Engines and Men/Chapter 14
Chapter XIV
The year 1911 will long by remembered by members, and by the public generally, as a most eventful year. The strike took its place in industrial history, and to railwaymen is a connecting link between 1907 and 1919. During the crisis of 1907, which was not confined to one year, a period of seventeen months passed between the time of placing the claims and the time of the Conciliation Boards meeting ta discuss them. The whole scheme proved clogged and inadequate, and by 1911 the railway service was full of outstanding grievances. The Transport Workers' Strike at Liverpool proved a match to the combustible material, and, as will be shown later, the revolt spread to every station. The summer of that year saw soldiers parading with fixed bayonets in the streets of many towns, and it saw the Scots Greys and other regiments of cavalry riding about the cities to "protect the stations," as it was said. The Liberal Government adopted brutal and bullying and deceptive tactics, soon after winning their double victories of 1910 by the aid of thousands of railwaymen.
It is interesting to recall now that it was the last general election in which many thousands of organised workers voted Liberal or Conservative. A great awakening came with the next few years, and the Labour Party became a living thing. But in 1911 Mr. Lloyd George played the same role as in 1907, repeating his "Confiscation Boards," as Mr. Fox called them, only more so. Mr. Asquith tried solemn warnings and threats, and Mr. Churchill tried intimidation by armed troops. Brutal conduct resulted, and at Llanelly two men were shot dead. About the declaration of the strike there was absolute unanimity between the four Executives of the A.S.R.S., A.S.L.E. & F., U.P.S.S., and the G.R.W.U. They held a joint meeting in Liverpool, where Mr. Bromley and Mr. Thomas had been previously watching the interests of railwaymen in a very delicate situation. The joint meeting sent representatives to meet Mr. Sydney Buxton, President of the Board of Trade, in Conference, and following that Conference the jointly-signed telegram was issued to call the strike at all stations. Mr. Churchill's mind at once turned to troops, and they were turned into towns in spite of the desire of the local authorities not to have them.
The managers were not required by the Government to discuss matters with the men. They preferred, apparently, to rely upon force, upon the parade of bullets and bayonets. A strike? It couldn't be! They announced that two-thirds of the men had refused to strike, and that the companies had large numbers of applications for work in their service. They announced, in fact, all the usual nonsense which is announced during a great strike, that the men were beaten and going back to work, and that an excellent service was being maintained. The Societies had sent a deputation to Mr. Lloyd George on August 1st, but it was received by Mr. McKenna. Nothing resulted, and Mr. Buxton made no further advance, and on August 17th the men were out, and the service disorganised and down at vanishing point. Friday morning, August 17th, saw the whole railway system in a state of chaos, and in a few hours 150 messages of "All men out" were received.
On the eve of the strike, Mr. Asquith met the union leaders, and used language like this:-
"We cannot allow the commerce of the country to be interfered with in the way it would be by a national dispute, and we want you men to realise in the event of it reaching that stage, His Majesty's Government have decided that they will use all the civil and military forces at their disposal to see that the commerce of this country is not interfered with."
Not a word of promise about recognition or the justice of it; not a word for the eight hours day; not a word about starvation wages; not a word of hope for the workers, only a word for you men to realise what civil and military forces can do. There was only one reply to such cold talk-the strike was called, "P.W.W.," writing in the "Daily News" of August 21st, the Monday after the strike, said:
"Saturday brought the Government face to face with the tremendous and incalculable results of the repression policy. Every soldier was standing sentry or under call to do so. If more trouble arose the Reserves would have to be mobilised. It dawned upon the Government that, though the strike might be crushed in blood by Monday or Tuesday, other steps might be taken by Labour. The engineers, numbering 100,000, were ready to reinforce the railwaymen. The South Scottish miners were also actively preparing, a matter of great interest to Midlothian (Chief Liberal Whip's seat), Fifeshire, Asquith's seat, and, be it added, Dundee (Churchill's seat). Moreover, the whole South Wales coalfield, on which depends the Navy, needed but the word.
