Galileo Galilei and the Roman Curia/Chapter 16

by Karl von Gebler

CHAPTER VI.

GALILEO'S ARRIVAL AT ROME.

Galileo reaches Rome in February, 1632.—Goes to the Tuscan Embassy.—No Notice at first taken of his Coming.—Visits of Serristori.—Galileo's Hopefulness.—His Letter to Bocchineri.—Niccolini's Audience of the Pope.—Efforts of the Grand Duke and Niccolini on Galileo's behalf.—Notice that he must appear before the Holy Office.—His Dejection at the News.—Niccolini's Advice not to defend himself.

On 20th January this palsied old man set out, borne in a litter, on his arduous journey to Rome.^[1] Near Ponte a Centino, on the frontiers of the States of the Church, in the unhealthy flats of the vale of Paglia, he had to submit to a long quarantine, which, in spite of Niccolini's repeated efforts, had only been shortened two days.^[2] He could not resume his journey for twenty days, but arrived at length, on 13th February, at Rome, in good preservation, and alighted at the hotel of the Tuscan Embassy, where he was most kindly received by Niccolini. On the next day Niccolini informed Cioli that "Signor Galilei arrived yesterday evening in good health at this house." He mentioned further that Galileo had already called on Mgr. Boccabella, not as an official personage, as he had resigned his office of assessor to the Holy Office a fortnight ago, but as a friend who showed great interest in his fate, and to take his advice as to the conduct to be observed. Galileo had already introduced himself to the new assessor. Niccolini concluded his despatch by saying that to-morrow, in the course of the forenoon, he would introduce Galileo to Cardinal Barberini, and ask him for his kind mediation with his Holiness, and beg him, in consideration of Galileo's age, his reputation, and his ready obedience, to allow him to remain at the hotel of the embassy, and not to be taken to the Holy Office.^[3]

This request was tacitly granted for the time being, and afterwards officially confirmed. To Galileo's great surprise, no notice was taken of his presence at Rome for some time. Cardinal Barberini gave him a friendly hint, not at all ex officio, that he had better keep very retired in the ambassador’s house, not receive any one, nor be seen out of doors, as any other conduct might very likely be to his disadvantage.^[4] Of course the savant, anxious as he was, scrupulously obeyed the admonition, and awaited the event in quiet retirement, though with great impatience. Not the smallest instruction was issued by the Holy Office; to all appearance it did not in the least concern itself about the arrival of the accused which it had urged so strenuously. But it was appearance only. For only two days after he came, Mgr. Serristori, counsellor to the Holy Office (the same to whom a year before Count Magalotti had, by Galileo's wish, presented one of the eight copies of the "Dialogues" brought to Rome), called several times on Galileo, but always said expressly that his visits were entirely of a private character and originated with himself. But as he always discussed Galileo's cause very particularly, there is good reason to think that he was acting under orders from the Holy Office, who wanted to discover the present sentiments and defensive arguments of the dreaded dialectician, that they might act accordingly at the trial,—a measure entirely in accordance with the traditional practice of the Holy Office. Niccolini put this construction on the Monsignore's visits,^[5] but not so Galileo. For although he perceived that in all probability they were "approved or suggested by the Holy Congregation," he was far from thinking any evil, and was delighted that this officer of the Inquisition, his "old friend and patron," should "cleverly give him an opportunity of saying something by way of expressing and confirming his sincere devotedness to the holy Church and her ministers," and that he apparently listened to it all with great approval.^[6] He thinks this course pursued by the Inquisition "may be taken to indicate the beginning of mild and kindly treatment, very different from the threatened cords, chains, and dungeons;"^[7] indeed, while he assumes that these conferences are held at the instigation of the authorities, "and for the purpose of gaining some general information," he thankfully acknowledges "that in this case they could not proceed in any way more favourable to him or less likely to make a sensation."^[8] However, in the sequel he was to discover soon enough, that they cared nothing whatever about making a sensation at Rome, and that even in this respect they did not spare him in the least.

At this period, as his letters show, Galileo was very hopeful. On 19th February he wrote to Cioli, that to all appearance the threatened storm had passed, so that he did not allow his courage to sink as if shipwreck were inevitable, and there were no hope of reaching the haven; and the more so as, obedient to his instructor, in the midst of stormy billows he—

"Was taking his course with modest sail set."^[9]

This instructor was Niccolini, who strongly advised Galileo "to be always ready to obey and to submit to whatever was ordered, for this was the only way to allay the irritation of one who was so incensed, and who treated this affair as a personal one."^[10] It is clear that by this personal persecutor no other than Urban VIII. can be intended.

