Engines and Men/Chapter 3
Chapter III
Our Society—The A.S.R.S. and the Strike—The Change in 1880—Victimisation and Revolt—A Famous Letter—The First Branches—First Executive Meetings—Strike and Victimisation Pay.
Prior to 1880, apart from the North Eastern drivers' action the efforts of organised railwaymen had been confined to methods of appeal. So far as Parliament was concerned. Mr. Bass and a few friends acted as spokesmen, strictly within limits of course, and outside Parliament the scope of action was chiefly the scope of talk and persuasion. The strike weapon was officially rejected because it was feared, and at delegate meetings it west discussed and talked out. The assembly at Birmingham Delegate Meeting of the A.S.R.S. in October, 1877, illustrates the difficulty. An attendance of 130 delegates included 30 engine drivers, 20 goods guards, and signalmen, clerks, firemen, inspectors, porters, platelayers, foremen, carmen, fitters, time-keepers, carpenters, blacksmiths, carriage washers, examiners, policemen, and gatemen. Was this a Trade Union? There was a lack of common understanding, because there was a lack of knowledge of each other's conditions, and meetings came and went without effect. There were, of course, those who advocated strike action, and it was discussed at Leeds in 1879, when the President declared he had never known arbitration to fail. An effective reply was made to this that it had never failed because it had never been tried, and the companies would not recognise them. The objects of the A.S.R.S. were stated to be "to improve the conditions of all classes of railway servants by legitimate means; to prevent strikes by promoting good understanding between employers and employed; to obtain shorter hours, and more equitable payment for duty performed."
The companies, as may be imagined, were not disturbed by such pious expressions. In 1879 they imposed numerous reductions of wages because trade was described as bad, although they paid increased dividends. So much feeling was stirred in 1879 that the whole question of strike policy was re-committed to the branches, with the advice that "at the same time we are in favour of the principle of arbitration." The companies did not even deign to give an explanation of why they took the harsh course of increasing hours and reducing wages, and men chosen to represent their fellows on deputations were ruthlessly removed or dismissed from the service, and prevented from getting employment under other companies. Victimisation was therefore a very real and cruel thing. Powerful companies proved impersonal and callous, end recognised no moral obligations. The only outlook was material.
Mr. Fred W. Evans, the first effective General Secretary of the A.S.R.S., fully realised the gravity of the times, and in the circular issued to branches on the strike question, he wrote:—
"By renouncing our right to resist injustice by the resort to strikes we have disarmed in the face of the enemy, and invited him to inflict upon us the attack we have been anxious to avoid and he anxious to inflict. Strikes are justifiable when they constitute the workman's last and only means of asserting or defending his rights. . . . Like war, strikes may be both necessary and justifiable, and like war they demand organisation and sacrifice. As things now stand in the railway service the companies are all powerful, and the men are helpless, obliged to submit to any terms dictated by the companies, until the men possess the means and organisation to unitedly withhold their labour. If railwaymen are ever to be fairly treated, well paid, and not overworked, it will be when they rely on themselves, and use the means within their power ta exact respect for their labour and its rights from their employers."
Honour where honour is due. There has never been a more courageous and dignified defence of the strike weapon than that written by Mr. Evans. The difficulty lay in moulding the opinion of his: scattered and mixed membership. The proposal was to levy for a special strike fund, and it materially affected the character of the society. "If levied," said Mr. Evans, "it must be obligatory on each and everyone." It was proposed, as an inducement to halting members, to set aside any sum above £5,000 for pension benefits. The £5,000 strike fund was very small, but it would represent a more vigorous policy in the future, to fix a fair standard day's work of eight hours for every man, six days weekly, and Sunday work to count as overtime. The proposal, however, did not commend itself to members, and "The Times" rejoiced that "The A.S.R.S. will have nothing to do with strikes in any case." They were merely repeating the chairman of the Liverpool Conference in 1878. What was it caused the Committee to send out a special circular on May 21st of 1880, which said:—
"The Executive of the A.S.R.S. take this opportunity of assuring the members and railwaymen generally that after the annual meeting in October the A.S, will secure for them every possible protection that other societies profess to be provided for, and with greater advantage to them."
