The Declaration of War—Wages and Prices—Partial Employment—The First Bonus—Profiteering—Members Enlisting—The "White Feather" Taunt—Mr. Mason's Election—A Writ for Libel—Another Bonus (October, 1915)—A Trying Time (September, 1916)—Members in Public Life.
War on the colossal scale had been declared on August 4th of 1914, and it laid a chill touch upon everybody and every organisation. All Europe was involved, and half the civilised world seemed to be rising to arms. The cliffs reverberated with the roar of heavy guns barking hate at sea, and on land there was an all-pervading presence of khaki, of lumbering guns, and of grey paint. Motor vans, horses, and horse vans were seized, and on the first day of the war the British railways were taken over by the Government under The Regulation of Forces Act of 1871, being afterwards administered by a Railway Executive Committee, composed of the General Managers of the most important systems.
Owing to the national emergency, a mighty truce was called over all internal questions, including wage questions, at the very time when the revised National Programme was ready for presentation. It eclipsed the eight hour day, and for some time the revised Conciliation Board Scheme too. An agreement was reached on October 1st, 1914, providing that the existing schemes should continue in operation until six weeks' notice had been given on either side. Sectional Conciliation Boards were retained, but the number of such was reduced to four on each system. Conciliation stood in abeyance in that manner until the second war bonus was conceded twelve months later, and in the agreement on that question one of the conditions specified that the new Conciliation Scheme should be ready whenever the companies might have occasion to reconsider the war bonus, and give notice of their intention to pay it no longer. This notice, it was provided, could be given immediately the Government control of the railways ceased.
While railway directors and shareholders were guaranteed profits during the period of control. equal each year to the profits of 1913, no wage or work guarantee was made to the men, and within a few months under employment was a marked feature in several parts of the country. The profits of the year 1913, it should be understood, were 52 millions, against an average of 48 millions, because the companies had recently increased their carriage charges to recoup themselves "for the additional cost in awarding better conditions to labour." Thus capital made a very good bargain, and the Government, according to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had also made a very good bargain. What then of our men? Having generously abandoned for the time their National Programme, including the eight hour day, they found each month of 1914 marked by a continual rise in the cost of living, while profiteering was rampant. In January of 1915 discontent was general, and the Executive sent to the companies a demand for an all-round increase of 5s. to meet the changed conditions.
"It is not desirable that there should be internal strife," said the report for the year 1914, "but it is quite sure that in the future, when the war is over, the workers who are now fighting in defence of their country will have to continue their struggle for a fair share of the capital they create."
No one realised then how long the war would last, and what terrible dimensions it would assume, but the struggle of the railway workers for fair consideration by those who were so pleased with their good bargains began in its first month and continued to its last. On August 24th of 1914 Mr. Geo. Moore addressed the
following letter to the Railway Executive Committee:—
While not desiring to increase your difficulties at the present time, I am compelled to write in reference to the position of locomotivemen who are employed by the various railway companies in this country. Since the war commenced these men have had to hold themselves in readiness to go on duty for the purpose of dealing with troop trains and other Government requirements, and have been called out at varying times. The annual holidays, which some of these men should have been having at the present time, have been cancelled, and while we do not complain of that, and are prepared to do our duty in support of the Government in the present crisis as loyally as anyone else, we find that—in spite of restrictions placed upon the men and demands for the whole of their time to be placed at the disposal of the companies—notably the Midland, the Great Northern, and the Great Central railways are not paying the men a week's wages, contending that they do not actually work, and therefore are not entitled to a week's wage. This is, of course, increasing the economic difficulties of the country, as well as causing serious complaints from the men, and we should like the position defining. As our members are now State servants, they contend they are entitled to a full week's wage."
That was the first difficulty to be righted, and a wage adjustment was pressing close. The Railway Executive proved hostile to the demand for 5s., a sum overdue before the war began, and urgently due now owing to rising prices. There was restlessness and talk of a strike, but eventually, in February of 1915, it was agreed:—
"That 3s. advance should be conceded to railwaymen whose rate of wages was less than 30s. a week, and 2s. to those above 30s."
This was a little more than half of the demand made, for in the aggregate it represented £20,000 a week more than a uniform 2s. 6d. would have done, a sharp indication of what a large number of men got less than 30s. weekly. The companies, and not the Government, negotiated that matter, and the award being termed war bonus," rather than a permanent wage increase, formed a very important precedent for the whole war period. The alternative to a war bonus was separate negotiation with every company, under the Conciliation Scheme, and that meant much delay and difficulty. There was no allowance, it will be noticed, for boys under 18, and the whole subject was re-opened four months later, in reference both to men and boys. The Executive decided, in April, that Mr. Bromley should make application to the companies with a view to pressing for the carrying out of the original demand for an increase of 5s. per week all round, including those under 18 years of age. On the general question of profiteering and increased prices, the following resolution was carried:—
"This Executive, representing 34,000 locomotivemen, is
satisfied that the present labour unrest is due chiefly to the mineowners, shipowners, and other employers, and middle men, making money out of the war, and exploiting workmen at the expense of their patriotism. We therefore call upon the Government to fix prices for wheat, coal, and meat, and thus reduce the unrest to a minimum."