The same cheerful confidence is expressed in a letter of Galileo's of 25th February to Geri Bocchineri. One passage in it deserves special attention. It is as follows:—

"We" (Niccolini and Galileo) "hear at last that the many and serious accusations are reduced to one, and that the rest have been allowed to drop. Of this one I shall have no difficulty in getting rid when the grounds of my defence have been heard, which are meanwhile being gradually brought, in the best way that circumstances allow, to the knowledge of some of the higher officials, for these are not at liberty to listen freely to intercession, and still less to open their lips in reply. So that in the end a favourable issue may be hoped for."^[11]

A despatch of Niccolini's to Cioli of two days later explains the nature of this chief accusation:—

"Although I am unable to say precisely what stage Galileo's affair has reached, or what may happen next, as far as I can learn the main difficulty consists in this—that these gentlemen maintain that in 1616 he was ordered neither to discuss the question nor to converse about it. He says, on the contrary, that those were not the terms of the injunction, which were that that doctrine was not to be held nor defended. He considers that he has the means of justifying himself, because it does not at all appear from his book that he does hold or defend the doctrine, nor that he regards it as a settled question, as he merely adduces the reasons hinc hinde. The other points appear to be of less importance and easier to get over."^[12]

It is in the highest degree significant that Galileo—as is evident from Niccolini's report above—from the first decidedly denies ever having received an injunction not to discuss the Copernican theory in any way; all that he knows is that it is not to be held nor defended; that is, all that he knows fully agrees with the note of 25th February, 1616; and with the decree of the Congregation of 5th March, 1616. Accordingly he does not consider that he has gone beyond the orders of the authorities, and thinks that he can prove it even from the book itself.

On 27th February the Tuscan ambassador had a long audience of the Pope, officially announced Galileo's arrival at Rome, and expressed the hope that as he had shown his readiness to submit to the papal judgment and the enlightened opinion of the Congregation, the Pope would now be convinced of his devout reverence for spiritual things, especially in reference to the matter in hand. The Pope found it convenient not to take any notice of this indirect question, and replied that he had shown Galileo a special and unusual favour in allowing him to stay at Niccolini's house instead of in the buildings of the Holy Office; and he had only done so because he was a distinguished official of the Grand Duke's, and it was out of respect for his Highness that he had granted this exceptional favour to his subject. In order to enhance its value, Urban also told the ambassador that even a noble of the house of Gonzaga, a relative of Ferdinand's, had not only been placed in a litter and brought under escort to Rome by command of the Holy Office, but had been taken at once to the Castle and kept there for a long time, until the trial was ended. Niccolini hastened to acknowledge the greatness of the favour, expressed his warmest thanks for it, and ventured to plead that in consideration of Galileo's age and infirm health the Pope would order that the trial should come on soon, so that he might return home as soon as possible. Urban replied that the proceedings of the Holy Office were generally rather tedious, and he really did not know whether so speedy a termination could be looked for, as they were still engaged with the preliminaries of the trial. Urban had by this time become warm, and went off into complaints of Ciampoli and the rest of his evil counsellors; he also remarked that although Galileo had expressly stated in his "Dialogues" that he would only discuss the question of the double motion of the earth hypothetically, he had, in adducing the arguments for it, spoken of it as settled, and as if he agreed with it. In conclusion the Pope said: Moreover, Galileo had acted contrary to the injunction given him in 1616 by Cardinal Bellarmine in the name of the Holy Congregation. Niccolini mentioned in defence of Galileo all that he had told him about this accusation, but the Pope adhered obstinately to his opinion, The ambassador came away from this audience with the scant consolation that, at all events, Urban's personal embitterment against Galileo was a little appeased.^[13] We may remark here that what the Pope said about the proceeding of 26th February, 1616, is just as inaccurate as Riccardi's communication to Niccolini was at that time.^[14]

