History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 22

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXII.

CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO.

1813.

Morelos' March to Acapulco — He Besieges and Captures It — Royalist Reaction — Piaxtla — Guerrillas and their Doings — Bravo's Operations — His Repulse at Alvarado — Siege of Coscomatepec — Orizaba Surprised — Second Royalist Defeat at San Agustin del Palmar — Its Consequences — Discord in the Suprema Junta — Congress of Chilpancingo — Rayon's Action — Morelos the Generalissimo and Siervo de la Nacion — Declaration of National Independence — Constitution — Jesuits.

Morelos, having decided to lay seige to Acapulco, started from Oajaca on the 9th of February, 1813, with 3,000 men,^[1] leaving there a force of 1,000 under Colonel Rocha; 1,000 having previously been despatched against the royalist chiefs Montaño, Sanchez, and others. Marching to Yanhuitlan, he stationed there Matamoros with 1,500 men to secure possession of that country. In the Mizteca road he detached Galeana in aid of the brothers Bravo, who had been assigned the duty of guarding the line of the Mescala River on Chilapa arid might need assistance in their encounters with Páris, now subordinate to the royalist brigadier Moreno Daoiz. Galeana was to rejoin the main army at Ometepec, of which place Vicente Guerrero was made comandante. On the 2d of March the independents opened their way at the Jacalones del Camparnento, a strongly fortified place defended by royalists, whom they routed.^[2] Morelos then proceeded to Quetzala and Cruz Grande on the coast, sending scouts to the pass of La Sabana and El Veladero, when the commandant at the latter position, Brigadier Ávila, reported the operations of the flying column under Captain Montoro, a part of his command, against Acapulco, causing the royalists much injury.^[3] Early in April he reached the vicinity of Acapulco, encamping at the cerro del Veladero, and summoned the acting governor, Captain Pedro Antonio Velez, to surrender. Openly Velez refused; but Morelos received two confidential notes without signature, said to be in the handwriting of the governor, indicating a disposition to come to terms in some underhanded way. However this may have been, or whether or not Velez intended to deceive Morelos, the latter paid no attention to the communications.^[4]

The town of Acapulco is situated at the north-west extremity of the harbor which extends inland northward and, turning westward, terminates in a narrow creek. Opposite to the town on the east side stands the castle. Both town and castle are commanded by the hills of Las Iguanas and La Mira. Besides the support of the castle the town is defended by advanced fortifications, and the forts of the hospital and El Padrastro. The island of La Roqueta, stretching east and west, lies at the mouth of the harbor, forming two wide and commodious entrances.

On the 6th of April the attack was made, Galeana taking possession of the Iguanas hills; Julian Áyila, La Mira hill; and Felipe Gonzalez, in command of Morelos' escort, occupying the first houses of the town. None of the assailants met with any opposition. The whole force did not exceed 1,500 men, with only a few pieces of artillery of small calibre. It is indeed remarkable that Morelos undertook to capture with so small an army a town and fortress having for their defence eighty pieces of artillery, and some armed vessels, besides a free use of the sea.^[5] The city was thus surrounded and closely besieged on the land side. The following days the firing was kept up against the defences, being energetically answered by the castle San Diego, the advanced works, and the fort at the hospital garrisoned by 100 men with four guns under Pedro Ruvido, a Spaniard. On the 10th, Morelos occupied the line of the creek without resistance, and on the 12th a general assault was made. Ávila was seriously wounded at the first shot, and was obliged to retreat to the Veladero; but at nightfall the explosion of a box of ammunition in the hospital frightened its defenders, who thereupon fled, leaving the wounded and sick. The city was also abandoned by the inhabitants, and the captors lost no time in plundering it. Drunkenness and disorder followed; and if the garrison had then made an attack it could have won an easy victory. Morelos somewhat later captured the fort named El Padrastro, and other advanced works, and caused all the houses standing around the castle to be burned, notwithstanding the efforts of the garrison to prevent it. Morelos lodged his men in the other houses, and occupied one of them himself. Soon after he made this arrangement a ball struck and killed his aid, Felipe Hernandez, at his side, and Morelos was spattered with the blood. At this time he was joined by an Indian woman of Tasco, María Manuela Molina, who having raised a company had been commissioned captain by the junta. She had journeyed 100 leagues to join him.^[6]