"Politically, it was obvious, in view of the attitude of the Labour Party, that the Government would fall during the autumn session if the policy of batons, bayonets and bullets continued over the week-end, solely, be it remembered, because the managers were not required by the Government to discuss matters with the men."
On Saturday morning, "The Times" published a statement issued from the Home Office at 11.30 the previous night:-
"The railway strike developed to-day all over the country, and produced a widespread, though partial, dislocation in the railway services. Most of the trains, both for goods and passengers, have been got through, and the necessary services are well maintained.
"So far as the present information goes, considerably more than two-thirds of the railwaymen are remaining at their posts. Numerous applications are being received by the railway companies for employment. The companies report that the defections have not been in excess of expectations.
"It has not been found necessary to put in force special arrangements with regard to emergency traffic."
Referring to this statement in the course of discussion in the House of Commons, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald said: "The statements with which it opened were inaccurate; the expressions in the middle were nonsensical; and the effect in the end was simply to make the men more inclined to go on fighting."
The Joint Strike Committee saw that the Government was fighting the case for the companies, and promptly announced that all negotiations were at an end until they met the managers.
"With brief decision." wrote "P.W.W." on this point, "the entire position was abandoned by those acting for the Cabinet. A peremptory message was sent to the companies telling them that a round table conference must be conceded at once and unconditionally. As speedily, the companies on their side surrendered. At noon, and for 11 hours afterwards, the managers sat face to face with the four union representatives, assisted by Mr. Ramsay Macdonald and Mr. Arthur Henderson. Recognition, on this occasion, was won on the brink of civil war."
Recognition had been won "on that occasion," but not permanently. The settlement was signed by representatives of the Board of Trade, the companies, and the unions, at eleven o'clock on Saturday evening, August 19th. The strike was terminated at once, the strikers were to return at once, to work amicably with blacklegs, and the Conciliation Boards were to be specially convened to settle outstanding disputes. The Royal Commission idea was accepted, both sides to render all possible assistance. The following telegram was sent out to all branches:—
"Joint Committee have settled strike. Victory for trade unionism. All men must return to work immediately."
The Royal Commission, duly set up to investigate the working of the 1907 scheme, and to report what changes, if any, were desirable, held 29 sittings and examined 67 witnesses. Of its five members, two represented the companies and two the men, with an impartial chairman. The members were as follow:—
The first official intimation of the coming storm was a letter from the Sandhills branch, dated June 27th, stating that the branch had been requested not to handle any goods during the seamen's strike. and if they were hooked on to a blackleg train, say, for Hull or other ports, what would be their position? They asked if Mr. Bromley was available, and if it was not advisable for him to leave for Liverpool to watch developments. It was resolved: "That until the General Secretaries of the unions have corresponded with our own General Secretary we cannot entertain applications made by our branches." This did not assist the Sandhills branch much, did it? Events, however, were becoming cumulative. The members would not handle blackleg goods, and soon Liverpool was a great storm centre. At Horwich the works were already closed because eleven unions were fighting as one, and there had been a localised strike at Hull, The Barry men asked permission to tender their notices in April, in support of three A.S.R.S. men, said to have been victimised. Activities on other companies had rather better results, for on the G.W., for example, a new agreement secured immediate advances to 2,386 firemen (nearly 80 per cent. of the total) and 527 enginemen (nearly 18 per cent. of the total). It resulted in enginemen spending one year less at 5s, 6d., and rising direct to 6s. 6d. instead of remaining at 6s. until promoted to a higher class, and receiving 7s. per day at least five years earlier than under the old terms. The firemen's 3s. a day was abolished, and the total concessions represented £17,000 a year more for members. Will Crooks was busy advocating his Trades Disputes Bill, and Mr. Fox had drafted a new Federation scheme, drawing a distinction on behalf of separate movements by locomotivemen. Subsequently, it was rejected by the A.S.R.S., for Mr. J. E. Williams wrote on October 5th, 1911, from Carlisle:-
"Having given careful consideration to Mr. Fox's suggested scheme of Federation, and the further extension of sectionalism contained therein, we hereby decide that having regard to past experience, and the decision of the Executive Committee and the A.G.M., we cannot possibly entertain the idea of any such Federation scheme; but having, in our recent action through Joint Executive Councils, proved that solid and united action has been most successful, we are of opinion that one railway union will prove to be most beneficial for all railwaymen, and hereby agree to a Conference for the purpose of discussing and arranging terms of amalgamation."
