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History of Aurangzib, Vol. I
by Jadunath Sarkar
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4512426History of Aurangzib, Vol. IJadunath Sarkar

​

CHAPTER II.

The Bundela War, 1635.

Bundelkhand. As the old road from Agra to the Deccan leaves Gwalior, it skirts on its left hand side an extensive jungly tract known as Bundelkhand. The Jumna river and the Kaimur range, meeting in a sharp angle near Mirzapur, enclose this district on the north, east, and south. Its western boundary is the edge of the Malwa plateau. The river Betwa flowing north-eastwards to the Jumna cuts it into two.

The Bundela clan. The country took its name from its dominant race, the Bundelas, a clan of Gaharwar Rajputs, whose mythical genealogy stretches up to Rajah Pancham, a sworn devotee of the goddess Vindhya-basini, and even beyond him to Rama, the hero of the Ramayana.[1] The only element of truth that we can extract from ​this mass of fiction is that a great ancestor of the family migrated from the Benares, through the Mirzapur District, and established his rule over this tract by dispossessing its older rulers, Afghans and aborigines.[2] Urchha, on the Betwa, was their first capital, (founded in 1531). Here lived the head of the clan. The Bundelas multiplied fast, and the younger branches established principalities all over the land, each centring round a fort. One of these, Mahoba, sheltered within a network of ravines, rose to prominence in the latter half of the seventeenth century, under, Champat Rao and his son Chhatra Sal, who long troubled the Imperial government. Other scions of the family reigned at Simroha Shahpur, and many another town.[3]

Bir Singh Dev. The Bundela power reached its zenith under Bir Singh Dev, the agent employed by Jahangir in murdering his father's beloved minister Abul Fazl. There was hardly any favour which the Emperor could ​refuse to this Rajah.[4] Bir Singh grew in wealth and power, and towards the close of his patron's reign, when the Imperial administration grew slack, he freely levied contributions from the neighbouring princes, for none durst complain against the favourite. As a still higher mark of his master's favour he was permitted to build grand temples at Mathura, Urchha, and other places;—a fact which the Muhammadan historian can explain only by supposing that the Islamic Emperor was then sinking into dotage![5] With all his lavish expenditure on temples and ghats, gifts to Brahmans, and construction of palaces, forts and lakes, Bir Singh died in 1627, the master of fabulous weath, fully two krores of rupees,—which in Bundela fashion was buried in wells and other safe places in the pathless jungles, and their secret confided only to a few.[6]

Jhujhar Singh punished. His eldest son Jhujhar Singh had given offence to Shah Jahan by leaving the capital for his home without permission, soon after the ​Emperor's accession. But an army of 34,500 soldiers—cavalry, foot musketeers, and sappers, penetrated into his country from three directions, stormed the fort of Irich, slaughtered 2000 of the garrison including "many young and old," and quickly forced the Rajah to make submission. He secured pardon only by promising a large tribute and sending a contingent of his clansmen to fight in the Emperor's wars in the South.[7]

To this race of primitive warriors a peaceful life was impossible. War was their sole occupation, their sole means of earning glory and riches, and their only amusement. This restless spirit made the Bundelas, when not usefully occupied ​in war, a bye-word for robbery and disturbance throughout the seventeenth century.[8]

Jhujhar could not long remain quiet. He led an army to Chauragarh, an old Gond capital,Captures Chauragarh. beyond the Narmada, captured it, and, in violation of his plighted word, slew the Rajah Prem Narayan and seized his ancestral hoard, amounting to 10 lakhs of rupees. The victim's son appealed to Shah Jahan, but strangely enough, the Mughal Emperor's righteous indignation was not roused by this act of spoliation, he only demanded a share of the booty[9] and offered to ​ leave Jhujhar in possession of his conquest if he ceded an equivalent territory to the Mughals! This the Bundela was most unwilling to do. Deciding on a policy of resistance, he secretly recalled his son Yograj (surnamed Vikramajit), whom he had left in charge of his contingent in Balaghat. The youth slipped away unperceived. But an energetic Mughal officer, Khan-i-Dauran, was soon at his heels, reached Ashta from Burhanpur by forced marches in five days, and overtook Vikramajit, who fled defeated and wounded to his father at Dhamuni.[10]

