Engines and Men/Chapter 18
Chapter XVIII
The year 1917 is only comparable to the year 1919 in the history of the Society. It was a year of great accomplishment, and of pathfinding for the whole movement of organised labour. Every day had its keen interest, and every month had its record full of importance. At the close of 1916 there were 2,678 members with the forces, and paying no contributions, but still the year had passed all previous financial records, and membership had risen to 34,039, with six new branches opened. The income during 1916 was £45,114, out of which £18,020 (again over 10s. per member) was added to capital funds, giving a total of £214,978, which, divided by membership, was the highest figure on record for any society in the world. The Thirty-seventh Annual Report, covering 1917, and issued in May of 1918, showed total founds of £230,428, a gain 'on the year of £15,449, exceptionally fine in view of the fact that every requisite was at double prices. There were 3,014 members 'on active service at the close of 1917, out of a total of 36,704, or nearly ten per cent, of the Society. The increase of members during the year was 2,665, with nine new branches opened. The value per member was £6 7s. 2d., in spite of the rapid growth of figures, and few societies could touch such a proportion. The regular "Journal" sales increased by over 2,000 copies, and all round there were signs of a great awakening. If the object of issuing a writ for libel had been damage to the Society, it signally missed its aim, for the case of 1917 proved an impetus to a movement that has continued ever since.
Trade Union activities were very great, including the eight hour movement, and the laying of the case for locomotive workers before the Committee on Production. That ably presented case was the means of increasing the war wage by 6s. weekly to men over 18, and 3s. to those under 18. Taken generally, the year was one without precedent in the history of the Society, making a great advance in its prestige and strength. Taking first a casual view of the year, we find war expenditure gradually rising from five millions per day to six millions, and later to seven. The cost of living on February 1st of 1917 was 89 per cent. higher than in 1914, and by July 1st it was 109 per cent. higher. The American Congress had passed an Eight Hours Act for railwaymen. The Russian Revolution, in February, was followed by the entry of America into the War against the Central Powers. Before the year had ended our members were driving many train loads of American troops across the country to take their places in France.
The N.U.R. had brought along a new and distinctly selfish Conciliation Scheme, an attempt to monopolise all Boards by their nominees, a very disappointing departure from what is supposed to be trade union loyalty and comradeship. We did not allow the attempt to succeed, but that does not alter the fact of the attempt being made. Many of our branches were sustaining sad war losses, and all were grieved to learn that on April 9th Mr. Geo. Moore's younger son Clifford, a lieutenant of the Seaforth Highlanders, aged 20 years, was killed in the great advance movement. There was grief in the news of every day, and grief in the effects of a terrible "influenza" scourge, which spread like a plague and killed more people in its passing than did five years of awful war. Truly "The Last Post" was sounding in every town, and there was much depression. When the A.A.D. assembled in May, with Coun. D. S. Humphreys, of Mexborough, in the chair, and Mr. R. T. Mackereth, of York, in the vice-chair, it was fitting that all delegates should rise in silence as a tribute of sorrow for all the fallen and sympathy with those who mourned. That Conference had the pleasure of being welcomed by Mr. Moore as President of the Leeds Trades and Labour Council, and, also, it had the pleasure of making history, as will be shown soon, by its series of resolutions and what followed them.
The A.A.D. was memorable for another reason, too. Mr. Bromley, in his annual report as General Secretary, had referred to the libel action brought against him and others by Mr. Thomas and others, and after reporting the circumstances, he said:—
"I therefore beg to tender to you my resignation of my office, and leave the matter in your hands. While my conscience is perfectly clear, the fact remains that you, on behalf of the Society, will have to put sentiment aside and view the position from the standpoint of the interest and welfare of your Society."
The report, and especially this passage, evoked a serious and high- toned discussion, at the close of which it was resolved, by 49 votes to three:—
"That this Conference accept our General Secretary's explanation, and that we do not accept Mr. Bromley's resignation, but wish to place on record our appreciation of his services."