But great movements had been stirring in the interval between the submission and rejection of this scheme. The railway companies had given very little away under the Conciliation Scheme, and were determined to maintain it. There were loopholes for separate interpretation in every concession, and it cannot be wondered that men rose in a body. Since 1907 the position of companies had vastly improved, but wages had remained almost stationary. Wages, indeed, were cut down to find the Conciliation Boards work in getting them up again, and the Board of Trade returns showed the following
| Year | Number of Workers. | Average Weekly Earnings. s. d. |
|---|---|---|
| 1907 | 478,670 | 25 10 |
| 1908 | 459,120 | 25 0 |
| 1909 | 459,444 | 25 4½ |
| 1910 | 463,019 | 25 9 |
Such were the average weekly earnings of men in the locomotive, coaching, goods and engineers' departments, exclusive of officers, clerks (very inadequately paid), and casual labourers. It will be seen that the wage bill of 1910 was less than that of 1907, and that immediately the Conciliation scheme came into operation there was a drop of 19,570 men in the four departments mentioned. In 1910 there were still 15,671 fewer employees than in 1907, although 1910 was the best year in their history, until grateful and comforting guarantees came along. In the first half of 1911 the L. & N.W. paid 6 per cent. and put away £100,000 to reserve, besides carrying forward a balance of £141,000. The Great Western paid 4 per cent., and carried forward £120,426. The Great Northern apportioned good dividends to the various stocks, and carried forward a balance of £120,927. The Midland made a net increase of £181,000, and placed £30,000 to reserve. These big figures were due to "economies" largely at the expense of labour, and labour revolted against the unfair bargain.
It was on August 16th that the Joint Executives decided upon their ultimatum, 24 hours notice to withdraw all labour. Strike wires were sent out on the evening of the 17th, and on the morning of the 18th the weary wheels stood still. Two days were enough to show the Government that discretion was the better part of valour, and early on Sunday morning, August 20th, the telegrams were delivered announcing the resumption of work. Joint Strike Committees had been formed in all centres, pickets put out just as promptly as Mr. Churchill's troops, and the men had just got into the routine of it when it was all over. Khaki, brilliant uniforms, and bayonets were profusely displayed at the London termini and the chief provincial centres, and for two days the country had a general aspect of civil war. When peace was proclaimed, some men were not so eager to resume, and at Liverpool Mr. Bromley was able to devote attention to the interests of the transport workers and tramwaymen. The latter were refused reinstatement by the Tramways Committee, and a very tough fight had to be made against insults and threats to get them reinstated. Mr. Bromley had spent three strenuous weeks in Liverpool, and even his great physical strength was worn down to the point of collapse. It is needless to add that mass meetings, many of them, were held all over the country.
Commenting on the effects of the strike, Mr. Fox wrote:-
"I wish to say that we have proved conclusively that there is no need for the amount of emphasis laid upon the question of amalgamation. Certainly, we have proved that collective action can be taken with even more effect through the medium of Federation than can be expected through amalgamation, and certainly if anything were needed to prove that sectional organisation was the correct course the recent strike and the response by the members at the request of the Executive Committee provides that proof. I am satisfied that railwaymen would be well advised not to press the question of amalgamation, and go wholeheartedly for first getting the men organised. That is the real essential."