A habitual plunderer and refractory chieftain could not be left unsubdued on Refuses to submit to the Emperor. the edge of the Deccan road. Shah Jahan organised an expedition to hunt him down. Three armies were to converge upon the rebel's country: Syed Khan-i-Jahan with 10,500 men from Budaun, Abdullah Khan Bahadur Firuz Jang with 6,000 men from Armies sent against him. the north, and Khan-i-Dauran with 6,000 men from the southwest. The Bundela army ​ numbered less than 15,000 but were aided by the rocks and jungles of their home.[11]

Among the Hindu mercenaries of the Mughal army was a Bundela claimant in whom Shah Jahan found a useful tool. Devi Singh was the representative of the eldest branch of the Rajahs of Urchha, which had been set aside by Jahangir when he gave the throne to his favourite Bir Singh Dev. Jhujhar had duly succeeded his father; but in Devi Singh's eyes the usurpation continued, and he himself was the rightful heir to the Bundela throne. He was now earning his bread as a Captain in the Mughal army, and waiting for some opportunity of winning the Emperor's favour and ousting his rival. Shah Jahan now offered to make him Rajah of Urchha, and got the invaluable help of a Bundela contingent burning with hatred of Jhujhar and eager to guide the invaders through the jungles and disclose all the weak points of their native land.[12]

The three Mughal generals were of equal rank, ​ and it would have been hard to ensure unity of plan and co-operation amongAurangzib appointed supreme commander. them if they had been left to themselves. A supreme commander was needed, whose high position would of itself enforce discipline and obedience. For this purpose the Emperor sent his son Aurangzib, then a lad of sixteen, with the rank of a Commander of 10,000 and escorted by 1000 archers of the guard and 1000 horse. He was to be the nominal chief of the expedition, and stay far in the rear. The three generals were to advise him about every military operation, but his voice was to be decisive, and they were not to act without consulting him.[13]

In the meantime an ultimatum had been ​ presented to Jhujhar Singh: he must submit, The capital Urchha taken. pay a fine of 30 lakhs, and cede a district. But these terms had been rejected. After the rainy season the three divisions united together near Bhander, about 25 miles north-east of Jhansi, and marched upon Urchha. Every day the pioneers cut the jungle and extended the road, while the Bundela skirmishers shot at them under cover of the trees, but with no success. On 2nd October, 1635, the army arrived at a village two miles from Urchha; and the Bundela prince in the Imperial camp, fired with domestic hatred and ambition, stormed the hillock where the enemy had mustered in force and took many prisoners. At this Jhujhar lost heart, removed his family to Dhamuni and soon afterwards fled thither himself. Early in the morning of 4th October the Mughals scaled the walls of the Bundela capital, while the small garrison left by Jhujhar escaped through the opposite gate.[14]

A day was spent in taking full possession of the city and installing Devi Singh as Rajah. Fort of Dhamuni captured. Then the Mughal army crossed the Betwa and hastened southwards to Dhamuni. But their ​ prey had again fled. Jhujhar Singh had found no safety in Dhamuni, but gone further south, across the Vindhya hills and the Narmada river, to Chauragarh in the land of the Gonds. Dhamuni had, however, been prepared to stand a siege. The houses round the fort had been razed to the ground and a gallant Rajput named Ratnai left in command. On 18th October the Imperialists arrived before the fort and began siege operations. The garrison fought till midnight, and then sent a man to Khan-i-Dauran to beg for quarter. But a body of Ruhelas had run their trenches to the edge of the bamboo thicket adjoining the eastern wall of the fort, and occupied the jungle under cover of the darkness. After mid-night some of them entered the fort from that side and began to plunder. Khan-i-Dauran soon arrived and tried to restore order in the darkness. The fort was rapidly filling with the victors when suddenly a powder magazine in a tower of the southern wall took fire from the torch of a careless plunderer; a dreadful explosion followed, blowing up 80 yards of the enormously thick wall and killing 300 Rajputs standing under the wall and also 200 horses.[15]