That was possibly the finest of many important decisions of the Conference, for it was a splendid manifestation of loyalty to the chief official in a very trying episode. To conclude a brief summary of the year before dilating upon its chief events in the Society history, it was in 1917 that the Seamen's Union refused to carry Messrs. Macdonald and Jowett to Russia; that Mr. H. A. L. Fisher's Education Bill was introduced; and that Mr. Henderson was kept waiting "on the mat" by the Prime Minister. The Fisher Education Act, considerably revised, became law in 1918. Mr. Bromley was elected to the Executive of the Railway Nationalisation Society on June 7th of 1917.
Prolonged sittings of the Executive began on the close of the Conference, and it was first decided to ask for an interview with the Railway Executive, or General Managers' Committee, to discuss the following points:—
1.—The immediate application of Clause 72 (of the 1914 Conciliation Scheme) to our locomotive members.2.—National Programme on behalf of locomotivemen.3.—Establishment of machinery free from other grades for maintenance of locomotivemen's conditions of service.
Messrs. Oxlade and Stevenson were the drafting committee in relation to No. 3, and Messrs. Wild, Stevenson, Healey, Wride and Branson were the sub-committee to fix up the draft of such machinery, the other Executive members to devote attention to the National Programme. This was compiled and adopted, placing the eight hour day in the forefront, and presenting a daily wage scale which is exceeded in the Conditions of Service now operating.
Mr. Mackereth, of York, wired to secure an interview with the Executive in June, respecting Fireman Brown, a new member, against whom the military authorities were taking legal proceedings for refusing to submit to medical examination. This was contrary to the arrangement made with the Railway Executive on May 25th, and Sir A. Kaye Butterworth was wired to that effect. Brown was defended and a shorthand note taken of the proceedings, which were dealt with by the sub-committee meeting the managers on June 9th. Other important cases of practically compulsory enlistment arising at the same time were Fireman Yemm, of Ardsley, and Fireman Hutton, of Birkenhead. At the same time the War Office wrote asking to vary the agreement entered into with the General Secretary on March 22nd, 1917, as conditions had changed and many more railwaymen were required for service. On this and other urgent subjects the Railway Executive did not wish to meet the A.S.L.E. & F. alone, but it had to concede that point, and a sub-committee of five were appointed: Messrs. Oxlade, Stevenson, Wild, Cooke, and Wride, with the General Secretary, to negotiate re military matters, truce arrangements, National Programme, and new machinery. The Craft Union Committee was awakening to the need for similar action, and there was preparation for a substantial forward movement.
The Negotiating Committee had met the Railway Executive on July 24th, and in the next two days visited the Board of Trade and the Ministry of Labour. In each case the great seriousness of the situation was pointed out, because the members were solid against compromise. Next, the chairman of the Railway Executive was again interviewed, and he suggested an increase of wages for the war period, but not the eight hours day. Both he and the Board of Trade were told the Committee would remain in London until a settlement was reached. At a meeting between the Railway Executive and the Society's representatives on August 1st, the eight hour day was fully debated, but the Railway Executive expressed itself unable to agree. Again they offered to consider an arrangement for increased wages in place of the existing bonus, as Sir Herbert Walker had suggested, but this was not acceptable, and the Conference terminated, as the Railway Executive said an insistence on the eight hours day would become a subject for other Government departments. The General Secretary therefore visited the Board of Trade on the same day, and as a result met Sir Albert Stanley, the President, on August 2nd. Communication remained continuous until August 9th, when the sub-committee twice visited the Board of Trade, and told Sir Albert Stanley of the serious danger of any failure to reach agreement.
Finally Sir Albert Stanley, having consulted the War Cabinet, made the following statement on behalf of the Government:—
"That the Government could not under the circumstances consider the principles of the eight hour day at present, inasmuch as this was not a question arising out of the war, and was generally recognised as unworkable under existing conditions. The present system of railway control would, however, continue for some time after the war, so that there was an opportunity of raising and dealing with the question of hours after the conclusion of peace. In the meantime, machinery exists for dealing with any question of excessive hours or insufficient remuneration arising out of war conditions."