The Conciliation Scheme approved by the Royal Commission of 1911 for dealing with questions affecting wages, hours, or conditions of service, continued to operate into the war period, because the 1914 scheme was cancelled in October of that year. The 1911 scheme provided that if the employees forming a grade, or combination of grades having a common interest, wished to bring to the notice of the company a matter affecting their rates of pay, hours of labour, or conditions, a petition should be presented, signed by at least 25 per cent. of those concerned. The petition was to name a suitable number of employees as a deputation, which deputation should be received by the company within fourteen days of the petition, and give a reply in writing within 28 days of the petition. The provisions were that in cases concerning individuals or a depot, a local superintending officer might hear the case, and report to the company. If the company proposed to reduce the rates of wages, or increase hours of labour, or otherwise adversely alter the conditions of service, the matter was referred to the appropriate Conciliation Board, after the company had circularised the men concerned, giving notice that the matter would be placed on the agenda for the next meeting, the circular to be issued not less than one month before the date of the meeting. If isolated individuals only were affected by such an intention, they could remit the question to the Conciliation Board, and if that Board determined it was not reasonable, the matter could be adjusted from the date the alteration was made. There were still established on each railway a suitable number of Conciliation Boards to deal with questions referred to them relating to rates of pay, hours of labour, or conditions of service, other than matters of management or discipline, of all wage-earning employees. A Joint Staff, having no separate Conciliation Board, was allotted to one or other of the owning companies, for election purposes, and be dealt with through the Conciliation Boards of that company. The employers' side of a Conciliation Board was composed of one or more representatives from each district, elected from among themselves, and the grouping of grades into sections, and the division of the company's system into areas, and the number of representatives, followed the arrangements for Sectional Boards, under the Conciliation and Arbitration Scheme of 1907. Elections of representatives of the employees were held under the supervision of the Board of Trade, from those who were employees in the section and district, each nomination paper being signed by not less than 20 adult employees of the candidate's section and district. The Board of Trade prepared, received, and counted the voting papers, and published the names of members of each Board, whose term of office expired November 6th, 1914, but was generally continued owing to war conditions. Each Board had a chairman, who was not a director of any railway company, and selected from a panel constituted by the Board of Trade. For purposes of electing a chairman, the employees invested two of their number with plenary powers to attend a special combined meeting, along with the company representatives, to select the chairman from the panel mentioned. The chairman, thus appointed under the Conciliation Act of 1896, acted for all the Boards on a company's system, and each side appointed a "leading member" to preside alternately in his absence. Each side had a secretary, to take part in discussion and act as advocate, but not to vote unless he were a member of the Board. Meetings were called half-yearly, or oftener as required, and all settlements arrived at, whether by agreement or by decision of the Chairman, were final and binding. For a summary of the 1917 Scheme see Chapter 19. In the early weeks of the year, attention was focussed upon two disastrous accidents attributable to errors by signalmen. One was at Willesden Junction, on the L. & N.W., and the other at Hawes Junction, on the Midland. In the Willesden case a local passenger train, Watford to Euston, was standing at the No. 4 platform, when it was run into by the 8.30 a.m. Watford to Broad Street, on December 5th, 1910. The driver of the colliding train, Geo. Hall, was one of our members, and he and his mate, W. G. Humphrey, stuck to their posts after they saw the inevitable before them on rounding the bend. Five lives were lost and several people injured. The Midland Railway Scotch express disaster happened on December 24th, at 5.46 a.m., between Hawes Junction and Kirkby Stephen, a very lonely part of the system. The express had stopped at Skipton, and while travelling at a high speed with two engines, Nos. 48 and 549, they overtook and ran into two light engines proceeding in the same direction, and on the same line, to Carlisle. The express engines plunged into the side of the cutting, and there the totally wrecked train burst into flames, six coaches out of the eight being burnt down to the frames. Of the dozen or more people killed at the time, or dying subsequently, this fire was responsible for several.
In the autumn of 1911 came the Irish Railway Strike, very ably handled by Mr. John Drummond, as acting Secretary for the E.C., he having preceded them on September 19th to Dublin. The Committee placed on record their very high appreciation of his services. Early in 1912 came the closing of accounts for the national strike in August, the Society's portion of expenditure being £2,561. The sympathetic strike became a serious issue in 1912, owing to the national coal strike, and the use of the railways for the conveyance of blackleg labour and troops to defeat the miners. The Executive met specially to consider this matter, and advised members not to refuse to work soldiers or coal traffic, and expressed strong opposition to the sympathetic strike. In a circular to branches, Mr. Fox wrote:-
"It is impossible to sanction the participation of our members in any strike that is not directly connected with their employment. We do not associate ourselves with the principle of the sympathetic strike, for it would mean that our members were involved in all industrial disputes."