News arrived about the exact route of the ​ fugitives, and on 27th October the pursuit was Pursuit of Jhujhar through Gondwana. resumed. Arriving at Chauragarh the Imperialists found that Jhujhar had evacuated that fort also, after breaking up the artillery, burning all property, and blowing up the old Gond palaces. A Mughal garrison was posted here, but the main army encamped four miles off, at Shahpur. Here they learned that Jhujhar was flying south through the Gond kingdoms of Deogarh and Chanda, with 6000 soldiers and 60 elephants, and making about 16 miles a day. Though he had got a start of 14 days, the Mughal generals took up the chase from Shahpur with a light force which daily covered 40 miles. On the frontier of Chanda they came upon his traces and doubled their speed. Jhujhar turned at bay, fought the Mughals obstinately, but was defeated and driven into the jungle, and the pursuit was resumed. The fugitive, encumbered with women and property, and hindered in his movements by his paucity of horses, had no peace. He could not snatch any sleep, nor refresh his worn-out horses. As soon as he halted for the night, he heard of the approach of the pursuers, broke up his camp and urged his tired men and beasts on again. All means of escape were tried; the foot-tracks ​of the elephants were rubbed out; treasure-laden elephants were sent by another path to lure the Mughals away from the road taken by the Bundela chief. But the Imperialists were too astute; they neglected everything else and steadily pursued the rebel himself. They also bribed the local landowners, who showed them the way and kept them regularly informed of the movements of Jhujhar, so that the jungle was now a hindrance rather than a shelter to him. And from the thievish Gonds no Bundela could expect mercy.[16]

Jhujhar's party was now divided, but all to no purpose. His sons were overtaken, and got no time to slay their women, as was the Rajput custom when death was to be preferred to dishonour. A few of the ladies had been stabbed, when the Mughals fell upon them, slew the guards, and captured the Bundela royal family.[17]

The rebel chief and his eldest son Vikramajit had fled into the heart of the jungle, where their doom overtook them. TheJhujhar murdered by the Gonds. moved by their instinct of plunder and hope of reward from the Mughals, surprised the exhausted princes ​ in their sleep and cruelly did them to death.[18] Their heads were cut off and sent to the Emperor (December, 1635), who exposed them on the gates of his camp at Saihur.[19]

But their lot was happy in comparison. Happy ​too was RaniHis women placed in the Mughal harem. Parvati, Bir Singh's widow, who died of her wounds. A more terrible fate awaited the captive ladies who survived: mothers and daughters of kings, they were robbed of their religion, and forced to lead the infamous life of the Mughal harem,[20]—to be the unloved plaything of their master's passion for a day or two and then to be doomed to sigh out their days like bondwomen, without knowing the dignity of a wife or the joy of a mother. Sweeter far for them would have been death from the hands of their dear ones than submission to a race that knew no generosity to the fallen, no chivalry to the weaker sex.

Three captives of tender age, (two sons and one grandson of Jhujhar,) were made Musalmans.Children converted to Islam. Another son, Udaybhan, and Shyam Dawa the old and faithful minister of the house, who had taken refuge in Golkonda and been delivered to Shah Jahan, refused to apostatize and were executed in cold blood.[21]

The fort of Jhansi, with its big guns and war ​material was forced to capitulate at the end ofSpoils of war, October. The Imperial officers now organised a regular hunt for the buried treasure of Bir Singh. The jungle was carefully searched and many wells filled with gold and silver were discovered in its untrodden depths. The spoils of war amounted to one krore of rupees besides other valuable property.[22]

As for the Gonds, their services against Jhujhar were forgotten. The Imperial forces in pursuit had reached the frontier of Chanda, the leading Gond kingdom. Such an honour had to be dearly paid for. The Rajah of Chanda was compelled to wait on the victors on his frontier, on the bank of the Pranhita river, pay down 6 lakhs in cash, and promise an annual tribute of 20 elephants or Rs. 80,000 as an equivalent.[23] This opened the door to future troubles, and his kingdom was subjected to repeated exactions by the Mughals in the next reign.