So far, this was an important statement. It meant that the Board of Trade would assist the Society in preventing excessive hours, and gave the Executive power to again approach the Railway Executive for increased remuneration, despite the fact that the Government had turned the War Bonus into War Wages, without asking the Society. The Government, however, had refused to institute the eight hour day during the war, and in view of the resolutions passed by the A.A.D. in May, the Executive felt it had no alternative but to summon the delegates to London, to give instructions as to the next step. The resolutions referred to, adopted at Leeds in May, were:—
This assistance was now called for. The Government had never taken a really serious view of the matter until August 15th, relying until then on the Press misrepresentation of the claim as being 1.—Instructing the Executive to immediately open up negotiations with the Railway Executive, and demand that the full advantage of Clause 72 be immediately given to locomotivemen, electric motormen, and electric trainmen, and also that machinery be put in operation whereby our National Programme may be presented and obtained without delay. We further instruct the Executive that under no circumstances will we be bound by any agreement or machinery that takes away from the locomotivemen the right to manage their own affairs.2.—That this Conference. . . .give our Executive Committee the same powers they have exercised in the past, relying on them when the necessary assistance or pressure is required, to call upon us, or to refer the matters in dispute back to the members for their acceptance or otherwise. This last clause is to be adhered to should any compromise be suggested on the question of the eight hour day.
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"In October, 1914, in view of the war, the representatives of the railway companies, the National Union of Railwaymen, and the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, entered into an agreement which was generally known as 'The Truce. They resolved that notwithstanding the notice of determination, which expired on November 30th, 1914, the scheme of conciliation settled at the Board of Trade Conference on November 11th, 1911, should remain in force, and that the men's side of the Board on each of the railways, as then constituted, should continue to act, provided that either of the parties to the agreement might give six weeks' notice to terminate it, and there, upon the parties should agree as to the arrangement to be adopted for the future. It was further agreed that all existing contracts and conditions of service should remain in operation, and that no new agreement should be made by the companies, either with deputations or Conciliation Boards, during this suspensory period. This truce has been, by subsequent negotiations between the companies and the unions, confirmed and strengthened. The agreement had been duly observed, but the increase in the cost of living during the war had rendered it necessary that an improvement in the men's wages should take place. The present war bonus was 15s, per week to men over 18 years of age, and a lower amount to women and boys, the total cost being about £22,000,000 per annum. Quite recently, both the trade unions concerned made fresh proposals to the railway companies. The companies agreed with the National Union of Railwaymen that the war bonus should be converted into a war wage, the effect of which was to increase payments for overtime and Sunday duty at an additional cost of £3,000,000 a year. A like offer was made to the Associated Society, but the representatives stated they were unable to enter into negotiations on the question of wage or bonus, unless the principle of an eight hour day was first conceded. He had the highest appreciation of the loyalty and zeal of all classes of railwaymen during the war, and knew that they had ungrudgingly worked very long hours, which he wished could be reduced, but it was not denied that it was absolutely impossible under existing war conditions to give any practical effect to an eight hour day.
"It was, therefore, clear to him that the object of the Society was to obtain recognition of the principle of an eight hour day at a time when, owing to the national emergency and the Government control of railways, they considered they had a favourable opportunity for dealing with the matter. He could not believe that, in view of the facts stated, any responsible organisation of railwaymen, who had hitherto played such a splendid part in assisting the nation in its emergency, would jeopardise the prosecution of the war by authorising or taking part in a stoppage at this critical time. He wished to intimate, on behalf of the Government, that the necessary steps were being taken to deal with any emergency that might arise."