Though measures were adopted to press the siege, which was now confined to the castle, only slow progress could be made, for the want of heavy artillery. Moreover, the defenders obtained fire-wood from La Roqueta Island, and had the communication by sea open to them. Thereupon Morelos constructed a mine from the Padrastro, and carried it to within 100 varas of the counterscarp of the intervening moat. Provisions being scarce, and disease having broken out in his camp, the general called a council of war, at which, by the suggestion of Pedro Irrigaray, it was resolved to occupy La Roqueta, which lies about six miles from shore, and was defended by one company, three small guns, two launches, fourteen canoes, and the armed schooner Guadalupe. Ruvido, who had proved himself so inefficient at the hospital fort, had the command. The enterprise was intrusted to Colonel Galeana, a nephew of the mariscal, and Montes de Oca, who succeeded in crossing over unnoticed four times from 11 o'clock in the night of June 9th with a canoe, conveying eighty of their regiment to the Guadalupe. They then attacked the royalists, who made but slight resistance, most of them being taken prisoners, the rest making their escape in the canoes. The only casualties were one little girl from the city accidentally shot, and another drowned. The schooner Guadalupe attempted to sail away, but was captured. The loss of La Roqueta would have been a terrible blow to the garrison of the castle but for the timely arrival of the government brig San Cárlos, which with proper precautions landed her cargo. Colonel Galeana attacked her with two canoes in the night of July 9th, but was repulsed, and she returned to San Blas.^[7] About the middle of August the garrison was not only suffering for the necessaries of life, but sickness had greatly increased. There were not healthy men enough for the routine of military duty. Morelos becoming informed of it, saw at once how easy it would be in such a state of things to bring matters to a quick termination by setting fire to the place. But he bethought him of the women and children, of the aged and helpless, that were in the fortress, and he determined to adopt other means, though involving some risk to himself and greater peril for his men. Let such instances as this be remarked. These men were not altogether merciless, as some delight to represent them, even though they did some times kill prisoners of war. Were not prisoners killed on either side during modern wars in other countries—men wholly innocent of any crime and hardly knowing why they were shot; killed simply by way of reprisal and revenge? I do not remember any instance where a fortress was spared out of consideration for the non-combatants in it, either in the late wars of Europe or in any other late wars.^[8]

To avoid inflicting unnecessary suffering, therefore, Morelos determined to cut off the besieged from the sea; and during the night of the 17th, Galeana was directed to surround the castle under its very guns, with a picked body of men, on the right or Hornos side. Colonel Gonzalez was ordered to do the same on the left side to meet Galeana. This perilous undertaking was successfully accomplished in spite of the active firing of the enemy, including their free use of hand grenades. Early in the morning, finding the revolutionists in posssession of the moat, and ready to scale the walls, Velez saw that even if he succeeded in repelling the assault Morelos would surely set fire to the mine as soon as his own men were out of the way. Indeed, he wondered why it had not been done before. In this strait he asked for a parley, and proposed to capitulate if the honors of war were granted. Morelos acceded, Vouchsafing even more liberal terms; and on the 20th the independent standard of Mexico waved over the castle of San Diego de Acapulco.^[9]

Morelos tendered Velez, who was a native of Córdoba, a position in his army, which being declined, the former told him that his fidelity would be ill requited by the Spanish government; this was indeed true, as an order had been issued, before news of the surrender reached Mexico, appointing the naval lieutenant Jacobo Murphy to supersede him, under the pretext of allowing him needed rest, and instructing Velez to proceed to San Blas and Guadalajara. Velez was subsequently tried, at his own request, by court-martial, and was not honorably acquitted till after his death.^[10]