What caused it? It was the birth of the Associated, and the circular was the first note of that relentless opposition so long continued. By November of 1879 it was reported: "The G.W, drivers are forming a contingency fund, and there are signs that the drivers on other lines would gladly see some national fund established which would give to the men material as well as moral force in contention with the companies." The enginemen and firemen of the Midland district held a meeting on November 9th, 1879, and arrived at a determination to form a national union. There was discussion in several centres of a National Society for Locomotive Enginemen and Firemen, and, apprehensive of what actually happened, the E.C. of the A.S.R.S. "Resolved that a circular be issued to branches, pointing out the effects and possible evil which may result from the successful establishment of a separate locomotive society having the same end in view as the A.S.R.S."
Taken generally, working hones had been increased from 60 to 66 per week, and "the fall in wages enabled the country once more to enter the world's markets at as low a price as foreign nations." The twelve hours day was common, and there was gratitude when the M.S. & L, reduced them to ten. Miners were toiling hard for 26s. weekly, getting 1s. 8d. per ton on coal to the pit mouth. In March of 1879 the following statement appeared in "The Railway Gazette":—
"Men in the service are unwilling to be too prominent, they know the result. There is scarcely a branch secretary who would write to his company and demand the wages due to a member of his branch; he fears the result to himself. It is not so in other trade unions."
In October of the same year Mr. Fred Evans wrote:—
The G.N.R. had inflicted several dismissals, and all companies were doing their utmost to discourage orphan funds. Wages were reduced by 4s. to 6s. weekly, firemen receiving 3s. 6d. for twelve hours service, which actually meant 14 to 16 hours; branch engine drivers received 5s. daily for twelve hours, third class goods men 5s. 6d., and higher classed drivers had sixpence an hour for main line work. Let us come now to the spirit prevailing amongst the men. A Protection Fund was mooted, to which drivers would contribute 1½d. weekly and firemen three-farthings. "Shame," said one, "it ought to have been as many shillings. We should be contributing five and six times as much to the company in lost wages. Mechanics, who get 32s, weekly, are paying one pound quarterly to their union." The G.W.R., the G.N.R., and the North Eastern had already convinced railwaymen of the necessity of a protection fund as well as friendly society benefits. The Taff Vale line was returning eleven per cent. profit and paying drivers 5d. to 7½d. an hour. Firemen and cleaners were sent out on seventy miles journeys with passenger trains, and several moves of this kind stung the men to action. In December of 1879 it had been resolved to form a National Society of Drivers and Firemen."Excitement and discontent prevail among the whole locomotive staff of the G.W. Railway. Indeed, at no previous time have these feelings been so general as at this moment. Fostering the belief that Sir Daniel Gooch was the enginemen's friend, and confident of wages and hours agreed to in 1867 remaining unaltered under any circumstances, the G.W. drivers and firemen, have been heedless of the numerous warnings that railway labour of every grade was threatened. Even when Mr. Dean issued his circular notifying a reduction of standard wages and increase of two hours in the day's work, to take effect from October 1st, the men consoled themselves by the assurance that the directors and Sir Daniel were ignorant of the matter. Like other impersonal concerns, the G.W. Board are without sympathy or regard for anything else than dividend. Nearly 2,000 men signed the petition backing up the deputation which waited upon the directors, and they refused to withdraw one single condition."
The real and visible life of the A.S.L.E. & F, as a motive force in the railway world begins with the following historic letter, which is framed and has a place of honour at the Head Office:—
York Place,
Griffithstown, Newport,
February 9th, 1880.
Mr. William Ullyott.
My Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 5th instant to Mr. E. Evans was handed to me on the 8th instant, with directions from our committee to answer it. I am sorry it could not have been done before, as all letters have to be laid before the committee. Trusting this explanation of our seeming negligence will be satisfactory. You will allow me in the name of our men to congratulate you on your energy, and I may hope your complete success, in the formation of a branch, and at the same time to inform you that the M &S, men are the first founders of the Society. Mr. Evans has doubtless explained to you the cause of us conceiving and proposing the Society. Although our men at this station had agreed to it, we have not opened a lodge here until next Sunday, the 15th inst. The reasons for not doing so are as follows:—
Birmingham, about the same time with our proposal, proposed a "National Union." We having no wish to divide the men, and Bristol being the centre of an agitation against the obnoxious circular of Mr. Dean, we waived our claim as the head of the movement in favour of Bristol, and requested their committee to call a general meeting of delegates to consider the various propositions which had emanated from the different stations. For the last month or six weeks we have been waiting for an answer, but Bristol delegate being unwell, they did not answer until last week, asking us to arrange with Birmingham. Our loyalty to Bristol as the head of the movement thus prevented us opening a lodge, so that your men have the honour of being the first members. We feel no jealousy on the matter, but heartily congratulate you. In the meantime we have not been idle, some of our men have been attending meetings of the Monmouthshire Railway at Newport, and the L. & N.W, men at Abergavenny. In both places we have been completely successful. Bristol having abdicated, leaves us with our hands free. We have determined, as the originators of the movement, to take our proper place as the head pro tem, and, in conjunction with the members of the various lodges, frame rules and a Constitution for the Society. We shall be pleased to receive any suggestions from you, which shall be placed before the delegates (your own included) when we have organised the matter fully, as to the National Union.
It is only a proposition, the same as ours, but they did not wait or ask any of the other stations, but started on their own responsibility. I have been talking to several of them, and al] admit that our proposal is the best, but they say "it was necessary something should be done, that is why we started it." We have left the rules open, so that when there is a delegate meeting, if the majority of the men think your proposal the best, we are willing to pay into it. I think there can be no question about that matter when it comes to be reasoned over. The matter lies in a nutshell— we want a large sum of money to protect us as enginemen and firemen from the rapacity of our employers, and at once. We cannot afford to wait three or four years, we must wait one year; the larger the sum we pay into it, the sooner will our position be impregnable, and once directors know that we are preparing in reality to defend ourselves, superintendents will think twice before they tum the screw. We shall be pleased to receive any suggestions, and endeavour to meet your views, as we believe they are identical with our own. Even if they are not the same they shall receive our earnest consideration, as you deserve for your energy. Trusting the flame you have lighted in Sheffield may never be extinguished, and that soon enginemen and firemen may take their proper place in the front rank of skilled labour.
Believe me to be, my dear sir,
Yours faithfully,
Charles H. Perry.
What a very worthy letter by Perry, of Newport, to Ullyott, of Sheffield, to form the foundation of a new Society. It is nicely couched, friendly in tone, and full of hopeful sentiment. These pioneers spent months in quiet branch building, exchanging views, framing basic rules, writing each other, and locking forward to the time when drivers and firemen would be fairly paid, and would be above the fear of dismissal for having dared to make a reasonable request. Delegate meetings were held, and national programmes—very modest things—were talked of in that year 1880. Branches of the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen—the same name then as now, were started in 1880 at Sheffield, Pontypool, Neath, Liverpool, Leeds, Bradford, Tondu, and Carnforth. They were indeed taking the only course to fling off slavery. During the same year the London & North Western had threatened to discharge men who held office in the inoffensive Amalgamated, and some members refused to be nominated as delegates to the A.G.M. for that reason. The new Associated Society was taking the correct line, and it caused the Amalgamated to end its talk of a Protection Fund and to act, for in October of 1880 provision was made for one, The resolution to that effect was moved and seconded by drivers, but by that time the Associated was on its feet.
For economy's sake, it was decided that the affairs of the Society should be conducted by a committee elected from the branch or branches in the town chosen as headquarters of the Society, and after consideration of the various towns in the movement, Leeds was chosen as the centre. Thus it happened that for the first few years the Leeds men controlled and administered the affairs of the Association, and did it very conscientiously. Rules had been framed, and a well-organised, although small, Society brought into existence by January of 1881, when the Leeds Branch was vested with directing authority. The first meeting of the new local committee was held on Sunday, March 6th, 1881, when there were present Joseph Brooke, George Rushforth, Henry Shuttleworth, Joseph Leech, George Bamforth, Charles Woodhead, Samuel Lester, Roger Hawksley, Benjamin Fielding, Samuel Holland, and Walter Arnold.
