↑ iv, pp. 412–15. See Appendix, pp. 234–6.
  99. ↑ iv, p. 417.
  100. ↑ Chichele Professor of International Law and Diplomacy, Oxford.
  101. ↑ 1868, viii + 205.
  102. ↑ 'The word "System", in the language of politicians, sometimes stands for a system of States, and sometimes for a system of policy. In the first case it signifies a group of States having relations more or less permanent with one another. Thus the North of Europe was said before the time of Richelieu, and less positively afterwards, to form one "system", and the central, western, and southern States to constitute another system. So, again, all the European Powers are often spoken of as composing one great system. In the second case it means either any course of policy whatever—any tolerably uniform mode of acting in political affairs—or such a course of policy as involves combinations, more or less permanent, with foreign Powers. A statesman who habitually avoids engaging his country in foreign alliances has a consistent principle of action, but not a "system" in this latter sense of the word. His principle is to have no system. It is in this latter sense that the word is commonly used by older publicists,' pp. 61–2. It is the sense in which it is used by the author. Cf.: 'Whoever undertakes to write the history of any particular states-system (by which we mean the union of several contiguous states, resembling each other in their manners, religion, and degree of social improvement, and cemented together by a reciprocity of interests), ought, above all things, to possess a right conception of its general character.'—Heeren, A Manual of the Political System of Europe, transl. 1834, i, pp. viii–ix: so, 'the rise of the European political system'; 'the Southern European States-system'; 'the Northern European States-system'.
  103. ↑ 1898.
  104. ↑ (1) Treaties between Russia and Turkey, 1774–1853, and (2) showing the relation of the Treaty of Kainardji to the subsequent great treaties.
  105. ↑ 1885.
  106. ↑ pp. xx + 555.
  107. ↑ Com. Papers, 1871, vi. 197.
  108. ↑ 1901, pp. x + 275: ch. iv–v, 'Secretaries of State'; vi, 'Under Secretaries'; vii, 'Foreign Office Officials' (including Edmund Hammond and Lewis Hertslet. 'There have been four generations of the Hertslet family in the Foreign Office since 1795', p. 144, f.n.); viii, 'King's (Queen's) Messengers'; ch. xi, 'Diplomatists and Consuls'; Appendix, 'Secretaries of State' (historical and chronological).
  109. ↑ Cd. 6102.
  110. ↑ Cd. 7748 (1914)
  111. ↑ For a chronological list of Ambassadors, Envoys, Ministers, Chargés d'Affaires, &c., from Great Britain to Foreign States, from 1851 to 1918, see the edition for 1918; for lists from 1740 to 1813, see editions previous to 1862; from 1814 to 1836, editions previous to 1873; from 1837 to 1850, editions previous to 1902. For Secretaries of State for Foreign Affairs from 1782 to 1918, see edition for 1918; for Secretaries of State for the Northern and Southern Departments, from 1761 to 1782, see edition for 1go1. For Under-Secretaries of State from 1854 to 1918, see edition for 1918; for before 1854, see edition for 1901.
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