We have seen that the royalists were so harassed that they were unable to send any relief to Acapulco. The present was in fact their most critical period since the beginning of the revolution. Yet this success was the origin of misfortune to Morelos. The time he employed in the capture of Acapulco from early in February to the end of August—gave Calleja the advantage of seven months, the best of the year, for his own operations, enabling him to carry out without opposition all his plans—to destroy the most dreaded revolutionary chiefs in the north, and then turn his united strength upon those in the south. The capture of a single seaport town could hardly compensate for this. The best course for Morelos to have pursued would have been to concentrate his forces in Oajaca, fortifying the passes in the Mizteca Mountains, and open the ports of that province on the Pacific to foreign commerce; then to send a division from Oajaca to take possession of the country at the bottom of the gulf, particularly Goatzacoalcos, and promote trade with the United States and the British colonies, which would have assured an abundance of supplies. Instead of this, the immense booty captured at Oajaca was to a great extent squandered by incompetent officials, and conduced little to the improvement of the army. The fact is, Morelos was at this time too sanguine of success, expecting to be able soon to capture Mexico, when the fall of Vera Cruz and other places would quickly follow. Having arranged matters at Acapulco he departed for Chilpancingo.

Shortly after Morelos set out on his march to Acapulco, an expedition of about 700 men under Lieutenant-colonel Dambrini invaded Oajaca from Guatemala, to avenge the death of Saravia; but on the 19th of April it was attacked by Matamoros, and driven back across the frontier with the loss of the military chest and armament.^[11]

The royalist party, which during the winter of 1812-13 had been apparently destroyed in the Costa Chica, rose anew into life during the siege of Acapulco. Páris and Reguera had retired to that port, where the former died April 15th, the latter effecting his escape from the besieged castle on the 6th of May. Having collected a force of about 400 men, he attacked Vicente Guerrero on the 1st of July, 1813, at Cuautepec, but being repulsed retired to Cruz Grande.^[12] Manuel Mier y Teran, independent, was unsuccessfully attacked at the Trapiche de Santa Ana on the 16th of August, and on the 25th of September he took Tututepec. But on the 5th of November the largest place in that region, Ometepec, hoisted the royal standard and received Reguera with open arms on the 10th. His forces now amounted to 1,200 men, and he believed himself able even to assail Oajaca.

A body of royalist troops under Moreno Daoiz had its headquarters in Tepecuacuilco, and from it parties were sent to the right bank of the Mescala, where they were well received, the inhabitants being tired of the war and desirous of protection. That force was strengthened in September with the battalion of Lovera sent by the viceroy to Cuernavaca. In September Teloloapam was occupied by Captain Manuel Gomez Pedraza, who was in later years a famous statesman of Mexico. Lieutenant-colonel Armijo directed operations from Izúcar; and Matamoros, having on the 10th of August issued a proclamation,^[13] stationed himself at Tehuicingo waiting for an opportunity to recover Izúcar. Some distance south of this place, at Piaxtla, on the 20th of August an action took place between a portion of Armijo's command under the captain of dragoons, Juan B. Miota, and a party of Ramon Sesma's force, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Ojeda, a man of little or no military experience. Though Ojeda occupied a pretty strong position, he was dislodged in about an hour, losing many men and a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition, after which the royalists entered and sacked Acatlan.^[14] The men captured and the war material were left in Izúcar, where no little surprise was caused by the good clothes of the prisoners, and the fine quality of the arms taken.

The insurgents had used every endeavor to possess themselves of the city of Tlascala, as Morelos had been induced to believe that the inhabitants were in favor of Mexican independence; but they had been frustrated by the vigilance of the royalist garrison, and according to the commandant of the place by the opposition displayed by the citizens' heroic loyalty to the crown. On the 4th of December a force, which the commandant, Agustin Gonzalez del Campillo, estimated at more than 1,000, though he had been assured by some prisoners that it was only about 500 strong, attacked the town after a demand for its surrender had been made and declined. The garrison, if we must believe the commandant, consisted of only 75 men, who were aided by the citizens, many of whom had never seen military service. The assailants' plan was to draw attention to the main street, where the royalist artillery was stationed, while they attempted on the left by approaching along a narrow street to capture the parapet. In this they were disappointed, being repulsed with several killed, among them a captain. The assault having thus failed, the revolutionists retired.^[15] In the region of Puebla and southern Vera Cruz the insurgent guerrillas continued their depredations, never missing an opportunity to injure the enemy. Daily encounters occurred with varied success on either side, though the trains, which were constantly attacked, generally succeeded in getting through safely.^[16] In January and early in February General Nicolás Bravo long delayed a convoy on its way to Vera Cruz in charge of Olazábal, who was attacked by the revolutionists in the rear, and forced to leave the silver for a time at Perote, though he passed through to Vera Cruz with provisions without any serious loss.^[17]