The first resolution carried was:—
"That the poetry on the first page of the rules remain as at present, but that on first page of branch rules it be omitted."
This referred to the Burns' quotation so familiar to all our members:
“If I'm yon haughty lordling's slave
By Nature's law designed,
Why was an independent wish
Ever planted in my mind?
If not, why am I subject to
His cruelty or scorn ?
Or why has man the will and power
To make his fellow mourn?”
The first rule-book of the “Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen” was published to members in the year 1881 as “Registered under the Trades’ Union Acts,” with registered office at the Commercial Inn, Sweet Street, Holbeck, Leeds. Its objects were specified in Rule 2 as follows:—
"The objects of this Society shall be to form funds, by entrance fees and weekly contributions, for the relief of its members in sickness, incapacitation by old age or accident, from following their profession or calling, by paying a sum of money at death of members or their wives, and for the relief or maintenance of the members when on travel in search of employment, or when in distressed circumstances, and to advance the interests of its members in their various professions and callings by procuring a reduction in the excessive hours of labour, regulating the speed of trains, the adoption of modern improvements for the general safe working over all sailways in, the United Kingdom, and generally in such other manner and to such extent as the Executive. Committee may determine."
The Executive Committee consisted of Chairman, Vice-Chairman, Three Trustees, General Treasurer, Secretary, and Seven Committee-men, who "shall be elected from the branch or branches in the town or city where the head offices are situated, and shall elect their own chairman."
Three auditors were to be chosen for the first year by the Executive Committee from the first three branches whose names shall appear on the books of the Society, and in each succeeding year by the three branches following next in rotation in such books.
The first executive was paid a sum of one shilling per meeting. They usually met on Sundays, and there are many records of these first committee-men sitting from 9.30 a.m, to 9.30 p.m., getting 1s. for their attendance, If they were ten minutes late they forfeited this shilling, and in many cases the attendance is marked by a reference in brackets (Item —, Bro. ten minutes late, no fee). Rule 9 provided:—
"The wages of each member of the Executive Committee shall be paid from the General Management Fund, and should it be deemed necessary, a sun not exceeding 4s. per diem expenses shall be paid to each member of the Executive Committee whilst engaged on the business of the Society, and the General Treasurer shall receive an additional sum of 10s. per quarter as salary. Members of the Executive Committee shall be fined 2s. each for non-attendance at a genera! meeting, unless a satisfactory apology is given."
The rules as to funds of the Society also provided for a General Fund, a Pension Fund, a Management Fund, and a Protection Fund, in addition to a Branch Fund in the control of every branch committee, Thus the new Society had its Protection Fund established and registered several months before the A.S.R.S. decided at its October Conference, 1880, to add a Protection Fund. Particular importance attaches to this point in that it was the first case of a Trade Union providing for the event of a strike on the railways. Rule 22, "Protection and Legal Defence Fund," contained the following points:—
"There shall be a fund for the protection of members from unjust treatment by any officials, from violation of any agreement by employers, or on account of any members taking an active part in any question relating to hours or wages, or any grievance which may arise in connection therewith, provided such member be so deputed by members of his branch; also for providing legal assistance in all cases which are not criminal in themselves . . . . .
"Should it be deemed necessary for the purposes of this Society to withdraw any number of members from their employment, they shall be paid a sum of 12s. per week each during such withdrawal; and a sum of 2s, per week for each child under 12 years of age during such time. {n no case shall such withdrawal take place without the consent of four-fifths of the men (being members of the Society, employed on the railway system an which the dispute has arisen), and the consent of the Executive Committee, specially convened to consider such action, first obtained,”
"Any member being discharged for having taken any active part in any question relating to hours and wages, be having been duly appointed by his branch to do so, shall receive the sum of £100, and 15s. per week whilst seeking re-employment."
This was a very courageous provision for strikes and victimisation for a small Society to make in its first days. As will be seen, the grant of £100 had to be made in many cases of dismissal of men serving on deputations.