​Temple converted into mosque. During the campaign in the Gond country Aurangzib had come to Dhamuni, far in the rear of the fighters. At his request Shah Jahan paid a visit to the newly conquered country, reaching Datia and Urchha at the end of November. At the Bundela capital "the Islam-cherishing Emperor demolished the lofty and massive temple of Bir Singh Dev near his palace, and erected a mosque on its site."[24] To this Devi Singh, the newly appointed Rajah, made no objection. The temples of his gods might be defiled, his brave and proud clansmen might be butchered, insolent aliens might trample his fatherland down "with the hoofs of their horses," the princesses of his house might be dragged into a shame worse than death,—but he could now enjoy the lordship of the country, he could now sit on the throne of Urchha and call himself a Rajah and the head of the Bundela clan, and therefore he rejoiced. For this he had laboured, and now he had his reward! Among the Hindu Rajputs who assisted at this pious work by fighting under the Mughal banner were Sisodias and Rathors, Kachhwahs and Hadas.[25]

​But the noblest of the Bundelas did not bowBundelas of Mahoba keep up opposition. down to the traitor. They gathered under the brave Champat Rao of Mahoba, crowned Jhujhar's infant son Prithwiraj, and raided the territory of Urchha. This boy-king was soon afterwards captured and lodged in the state-prison of Gwalior.[26] But though one faineant Rajah after another reigned at Urchha, Champat Rao and his heroic son Chhatra Sal continued their wars to the end of the century. With them, however, it was a fruitless struggle. They could not hope to hold Urchha for good and unite the Bundelas under one sceptre; they only devastated the territory loyal to the Mughals, and spread havoc and insecurity over the land, till in the next century a mightier race of plun​derers appeared on the scene, and Muslim and Bundela alike bowed down to the Maratha.[27]

Aurangzib returned from Dhamuni to wait on his father near Urchha, and together they travelled through the country, viewing its lakes and forts, beautiful scenery, and coverts for game. By way of Sironj they reached Daulatabad, where Aurangzib on 14th July, 1636, formally took leave of the Emperor to act as Viceroy of the Deccan.[28]