Having returned to Perote he started on the 1st of March from Jalapa with the silver and 4,000 mules which he conveyed safely to Vera Cruz, destroying on his way the enemy's camp at Paso Moral. On the 14th he arrived again at Jalapa with a large return train of merchandise, having reduced to ashes another camp of the revolutionists at San Bernardo, and taken the fortified town of Antigua which was also burned.^[18] Bravo now proceeded to Tlalixcoyan, and thence with 400 infantry and 200 horsemen to Alvarado, then governed by the naval lieutenant Gonzalo Ulloa, the capture of which he attempted on the 30th of April, but being repulsed with twenty-five killed and many wounded, he retired to Coscomatepec.^[19] A little later the naval lieutenant Juan Topete opened the communications by land from Alvarado to Vera Cruz, and formed a regulation for the safe passage of trains.

This royalist progress gave rise to charges against Bravo instigated by Rincon, and sent from Oajaca to Morelos by Matamoros and the inspector of cavalry, Cárlos M. Bustamante, dated June 12th. They demanded that Bravo should be removed and Rincon appointed his successor. The bad condition of affairs in the province was attributed to Bravo's bad luck; to the hatred the coast population bore him for certain executions claimed to have been unjust; and to the opinion they entertained that he was a traitor, who for venal causes allowed the convoys to pass safely on the Vera Cruz road.^[20] This representation, though not acted upon at first, led no doubt later to Bravo's removal from command in the province of Vera Cruz. On the other hand, the royalists did not like to see Bravo holding Coscomatepec. But he was then young, full of life and enthusiasm, and determined to hold it at all hazards. As it was not fortified he erected defences. The town extends from east to west on the section of a hill which is shaped almost like a truncated cone, surrounded on the east, north, and south by ravines,^[21] the extent to be defended being therefore limited. Against this stronghold the lieutenant-colonel Conti was sent from Orizaba toward the end of July with 400 infantry and eighty horse men. Bravo had 450 men, mostly royalist deserters, of whom about 100 were Spanish soldiers. The attack was a severe one, and even bayonets were used; but after losing many men, Conti had to give it up, and retired to Orizaba.^[22] Castro Terreño then organized a force under Juan Candano, which, according to this officer's diary, consisted of a little over 1,000 men, including 150 dragoons and nineteen artillerymen, with four field-pieces. Candano was before Coscomatepec the 5th of September; his chief attack was, of course, on the west. After much fighting and loss of life on both sides, nothing had been gained by the assailants, when Águila arrived with a strong reënforcement,^[23] and continued the operations, though he well knew and reported to the viceroy that they were costing more than the place was worth strategically, and that the besieged could get away whenever they pleased. In fact, on the 4th of October Bravo, seeing the new commander's measures for an irresistible attack, and being himself but scantily supplied with provisions and ammunition, after burying his artillery, abandoned the place at 11 o'clock that night with his troops and the inhabitants, directing his course to San Pedro Ixhuatlan. Águila, who did not discover for some time the flight of his foe, entered Coscomatepec and burned it.^[24] It was said that his soldiers shot at the images of the virgin of Guadalupe, as the patroness of the revolutionists, and committed other irreligious acts. The royalists lost at this siege time, men, and credit, for the possession of a hill affording no real advantages.^[25] Bravo won much reputation for having thus diverted to that point the royalist forces of the south which Calleja had intended for the occupation of Tehuacan, thus disconcerting the viceroy's plans, and bringing on still more disastrous consequences, as will be seen. Águila went back with his troops to Orizaba, a party of insurgents having on the 5th of October attacked the detachment at Angostura, of which only a commissioned officer and a sergeant escaped. The victors drove off with them 1,800 mules that had been obtained for transporting tobacco.