The Special Conference assembled at 9 a.m. on Thursday, August 16th, at the Grafton Hotel. It continued its deliberations over Thursday, Friday and Saturday. On Friday. August 17th, a decision to strike was arrived at, and that evening Mr. Bromley had an important interview with the President of the Board of Trade. Ministers were anxious to have the matter concluded before Parliament adjourned for the grouse moors, and the Press awakened to the vital work of locomotive workers as the centre of the whole railway system. The N.U.R. was quite piqued about it, and advised its branch members, who were watching the drama with keen interest, to wait for the advice of their own Executive, and to take no part in the present movement. The Society had a just cause and absolute unity, and not in all its previous history had there been a finer demonstration of its strength. While the Government was hastily arranging for a railway service, the Society was perfecting a system for passing communications to all branches independent of telegraph or post. There was talk of the arrest of foolish leaders, and shorthand reporters from Scotland Yard had to be ordered out of the Conference. On Saturday, August 18th, a Proclamation was made by the Government, applying Part I. of the Munitions Act (1915) to the dispute. The object of this was to cause the Society or the Railway Executive to report the difference to the Ministry of Labour for settlement by conciliation or arbitration. The Proclamation also prohibited any stoppage of work, and made it illegal to apply any of the Union funds for purposes of strike pay. On the same day Sir Albert Stanley and Mr. Geo. Barnes addressed the Conference at Drovers' Hall, Islington, but without inducing it to change its mind. Conference authorised the Executive to negotiate further, and a final settlement was reached with the President of the Board of Trade at midnight on August 21st. The written pledge of Sir Albert Stanley to the A.S.L.E. & F. brought the eight hour day ten years nearer for the whole trade union movement. The autograph message was as follows:—
August 21st, 1917.
Dear Mr. Bromley,
In accordance with what I said to you last night with respect to the demand of your men for an eight hour day, I am writing to confirm what I have stated to your Executive Committee and to your delegates when I attended a meeting on Saturday last, and also in the House of Commons, namely: That I pledge the Government, the War Cabinet, and myself personally, to continue the present control of the railways for a time after the cessation of hostilities, so that there would be an opportunity afforded within one month to bring forward a request for a shorter working day while the railways were under control, and that any reasonable request for a short working day would have the immediate and sympathetic consideration of the Government
I have also said that adequate machinery existed for dealing with any question of excessive hours or insufficient remuneration arising out of war conditions. On these two latter points I stated in my speech to the delegates that everything possible would be done by the Railway Executive Committee to reduce the long hours to the lowest possible minimum consistent with the absolute demands which are put upon the railways.
I have also stated that, insofar as I am aware, any demands which up to the present have been made for increased remuneration arising out of war conditions had been amicably adjusted, and I have no reason to doubt that any future demands would be dealt with in the same spirit.
I will use my good offices with the Railway Executive Committee to secure that they will see the men's representatives and discuss outstanding matters at the earliest moment, this week if possible.
Yours faithfully,
A. H. Stanley.
This letter was a very broad hint of a concession of the eight hour day to be brought into effect at the cessation of hostilities, and as such it was wisely accepted by the Executive as a settlement of the crisis. Mr. Geo. Barnes, M.P., as a member of the War Cabinet, supported this view by his assurance:—"I convey to you the sympathy of the War Cabinet in what they regard as a perfectly justifiable demand under normal conditions and in normal times, and also the sympathy, as I know, of every member of the War Cabinet; and in the second place to assure you that all that Sir Albert Stanley has said will be carried into effect, literally and without qualifications, after the cessation of hostilities."