Both Niccolini and the Grand Duke were unwearied in their good offices for Galileo. The former urgently commended his case to Cardinal Antonio Barberini, senr., who said he was exceedingly well disposed to Galileo, and regarded him as a very eminent man; but added that it was a dangerous question, which might easily introduce some fantastic religious doctrines into the world, and especially at Florence, where men's wits were so subtle and over curious.^[15] The Grand Duke, at Galileo's request, sent letters of introduction to the Cardinals Scaglia and Bentivoglio (the well-known statesman and historian), who, as Niccolini had learnt, were members of the Congregation.^[16] Ferdinand also thanked the Pope, in an official letter through Cioli to Niccolini, for the favour of allowing Galileo to stay at the embassy, ending with a request that the business might be concluded as soon as possible.^[17]

When Niccolini delivered this message to Urban on 13th March, he told him that it would be absolutely necessary to summon Galileo to the Holy Office as soon as the trial came on, because it was the usage and it could not be departed from. Niccolini again urged Galileo's health, his age, and willingness to submit to any penalties; but Urban replied, "It would not do to act otherwise. May God forgive Galileo for having intruded into these matters concerning new doctrines and Holy Scripture, when it is best to keep to universally recognised opinions. May God help Ciampoli, also, about these new notions, as he seemed to have a leaning towards them, and to be inclined to the modern philosophy." The Pope then expressed his regret at having to "subject Galileo, who had been his friend, with whom he had often held confidential intercourse, and eaten at the same table, to these annoyances; but it was in the interests of religion and faith." Niccolini remarked, that when Galileo was heard he would be able, without difficulty, to give satisfactory explanations of everything; to which Urban replied: "He would be heard when the time came; but there was one argument which had never been answered, namely, that God was omnipotent, and therefore everything was possible to Him; but if so, why should we impose any necessity upon Him?" This was, as we know, the argument brought forward by Urban in his intimate conversation with Galileo in 1624, and which at the end of the "Dialogues" he had put into the mouth of Simplicius as originating "with a very exalted and learned personage." Niccolini prudently replied that he did not understand these matters, but he had heard it said of Galileo that he did not hold the doctrine of the earth's double motion as true, but said that it could not be denied that as God could have created the world in a thousand ways, He could have created it in this way. Urban replied with some irritation: "It is not for man to impose necessity upon God." Niccolini, who saw that the Pope was getting angry, tried to pacify him by saying that Galileo was here on purpose to obey and to recant everything which could be injurious to religion. He then adroitly turned the subject, and returned to the request that his Holiness would have compassion on Galileo, and allow him to remain at the embassy. Urban merely replied that he would have special apartments assigned to Galileo, the best and most comfortable in the Holy Office. With this Niccolini had to be content.

In concluding the despatch of 13th March to Cioli, in which he reported this interview, he says:—^[18]

"When I returned home I told Galileo in part the conversation with his Holiness, but not for the present, that it was intended to summon him to the Holy Office, because I am convinced that this news would cause him the deepest concern, and he would be in the greatest anxiety till the time came. I have thought all the more that it was best to act thus, as no further particulars are as yet known about his citation; for the Pope told me in reference to the speedy settlement of the business, that he did not know what hope there was of it, but that all that was possible would be done."

Meanwhile, Ferdinand II. in spite of the increasingly unpromising aspect of affairs, continued indefatigably to sustain his ambassador's efforts. The latter and Galileo, in two letters of 19th March,^[19] asked the Grand Duke to send letters of recommendation to the eight other cardinals who composed the Holy Congregation, like those he had sent to their eminences Bentivoglio and Scaglia, lest they should feel themselves slighted, and the Grand Duke readily granted the request.^[20] The prelates, however, received these letters with mixed feelings, and excused themselves from answering them, as it was forbidden them in their capacity as members of the Holy Office; some even hesitated to receive the letters at all, and it was not till Niccolini pointed out that Cardinal Barberini and others had received them, that they consented to do so.^[21] These letters had evidently produced the happiest effect with the Cardinals Scaglia and Bentivoglio. They united, as Niccolini reported on the 19th to Cioli, in protecting Galileo. Scaglia even read the celebrated "Dialogues," and, which was more to the purpose, that he might, with the help of Castelli,^[22] who was best qualified to do it, explain the offending passages in a conciliatory spirit.

All this time Galileo, as is evident from his letters, was entertaining the most confident hopes of the favourable issue of his cause, and the final triumph of truth over falsehood.^[23] Neither he nor his indefatigable friends, Niccolini and Castelli, could, it is true, learn anything definite about the actual state of the trial. The members of the Congregation, who alone could have given any information, kept the secrets of the Inquisition very close, as indeed they were bound to do under the heaviest penalties. The month of March passed by before the Holy Tribunal opened any direct official intercourse with Galileo. April was now come, and with it the storm which had been so long gathering burst over his head.