A war bonus of 2s. weekly was awarded to the staff, to be retrospective from March 1st, independent of the annual advances due in May. Mr. John Hunter, who had been a member for twenty years, was elected President for the year, with Mr. Worthy Cooke as Vice-President, and during much of the war period these two were prominently identified with the General Secretary in direct negotiations with the companies. At the resumed negotiations on January 11th and 12th, respecting the claim for an all-round 5s., the committee decided, on a report by the negotiators, to accept the offered bonus of 1s. 6d. weekly for boys under 18 years of age, but not to accept the decision not to allow any further bonus to adults. The negotiators returned to their task, but owing to the attitude of the N.U.R. negotiators, who did not support the Society's demand, the Society representatives were unable just then to get more for the adults. The Executive were satisfied that the negotiators had done their utmost, and accepted the position. It was therefore resolved that upon the new war bonus agreement being received by the General Secretary, it should be forwarded to the President, with authority to sign it. Mr. Bromley and Mr. Hunter therefore signed on June 17th in London.
Concurrent action had to be taken by the Society to secure the same concessions for the men on the Scottish lines and the London electric systems. There was trouble, too, on the G.N.R. over its Conciliation policy, for it accepted the general truce without accepting the general conditions, and a firm stand had to be taken to enforce them upon that Company, which has repeatedly caused separate trouble owing to its hostile policy towards union claims. A war levy was called for from members to enable the Society to deal generously with those members serving with the colours, for in three months over 1,368 members had joined up, and their contributions ceased from that time, their benefits also ceasing, except the Death and Orphan Fund benefits, until they resumed duty. By July of 1915, 1,702 members were serving with the forces, of whom seven had been killed and many wounded.
Despite this record, and the desire of many others to join up, it was necessary to send the following letter to the War Office in
April of 1915:-
"Our members are jeered at and even molested in the streets by dockyard workers and soldiers, because they have not enlisted. I have no hesitation in asserting that our members are just as loyal to their country in the present crisis as any body of men there are, and I claim, on their behalf, that they are doing their duty with the least possible trouble to anyone. We have a large number of them already joined the Army; we have a large number who would have joined if they had not been prevented from doing so by the instructions given from the War Office to the effect that locomotivemen must not be enlisted. The whole of our men feel it is not a right thing for them to have to submit
The present Head Office, 8, Park Square, Leeds, 1920.
to any indignity in the streets or elsewhere because they are not
in the Army, when they are prevented from joining the Army,
and a request has been made that I appeal to the War Office to
supply them with buttons to wear in their coats, to indicate
that they are doing their duty for their country. Buttons of this
description are obtainable, I understand, from the War Office,
and my object in writing this letter is to ask that some arrangement
shall be made for supplying our drivers, firemen, and cleaners
with these buttons, to prevent any trouble in the future."
The reply of the War Office, dated April 26th, was that the issue of buttons was restricted for the present to specially skilled workmen of recruitable age in the employ of British armament firms, whose services were indispensable for the execution of certain Government contracts.
Then, too, there was the difficulty of arranging for the satisfactory transfer of men from one district to another to meet war requirements. An appeal was made from Cudworth on behalf of members working short time, and the position was considered. It was decided, with a desire to assist the members, and at the same time to safeguard the funds from any great strain, to allow those losing one day per week 1s.: two days per week, 3s.; three days per week and over, 2s. per day; half benefit to cleaner members; only time lost less than six days to be considered for this resolution. In accordance with decisions of the 1912 and 1914 Conferences, a new Rule Book was being fashioned also during this difficult time, and alterations to premises at 8, Park Square, were being made to accommodate the growing staff. An invitation from the Morley Division Labour Party for Mr. Bromley to contest that division was extended and accepted, but cancelled a little later, owing to redistribution furnishing a good opening for Mr. Ben Turner, in whose favour Mr. Bromley withdrew. Mr. F. W. Coombes, of Exeter, who had served on the Executive, resigned early in 1915, being succeeded by Mr. C. Jarman, and in July, Mr. M. J. Dickenson, the veteran senior trustee, presented his resignation. It was decided to recommend that a suitable testimonial, in the form of an illuminated address and £25, be given to Mr. Dickenson, in
recognition of the long and extremely valuable services he had rendered the Society. This presentation was fittingly made, and Mr. G. Eason elected to the vacant trusteeship. There were seven candidates for the post of organiser in succession to Mr. Bromley, Messrs. A. Mason, of Openshaw, and Barton Wild, of Ardeley, having the two highest votes. A second ballot was taken between them in October, and it resulted: Mason, 6,471: Wild, 4,420.