Let us continue this interesting story of the eight hour movement to its conclusion. The fourth and last Armistice, that with Germany, was signed on November 11th, 1918, and next day, November 12th, Mr. Bromley wrote to Sir Albert Stanley, demanding that the pledges of 1917 should be redeemed. There was some excusable delay, and eventually Sir A. Stanley met the representatives of the Society on Tuesday, November 26th, at 3.30 p.m. In the discussion Sir Albert Stanley said "there is no difference between us as to the pledge that was given by me in August, 1917," and he concluded, "I think we should take a survey of the position in the country, and the appointment of a Commission or Council to take this matter up, both in respect to bonus and wages, of various grades, and if this were done at once I feel sure something would be done quickly for the men on the railways. This is what I have to offer you this afternoon." The E.C. contested this and demanded the redemption of the pledges given in August, 1917. Finally it was agreed that Mr. W. W. Cooke and Mr. Bromley, with Sir F. Marwood for the Board of Trade, should agree upon the hours worked by the various companies as their standard, and Sir A. Stanley agreed to lay these before the War Cabinet, and to let the Executive have a reply by Friday. On November 28th came the following telegram:-
"War Cabinet considered your Society's demand this morning, and have adjourned discussion until early next week. Note was taken of the pledges given in August, 1917. Meeting fixed for to-morrow now postponed until early next week.
Marwood."
There was more wiring, and the general election was approaching. On December 2nd this telegram came:-
"Hope it will be possible for you to arrange to postpone further meeting until first week after election. December 14th. Am leaving for Ashton to-day. Please communicate with me at Midland Hotel, Manchester.
Stanley."
So to Manchester Mr. Bromley wired:-
"My Executive in session unable to accept conditions of your telegram of December 2nd, and are prepared to come to Manchester immediately. Delay impossible. Please wire reply.
Bromley."
So by the passage of more telegrams an appointment was made at Manchester, where, at the Midland Hotel, an offer was made to accept a date to be mutually agreed upon for the acceptance of the eight hour day. He promised to lay that before the War Cabinet, and the Executive offered to meet him anyw here in the United Kingdom on the matter. At 12.45 p.m. on Thursday, December 5th, a telephonic communication was received from Sir A. Stanley, requesting the E.C. to meet him. They caught the 1.15 ex Leeds to London, and met Sir A. Stanley at the Board of Trade the same evening. Mr. Bromley, be it remembered, was all this time trying to conduct his Parliamentary contest in North East Leeds, having given up Morley to Mr. Ben Turner. Owing to engagements in Leeds, Mr. Bromley could not accompany the Committee to London until Friday, and Sir Albert Stanley specially asked Mr. Bromley, in a personal talk over the telephone, to follow on and to join the Executive in the final discussion. This Mr. Bromley did, travelling in the night, and he was thus able to render the last assistance needed to secure that boon to all railwaymen-the eight hour day. The E.C. of the N.U.R. was waiting at that deferred meeting, but the Committee of the Society rightly demanded that as they alone had secured the pledge, and had prosecuted that tiring quest. Sir Albert Stanley should now meet them alone. This was agreed, and the President of the Board of Trade suggested March 1st, owing to the impossibility of working the eight hour day at once. The Committee suggested January 1st, and eventually February 1st was agreed upon.
Following is the text of the agreement, and owing to the compulsory departure of Mr. Bromley for Leeds, it will be noticed that Mr. Worthy Cooke, President in 1918, had the honour of signing for the Society the first Eight Hour Agreement for the British Railway Service:-
Copy of Agreement.
1.—The principle of an eight hour day for all members of the wages staff has been conceded, and is to come into operation on February 1st.
2.—All existing conditions of service to remain unaltered pendingthe decision of a Committee to be set up as soon as possible to review wages and other conditions of service of railwaymen
in Great Britain.(Signed) Ernest J. Moggridge.
Board of Trade, S.W.,
6th December, 1918.
On behalf of the Associated Society of
Locomotive Engineers and Firemen,W. W. Cooke, President.
6th December, 1918.
Thus a gratifying victory was won after a long and trying effort. By such struggles are the rights of men secured. The effects of the agreement were to reduce working hours by 18 hours weekly on the Caledonian and Great North of Scotland; by 24 hours weekly on the Highland, and by varying amounts on the different English and Welsh lines. The contest reduced the hours of all railway workers, for as the Society delegates walked out with their documents, the N.U.R. walked in. That was how point one of the points of the National Programme was won. Now let us see how others were won.