On the 7th, Niccolini went to Cardinal Barberini by his desire, and was informed on behalf of the Pope and the Congregation, that, in order to decide Galileo's cause, they could not avoid citing him to appear before the Holy Office, and as it was not known whether it could be all settled in the course of two hours, perhaps it would be necessary to detain him there. Barberini continued that "out of respect for the house in which Galileo had been staying, and for Niccolini as grand ducal ambassador, and in consideration of the good understanding which had always existed between his Highness and the papal chair, especially in matters relating to the Inquisition, they had not failed to inform him (Niccolini) of this beforehand, not to be wanting in respect for a prince so zealous for religion." After Niccolini had warmly thanked the cardinal for the attention shown by the Pope and the Congregation to the Grand Duke, and to himself as his ambassador, he pleaded Galileo's age and health,—he had again been suffering severely from a fresh attack of the gout,—and finally the deep grief he would feel, and earnestly begged that his eminence would consider whether it would not be possible to permit him to return every evening to sleep at the embassy. As to secrecy, the strictest silence might be enjoined on him under threat of the severest penalties. But the prelate was not of opinion that such a permission was to be expected; he proffered, however, every comfort for Galileo that could be desired, and said that he would neither, as was customary with accused persons, be treated as a prisoner, nor be placed in a secret prison; he would have good rooms, and perhaps even the doors would not be locked.

Niccolini reported this notification to Cioli on 9th April,^[24] and added the following interesting information:—

"This morning I also conversed with his Holiness on the subject, after having expressed my thanks for the communication made to me; the Pope again gave vent to his displeasure that Galileo should have discussed this subject, which appears to him to be very serious, and of great moment to religion. Signor Galileo thinks, nevertheless, that he can defend his statements on good grounds; but I have warned him to refrain from doing so, in order not to prolong the proceedings, and to submit to what shall be prescribed to him to believe respecting the motion of the earth. He has fallen into the deepest dejection, and since yesterday has sunk so low that I am in great concern for his life."

From this, then, we learn that up to 8th April Galileo was still intending to defend his opinions before the Holy Tribunal; and that it was only on the urgent expostulation of the ambassador, whom he knew to be his sincere friend, that he gave up all idea of opposition, and resolved upon entire and passive submission. How hard it was for him to yield is evident from the concluding sentence of Niccolini's despatch.

1. The Inquisitor informed the Holy Office, two days later, that Galileo had left Florence on the 20th. (Vat. MS. fol. 411 ro.; and Gherardi's Documents, Doc. xii.)
2. Comp. Niccolini's letter to Galileo of 5th Feb., 1633. (Op. ix. p. 327.)
3. Niccolini's despatch to Cioli of 14th Feb. (Op. ix. p. 432.)
4. See Niccolini despatches to Cioli of 16th and 19th Feb. (Op. ix. pp. 432, 433.)
5. See Niccolini's despatch to Cioli of 19th Feb.
6. See Galileo’s letter to Cioli of 19th Feb. (Op. vii. pp. 20–22.)
7. Ibid.
8. Comp. Galileo's letter to Geri Bocchineri of 25th Feb. (Op. vii. p. 23.)
9. Op. vii. pp. 20–22.
10. See Niccolini's despatch to Cioli of 19th Feb.
11. Op. vii. p. 22.
12. Op. ix. 434.
13. In the account of this conversation we have followed Niccolini's despatch to Cioli of 27th Feb. (Op. ix. pp. 434–436.)
14. Comp. pp. 171, 172.
15. Op. ix. pp. 434–436.
16. Ibid. pp. 330–332.
17. Op. vii. p. 27; and ix. p. 436; also Wolynski, "La Diplomazia," etc., p. 57.
18. Op. ix. pp. 436–438.
19. Op. ix. p. 438; and vii. p. 228.
20. See Geri Bocchineri’s Letters to Galileo and Cioli, both of 26th March, 1633: the former, Wolynski, "Lettere inedite," etc., p. 89; the latter, Op. ix. p. 336.
21. Op. ix. p. 441.
22. Op. ix. p. 338.
23. See Galileo's letters to G. Bocchineri of 5th and 12th, and to Cioli of 12th and 19th March. (Op. vii. pp. 24–28.)
24. Op. ix. pp. 438, 439.