When Morelos heard of Bravo being beleaguered at Coscomatepec, he ordered all available forces to his relief. Matamoros was one of those who started on that duty. On his way he was informed on the 13th of October that a large train of tobacco had left Orizaba in charge of Lieutenant-colonel José M. Martinez, escorted by the Asturias battalion under its commander, Candano, and some cavalry under Moran,^[26] and that it would pass the night in San Agustin del Palmar. Matamoros accordingly made his dispositions to attack it, and on the morning of the 14th, the convoy was assailed along its whole extent. A severe engagement ensued in which the royalists sustained a serious defeat, losing 215 killed, 368 prisoners, and 521 muskets. Among the prisoners were Candano, two captains, and thirteen subalterns. The train escaped, however, with the loss of only seventy-five loads. Matamoros took his prisoners to San Andrés Chalchicomula, where after the victory had been duly celebrated with salutes and a high mass, Candano and another officer, a Mexican, were shot. Captain Longoría was also condemned to death, but at the intercession of the priest and citizens his life was spared. The remaining prisoners were taken to Zacatula; on the road the other captain was also shot for attempting to escape after he had joined the independent service.^[27] Matamoros made no attempt against Puebla or even Izúcar, though both places were weakly garrisoned at the time, but returned to his headquarters at Tehuicingo. His victory highly elated the independents, and correspondingly depressed the royalists. The viceroy was greatly displeased, and ordered investigations resulting in trials of several officers by court-martial. The conde de Castro Terreño, moreover, was superseded in his command at Puebla by Brigadier Ramon Diaz de Ortega,^[28] and returned to Spain much chagrined.

Calleja, fearing that Matamoros might make an attempt against Puebla or the neighboring villas, ordered Ortega to guard against it with a competent force. Matamoros went south, and Ortega took up a position at Cuernavaca with a force of 5,000 or 6,000 men, which was soon after dissolved, the troops returning to Puebla and Mexico, in view of the fact that Morelos showed no attempt of crossing the Mescala, this river being the boundary between the two parties. Morelos was occupied at Chilpancingo in augmenting his troops, whilst the viceroy reënforced the division stationed in Toluca. Moreno Daoiz and Armijo watched the Mescala, and an expedition was being organized for the invasion of Oajaca, whose inhabitants, it was claimed, desired the restoration of the royal authority over them, being tired of the abuse they were subjected to by the insurgents.^[29] Some of the inhabitants were indeed in communication with the viceroy, and the influence of their former bishop, Bergosa, was great. It was to counteract this influence, as well as that of the friars and canons who were working for a counter-revolution, that Morelos was urgently advised by Cárlos Bustamante and Rocha, comandante at Oajaca,^[30] to stop all trade between Puebla and the Mizteca, which was accordingly decreed.

 

The discord in the suprema junta that had so materially assisted Calleja in his plans was of some service also to Morelos, who, flushed with military successes, began to entertain a very natural desire for political supremacy, as at the time such a chief was greatly needed, and no one at hand fit to fill such a position.^[31] During the disagreement, when one member sought to disqualify the other, each appealed for support to the only neutral one of the four, Morelos, who had hitherto been practically ignored.^[32] Their military reverses assisted to reduce them almost to supplicants. Morelos saw his opportunity, and resolved to direct the current of affairs into his own hands. To this end he proposed that the council should meet within the territory controlled by him, where it might unmolested and conveniently for all discuss and settle every question. Rayon very naturally objected to a concession that practically transferred the controlling influence to another, whereupon Morelos took a far more decisive step. Assured of coöperation from the weaker and less ambitious associates, he proceeded to convoke the long-mooted congress which should reconstruct the whole government. The election of deputies could be regularly performed throughout nearly all the southern region, which was devoted to him. For most other parts of the country substitutes had to be appointed, of course mainly by Morelos, so that the assembly would be controlled by him.^[33] He moreover appointed as meeting place, for September, the small town of Chilpancingo, which was now raised to the rank of city, under the name of Nuestra Señora de la Asuncion.^[34]

A main object of the congress was to frame the long-mooted constitution; and to this Morelos also gave a certain direction by drawing up rules for the proceedings of the assembly, and determining a number of vital questions, one conferring on army officers the power to nominate from among the four captain-generals a generalissimo, in whom was to be vested the executive authority, with full powers. Under the circumstances, this was equivalent to appointing himself.