These, surely, were affairs enough to mark 1915 as a busy year, but in the middle of it came a letter from the solicitors to the N.U.R., claiming that some statements made by Mr. Bromley at an open meeting at Newport were a libel upon Mr. J. F. Williams and Mr. J. H. Thomas, and asking Mr. Bromley to withdraw the same, or proceedings would be taken. The matter was placed in the hands of the Society's solicitors, by the Executive Committee, with the assertion that the statements were true in substance and in fact, and no withdrawal of them could take place by the General Secretary, who stated his readiness to accept proceedings.
By September of 1915 the rise in food prices was more than 37 per cent. above the level of July, 1914, and the Executive was compelled to again enter demands on the companies. Early in October, it was resolved to press forward for the full 5s. war bonus all round; for sixpence per day to count as a wages increase, and the remaining 2s. to be termed a war bonus. Piles of resolutions were pouring in from branches, many threatening a strike, and they had some effect on the companies. An agreement was arrived at in October that railwaymen whose standard rate was under 30s. were to receive an additional bonus of 3s., those whose rate was over 30s. a bonus of 2s., while boys under 18 were to receive another shilling. This advance was naturally appreciated, but the terms under which it was conceded were not. The agreement was to last as long as the Government controlled the railways, and subject to termination by one month's notice on either side. The Executive was not to put forward any new demands, nor to countenance new demands
by branches, nor to support any strike promoted to further new demands. The new and third award added 17 per cent. to the average pre-war earnings of railway workers, but the cost of living had increased by twice that percentage, so that we had the spectacle of the workers bearing all the sacrifice, while thousands of profiteers were assembling fortunes. During the winter of 1915-1916, and the early summer of 1916, prices continued to rise steeply, until in July the cost of living was 65 per cent. above the pre-war level, and the agreement of October, 1915, became simply intolerable to men of spirit. It could count for nothing in face of such facts, and a demand for a 10s. advance in wages, not war bonus, became imperative.
The membership of the Society had grown considerably, for during 1914 it had increased by 1,123, in spite of the fact that 1,400 had joined the colours, and the year closed with 32,900 members, and funds of £184,327. There were 11,998 members of the National Insurance Department, Approved Society No. 253. This was followed by the 1915 Report, showing that 2,219 men were serving, but still membership had increased, and stood at 33,624, six new branches having been opened. The income for the year was £43,230, a record, and the increase on the year, £12,630, with the total funds of £196,958 were both records. The "Journal" had materially changed in character, relating more to members and branches than to companies and big engines, the result being an increase of over 1,000 in its regular sale. That increase rapidly grew in subsequent years, until in 1921 the "Journal" enjoys a net sale of 28,000 copies per issue. The close of 1916 saw a membership of 34,039, with an addition to capital funds of £18,020 (over 10s. per member), The total funds reaching the remarkable figure of £214,987. There were then 2,678 members with the Army and Navy, all free from contributions, and it should be remembered, too, that the cost of everything required had vastly increased.
The Society was therefore in a formidable position when, in July and August of 1916, it again came to grips with truculent companies on behalf of members. On July 17th Mr. Bromley sent the following telegram to Mr. C. W. Bowerman, M.P.:—
"Members pressing for action to be taken at once to secure increased wages or bonus to meet increased cost of living. Please press Government for immediate meeting of T.U.C. deputation.
My Executive in session."
This was followed on July 22nd by the following letter:—
Dear Mr. Bowerman,
My Executive, who are now sitting, have instructed me to write you asking what information you can give them for guidance, as, having seen the Press report of the interview granted by the Prime Minister to the sub-committee from the Trade Union Congress, which appears to them to be anything but satisfactory, and having regard to the special resolution passed at the Special Congress on June 30th, to the effect that if your efforts to obtain a reduction in the cost of living were unsuccessful, all trade unions were to put in a demand for increased wages, and having a number of applications from our branches that a demand be put in for an increased war bonus, or wages, for our members, my Executive would be glad to know what your view of the position is.