Mr. Fox had also a message on the increasing expenses charged to the Society for various work done by members. He had worked as a fireman at 3s. a day, and said:-
"I speak now as one of those who has worked and paid towards building up our Society to its present splendid position. I speak as one of those who has been responsible for opening branches and bringing hundreds of members into our organisation. I did it out of the interest I had in the members, and that alone, for I did not so much as charge even railway fare or anything else, to say nothing about days off to enable me to do it."
Mr. W. Stevenson, of Slades Green, had come on to the Executive as North London representative in October of 1911, Mr. W. W. Cooke was re-elected the following year, when Mr. C. Shipley took the place of Mr. R. Hill, and Mr. R. Scott took the place of Mr. Brodie. The Triennial Meeting of Delegates was held in the Albert Hall, June 3rd to 10th, and it decided to invest £1,000 in the "Daily Citizen." There were Irish delegates amongst the 149 who attended, and Mr. Timothy Shea was present to convey the greetings of the American Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen. Mr. C. Shipley was elected Chairman, and at the reception by the Lord Mayor, Mr. Fox stated that when he came in as Secretary he found a Society of 8,000 members in 118 branches, with funds of £97,000. That day they had 270 branches, 23,600 members, and £186,000 in reserve. None would think then that Mr. Fox would not again meet the Triennial Conference, or that he was so near the end of his intensely strenuous and able work for the Society. The business of the week included a considerable revision of rules to make way for an Approved Society under the National Health Insurance Act of 1911, the Executive Council being empowered to amend the general rules and to carry into effect any further amendments found necessary. There was considerable discussion on political action, and the deep effect of the Osborne Judgment on funds already depleted by South Leeds. Mr. Fox reported the receipt of an address signed by Albert Bellamy, President of the Joint Executive during the 1911 strike, on behalf of all Societies, which declared that the diplomacy and ability which he displayed, together with the advice he so readily placed at their disposal, enabled them to overcome most of the difficulties of the position." A long discussion on Mr. Conlon's motion for amalgamation led to an interesting episode during Mr. Bromley's speech in replying to the mover. Alluding to the wages of locomotive men, Mr. Bromley proceeded:—
"Now, just to test it, how many men in this Conference, for a sixty hours week, knock out £2 5s. a week? How many? Hand ups! (A few hands were held up). Twenty at the most. Those men at this Congress who for a sixty hours week do not make 30s.? A great many hands were held up. "A Delegate: And after 21 years service!
"Mr. Bromley: We have firemen in this country getting past middle life, with a wife and children, who are not getting 25s. a week. I am going to contend that the man with a guinea, with a uniform, with regular hours of employment, set against the man with 25s., who wears out more clothing, who carries out food that is destroyed, he is financially as badly off in the goods of this world as the man with 20s.
"A Delegate: Worse."
That is a vivid sidelight on the poor conditions existing in 1912. A very long and important discussion on the question of amalgamation ended in the adoption, by 133 votes to 7, of a resolution instructing the Executive: "That the policy of Federation with other railway trade unions must be pursued, but they must not entertain any scheme of amalgamation with any other body than that of men following our own particular calling." This has several times since been re-affirmed as the established policy of the Society. The Conference also decided to appoint a fifth organiser. December of that year brought the Driver Knox episode at Gateshead. He had been arrested on a charge of drunkenness and assault when off duty. The latter charge was dismissed, and he was fined 5s. and costs for drunkenness. Following this the North Eastern Company reduced him to the position of pilot driver, and a storm arose at once. The North Eastern men would not have it, and a strike developed. There was keen newspaper controversy about the rights of drivers, and Messrs. Drummond and Bromley were dispatched to the troubled area. The Executive moved to York on December 9th, and proceeded to Newcastle, where the men had formed a strike committee. This body was consulted and the Chief Officers of the Company approached. They admitted that drivers might do what they liked in their spare time, but drew a firm line against drunkenness. All men were reinstated without prejudice.