The freeholder of this period had undoubtedly political as well as personal liberty. Generally speaking, however, although common property may have been held by a guild or corporation, and special privileges of trade or inheritance may have been enjoyed, there is before the Conquest little trace of municipal organization. The Lagemanni of Lincoln and the Justices of Chester were apparently among the most ancient resident magistrates, but the manner of their election is unknown. The Conquest divided the boroughs into those which formed part of the royal demesne and those which held of the barons and dignified churchmen,—the interest of the Crown and its grantees in the property and in the profits of fairs and markets, &c., being, at first absolute, but latterly converted into a firma burgi or perpetual rent from the whole borough in lieu of tribute from individual burgesses. The non-elective bailiff succeeded to the reeve, and proved a useful agent in carrying out the oppressive and arbitrary tallagia, which were often the price of new or confirmed privileges. The bailiwicks were sometimes farmed out, and this led to still more severe exaction. To the bailiff succeeded the mayor (major), who accounted to Exchequer for the annual rents of the borough. Grants of jurisdiction, of socan and sacan, of outfangenthef and infangenthef, and grants of the right of appointing præpositi (provosts), ballivi (from Greekβάλλειν or Latinbajulus), and justiciarii increase in number towards the reign of John, and are probably included along with the various exemptions from tolls, &c., granted by Henry II. in the “liberties and free customs” guaranteed by the Great Charter. The terms alderman, capital citizen, capital burgess, and jurat were of fluctuating signification; but the last three were finally applied to members of the Common Council which gradually took the place of the assembly of incorporated burgesses. The rights of a free burgess might be acquired by birth, apprenticeship, marriage, or purchase; and as prior to Edward III.'s Laws of the Staple these rights included exclusive privileges of trade, they were properly connected with the payment of local taxation and the performance of local duties, from which non-freemen (strangers and temporary residents) were exempt. In many cases it is probable that the “civitas,” or community of freemen, was identical with the convivium conjuratum, or Secular Frith Guild of traders and craftsmen, possessing portions of town land. Such voluntary associations for protection of trade, the administration of common property, or for religious and charitable purposes, were more highly developed in England than in any other part of Europe. The members of the leading industry naturally assumed the direction of municipal affairs, and when their guild was recognized by the Crown their bye-laws acquired a binding force. For instance, in deeds of the 12th century relating to the magistrates of Paris the terms burgenses and mercatores per aquam are used as synonymous. (Brentano on Gilds.) Such guilds gave compensation to brethren who had incurred losses by shipwreck or undeserved misfortune, and made gratuitous loans to poorer brethren for carrying on their trade. In was their special endeavour to obtain staple right, the right of coinage, immunity from tolls, &c. Gradually, however, the distinction arose between the merchants proper who formed the gildæ mercatoriæ, and the craftsmen, who had at first traded in the raw materials they worked with, but who were now oppressed and deprived of civic rights by their wealthier brethren. The man “with dirty hands” or; “blue nails,” the man “without hearth or honour, who lives by his labour,” or “hawks his wares in the streets,” was threatened with a serfdom like that which the barons and bishops had imposed. But at this juncture the great craft guilds arose to assert the rights of manufacture. In the time of Henry VI. their victory in England was complete, and the Crown, which had previously recognized the constitution and liberties of a town by confirming the guild, now used in its charters the words of express incorporation (communitas perpetua et corporata). A glance at the names and forms of the most modern municipality will show how closely trade organization and burghal government have been intertwined.
In Ireland the earliest traces of burghal life are connected with the maritime settlements on the southern and eastern coast. The invasion of Henry II.colonized these Ostman ports with Anglo-Norman communities, who brought with them, or afterwards obtained, municipalcharters of a favourable kind. The English settlement obviously depended on the advantages which the burgesses possessed over the native population outside. Quite different from these were the new close boroughs which during the plantation of UlsterJames I. introduced from England. The conquest was by this time completed, and by a rigorous enforcement of the Supremacy and Uniformity Acts the existing liberties of the older boroughs were almost entirely withdrawn. By the new rules published (in terms of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation) in 1672 resident traders were permitted to become freemen, but neither this regulation nor the ordinary admissions through birth, marriage, and apprenticeship succeeded in giving to Ireland free and vigorous municipalities. The corrupt admission of non-resident freemen, in order to outvote the ancient freeholders in parliamentaryelections, and the systematic exclusion of Roman Catholics, soon divorced the “commonalty” from true local interests, and made the corporations, which elected themselves or selected the constituency, dangerously unpopular.
In the north of Scotland there was an association of Free Burghs called the Hanse or Ansus; and the Lord Chamberlain, by his Iter, or circuit of visitation, maintained a common standard of right and duties in all burghs, and examined the state of the “common good,” the accounts of which in 1535 were appointed to be laid before the auditors in Exchequer. The Chamberlain latterly presided in the Curia Quatuor Burgorum (Edinburgh, Berwick, Stirling, Roxburgh), which not only made regulations in trade, but decided questions of private right (e.g., succession), according to the varying customs of burghs. This court frequently met at Haddington; in 1454 it was fixed at Edinburgh. The more modern Convention of Royal Burghs (which appeared as a judicial persona in the Court of Session so late as 1839) probably dates from the Act of James III. (1487, c. 111), which appointed the Commissioners of Burghs, both north and south, to meet yearly at Inverkeithing “to treat of the welfare of merchandize, the good rule and statutes for the common profit of burghs, and to provide for remeid upon the skaith and injuries sustained within the burghs.” Among the more important functions of this body (on whose decrees at one time summary diligence proceeded) were the prohibition of undue exactions within burghs, the revisal of the “set” or mode of municipalelection, and the pro rata division among the burghs of the parliamentary subsidy required from the Third Estate. The Convention still meets, but the reform of the municipalities, and the complete representation of the mercantile interests in the UnitedParliament, have deprived it of importance. In its great days it negotiated a treaty with Campvere, and one of its judgments was given effect to by Edward I. in the Parliament of Newcastle, 1292.