Yours fraternally,
J. Bromley.
There was further correspondence on the matter, as a resolution by the 1916 A.A.D. calling for such united action had been largely instrumental in causing the Special Congress, but it was essential to act, as prices rose 6 per cent. in August alone, and at all centres meetings of protest were being held. These culminated in threats to strike in September, and at last the companies moved. The Executive moved to London, and on September 13th the sub-committee met the General Managers' Committee, reporting an offer to advance the bonus on a differentiated basis, or an advance of 2s. flat rate, when it was resolved to use every endeavour to secure flat rate, and to adhere to the demand for 10s. A further conference was held on September 14th, when the General Managers increased their offer to 3s. all round to those included in previous agreements, with 1s. 6d. to boys under 18. If that was not acceptable they agreed to any arbitrator appointed by the Government. If that was not acceptable it was useless to continue the negotiations.
Resolved: "That in view of the difficult position which has arisen, this Executive desires to continue negotiations, and to settle the question of war bonus, without the calling of an arbitrator, and while we cannot think that the offer of 3s. now made by the companies is their final offer, we suggest, as a means of bringing us nearer together, that failing the granting of the full 10s., there shall be arranged, over and above any settlement arrived at being less than 10s., an automatic sliding scale, which in the event of food prices rising after the agreement being signed, and with a view to preventing the necessity of further meetings on this question, shall operate as follows:—1s. 3d, per week to men, and 8d. per week to boys, for every ten per cent. increase in the price of commodities."
The N.U.R. Executive broke off negotiations at this point to call a Special Conference, and the Associated Executive was next summoned to meet Mr. Runciman at the Board of Trade. He was accompanied by Sir Wm. Robertson and others, including Mr. A. Henderson, and the serious military danger of even a temporary railway strike was pointed out. The General Secretary
promised to use every possible endeavour to prevent a strike, pending the completion of negotiations. Later the Managers were met again, but without result, and on September 19th the General Managers appealed for some counter offer to bridge the gulf between 10s. and 3s. They adjourned to the 20th, when the sub-committee stated that unless the sliding scale or the full 10s. were conceded, they would have to return to the full E.C. before agreeing to any settlement. The companies had advanced to 4s., and the Chairman
said the sliding scale suggestion appealed to him, but as it was
new it would require close consideration. For this purpose there
was a retirement, after which the Managers offered 5s. additional
bonus to adults and 2s. 6d, to boys, with a further conference to discuss the sliding scale suggested. Sir Guy Granet (Chairman) gave to Mr. Bromley a letter guaranteeing that further Conference, and thus, after a strenuous, exhausting and most anxious time, a settlement was arrived at, Messrs. Hunter and Bromley being authorised to sign. On September 21st the electric lines were included in the general agreement. The increase dated from September 16th, and brought the total war increase to 10s. and 5s. respectively, aided by a further 5s. to men and 2s. 6d. to boys on April 9th of 1917, after a similar struggle.
Let us leave the cost of living problem at that point for a time to revert to a remarkably interesting debate on the question of Craft v. Industrial Unionism, at the Trade Union Congress in 1915. That debate ended in a decisive vote in favour of Craft Unionism, and sharp condemnation of the "Prussian" methods of large industrial organisations to those of the Crafts. Following upon that debate it was decided that the General Secretary get into touch with those Craft Unions which have members employed upon the railways, with a view to a conference being arranged for the purpose of bringing pressure to bear on the Parliamentary Committee to give effect to the resolution adopted at the Conference at Bristol. This was communicated to Mr. John Hill, Secretary of the Railway Organisation Committee of Craft Unions, to which the Society
became affiliated. Reference to the Trade Union Congress reminds
me that in the Bristol Congress in 1917, when all the workers were
suffering from the continual increase in the cost of living, and the
Congress was discussing the matter, Mr. Bromley moved a dramatic resolution that the Congress should stand adjourned at that point, that they should charter a special train, and proceed to London, and march to Downing Street to demand that the excessive profiteering should cease. This proposal struck the imagination of Congress, and it was carried with cheers, but never put into effect, Standing Orders Committee, of which Messrs. A. Bellamy and David Gilmour were members, furnished the pretext that Congress should continue its sitting, and Ministers felt very relieved.
Mr. Worthy Cooke was re-elected to the Committee with 1,278 votes, and Messrs. Barton Wild (North) and S. Garrison (Electric) were new members. Mr. R. Scott retired to become a locomotive foreman, and Mr. C. W. Shipley retired to become Sheriff of York City. It is of interest to note here how many members were taking part in public life. In 1919 the membership included nine Justices of the Peace; sixty-one Town, City, and other Councillors; sixteen Guardians of the Poor; a dozen school managers and members of executive committees; nine members of Pensions Committees; eight members of Food and Local Control Committees; four members of Profiteering Tribunals; and members of most other local bodies, directors of Co-operative Societies, and so on.
Throughout the war period, but notably in 1915-1917, questions of unfair methods of releasing men for military service caused friction, and the Society had to strongly intervene to protect men with family responsibilities. The war, indeed, opened a flood tide of questions, and every day seemed to have its incidents.
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