  1. ↑ Pogson's History of the Boondelas (1828), 3—11, Masir-ul-Umara, ii. 31.
  2. ↑ Elliot's Memoirs...of the races of the N. W. P. ed. by Beames, i. 45-46. Imperial Gazetteer (ed. 1906) ix, 68, 70, Masir-ul-Umara, ii. 131.
  3. ↑ Pogson, 11. Urchha is situated 7 m. south-east of Jhansi fort. Mahoba is midway on the railway line between Jhansi and Manikpur.
  4. ↑ Blochmann's Ain-i-Akbari, i. 488 and xxv-xxvi M.U. ii. 197—199.
  5. ↑ M.U. ii. 199. Abdul Hamid's Padishahnamah, I. A. 293.
  6. ↑ Abd. Ham., I. B. 117.
  7. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 240—242, 246—248, Jhujhar's life in given in M.U. ii. 214—217. The cause of his flight is stated to have been his fear lest the stricter administration of Shah Jahan should make him disgorge his father's unauthorised annexations of territory. Dow says that "having come to pay his respects at the court of Agra, he found that an addition was made in the books of the Imperial Treasury, to the tribute which he and his ancestors had formerly paid to the house of Timur. Instead of petitioning for an abatement of the impost, he fled without taking leave of the Emperor." (iii. 108.) Khafi Khan, i, 406, says that Jhujhar was alarmed and fled on learning that Shah Jahan had been thinking of extirpating his father for his annexations and exactions during Jahangir's last years. Irich is stiuated on a bend of the Betwa river, 40 miles N. E. of Jhansi (Ind. Atlas, sheet 69 N. W.).
  8. ↑ Imp. Gazetteer, ix. 70.
  9. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 95, gives the Gond king's name as Bim (=Bhim) Narayan. The Imp. Gaz. xviii. 387, has Prem Narayan. Shah Jahan's message to Jhujhar ran thus: "As you have shed the blood of Bhim Narayan and his family and seized the country of Garha without my permission, it is best for you to present the country to my officers. But if you wish to be confirmed in that country you must give up your jagirs near your home, in exchange of it, and send to me 10 lakhs of rupees out of the cash taken from Bhim Narayan." This is the official account revised by Shah Jahan himself. Not a word is said here about making restitution to the murdered Rajah's son. Khafi Khan, who admittedly took his facts from this book, however, says, "Shah Jahan repeatedly wrote to Jhujhar to restore Bhim Narayan's property to his heirs, but in vain" (i. 507).
  10. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 95-96. Chauragarh is in the Narsinghpur District, C. P., about 10 miles S. E. of the Gadarwara Station. Dhamuni is near the Dhasan river 24 m. north of Saugor in C. P. (Ind. Atlas, 70 S. W.).
  11. ↑ The Bundela army consisted of about 5000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, whereas in the Mughal army the horse outnumbered the foot several times.
  12. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 96—98, 106. M.U. ii. 295, 213.
  13. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 99-100. Dow's highly coloured account is very amusing to read: "Aurungzebe was sent against him. This was the first opportunity given to that young lion of rioting in blood....The war was protracted for two years...Aurungzebe though but thirteen years of age, displayed that martial intrepidity...which could not be restrained. He was present in every danger, &c." (iii. 132). If the campaign was meant to be Aurangzib's baptism of fire, we must say that the baptism was performed at a great distance from the fire. Throughout the war the young prince was kept by his guardian safe in the rear, many miles behind the fighting line.
  14. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 98-100, 106-107.
  15. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 108—110.
  16. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 110-113.
  17. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 114-115.
  18. ↑ The following very graphic and seemingly true account of their end is given by Dow (iii. 133); but we know not what Persian history he translated, and hence we cannot verify and accept his narrative. "The unfortunate Prince was, at length, overcome with fatigue. He came into a forest, and finding a pleasent plain in the middle, he resolved to halt; dreaming of no danger in the centre of an impervious wood. Both he and his followers alighted, and tying their horses to trees, betook themselves to rest. A barbarous race of men possessed the country round. They had not seen the Raja's troops, but the neighing of his horses led some of them to the spot. Looking from the thicket into the narrow plain where the fugitives lay, they perceived, to their astonishment, a number of men richly dressed, sleeping on the ground; and fine horses standing near, with furniture of gold and silver. The temptation was too great to be withstood by men who had never seen so much wealth before. They rushed upon the strangers and stabbed them in their sleep. While they were yet dividing the spoil, Nuserit came. The robbers were slain, and the head of the Raja was brought back to the army."
  19. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 116-117. Khafi Khan describes the war in i. 506-516.
  20. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 133. Khafi Khan, i. 519.
  21. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 133, 139. Khafi Khan, 519, 523. According to the latter the converts were Durgabhan, a son of Jhujhar, and Durjan Sal and Narsingh Dev, his grandsons.
  22. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 133, 139, 119, and (for buried treasure) 110, 117, 123.
  23. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 117-118.
  24. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 121-122.
  25. ↑ A large body of Rajputs served in the army sent against Jhujhar. Their captains are named in Abdul Hamid, I. B. 96-97, 99-100. To contrast the Hindu spirit with the Muhammadan let us consider an imaginary parallel. Suppose that when Clive after winning Plassey marched to Murshidabad and placed Mir Jafar on the throne, he had ordered the chief mosque of the town to be converted into a Christian church, where pigs would be sacrificed every year on Atonement Day, would Mir Jafar have consented to take the crown on such a condition, would the Muslim troops in the East India Company's service have submitted to this insult to their religion?
  26. ↑ Abdul Hamid, ii. 136, 193-194.
  27. ↑ Pogson, 108, 123 et seq. Abdul Hamid, ii. 221, 303, 304 (Champat submits and enters Dara's service). Alamgirnamah, (sides with Aurangzib, 92), 301. Masir-i-Alamgiri, 169, M.U. ii. 294 and 321.
  28. ↑ Abdul Hamid, I. B. 118, 122-123, 134, &c., 205. Topographical Notes. The fort of L'rchha had walls made of stones laid on one another without mud or mortar. It had no battlement. The walls were about 8 miles in length. The river Betwa washes its eastern face. (I. B. 122). The northern, eastern and southern faces of the fort of Dhamuni were too steep to allow mining or trenching operations by besiegers. On the western side, where the ground is level, there were ditches 20 cubits deep, close to bamboo thickets under the walls. (107).
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