In these steps he had been guided greatly by the draft for a constitution prepared by Rayon early in 1812, and which aimed above all to perpetuate the actual council. According to Rayon's plan sovereignty, emanating from the people, stood vested in Fernando VII., but was to be exercised by a national American council of five members, elected by the provinces and gradually renewed by the change of one member yearly. For the present, vacancies were to be filled by elections made by the existing members.^[35] A congress chosen every three years by the municipalities should exercise legislative power, though subject to the decision of the council, which again had to be guided in all important acts of government by a council of state composed of brigadiers and higher officers.^[36] Caste distinctions, slavery, and torture must be abolished, and the habeas corpus system introduced. Four military orders should be created, applicable also to civilians. Of the four captain-generals, embracing the three who were members of the council, one should in time of war be chosen temporary generalissimo, equivalent to dictator.^[37]

This draft had been submitted to Morelos,^[38] who, while recognizing therein the ideas of Hidalgo, objected to several points. Fernando should no longer be held up as a mask for independence. The council of state should be reduced to a fixed number of generals, and a generalissimo elected for life. The safety of religion demanded that foreigners be admitted at the furthest only to a few ports.^[39] This smacked strongly of the cura. Some of his objections acquired weight, for shortly after appeared the Spanish liberal constitution, which effectually eclipsed the other document in the eyes of its very projector, and caused him to withhold it.^[40] As Morelos revealed his own designs,^[41] Rayon became anxious to secure himself; and to this end he hastened to frame another constitution, which was submitted to the guadalupes at Mexico and others, and intended for publication before the congress should meet.^[42] Nothing came of this; for Morelos assumed a firm attitude, charged the president with, obstinately seeking to injure the cause by creating dissension, and peremptorily commanded him to join the meeting at Chilpancingo and assist Liceaga, then under restraint, to do likewise. With the members against him, with his prestige shattered, and hardly an escort to sustain him, Rayon had to yield, although not without quibbling.^[43]

Meanwhile, Morelos had been actively carrying out his plan, which required, foremost, that he should strengthen his position by completing the council with a fifth member^[44] elected by the friendly citizens of Oajaca, as a compliment to them and the province. The choice fell on the able and patriotic intendente, José María Murguía,^[45] esteemed no less by the royalists, and figuring prominently throughout this period. On September 13th took place the election of a deputy for Tecpan, the new province corresponding to the present Guerrero, and the same day a representative meeting of electors and officers was opened before whom Morelos read his views on the proposed congress and its labors, and stated that it should be composed in the first place of the council members, Rayon, Verdusco, Liceaga, and Murguía, representing respectively Nueva Galicia, Michoacan, Guanajuato, and Oajaca; of José Manuel Herrera, vicario general of the army, who had just been chosen for Tecpan; and of three substitutes, selected by Morelos to represent Mexico, Puebla, and Vera Cruz, namely, Cárlos Maria Bustamante, Andrés Quintana Roo, and Doctor Cos. Murguía prudently retired almost at the opening, leaving his place to Manuel Sabino Crespo, the second choice for Oajaca.^[46] The retention of the councilmen in the assembly gave good reason for considering it a mere extension of the former body, and as such it was after ward designated by Rayon and others for motives of their own.^[47]

The congress was installed with the members then present, on September 14th, under the presidency of Murguía^[48] Morelos delivering the opening speech.^[49] It was accorded the title of majesty or highness, and the deputies that of excellency, supported by a salary of six thousand pesos annually for their term of four years.^[50] A majority of votes with a quorum of five sufficed to pass laws. The first act was to give sanction to the tumultuous acclamation by the army officers in favor of Morelos as generalissimo, a position created by himself with full knowledge that the nomination, almost wholly from among his own men, must fall upon himself, and that the deputies then present would confirm it.^[51] The office embraced the executive power, and was to be held so long as the occupant showed fitness for it, with perfect freedom for granting honors and promotion, and with the title of highness, although Morelos preferred to call him self the servant of the nation.^[52] The judicial power remained for the present vested in existing tribunals, headed by the congress itself, but a meeting of advocates and learned men was to be called at an early opportunity to elect judges for a supreme court of the same number as the deputies, and with the same term and pay.^[53]

The rules issued by Morelos for the guidance of. the congress were practically a constitution,^[54] wherein he had framed everything according to his own fancy, making himself actual ruler wherever his arms might obtain sway, and sustaining that control by appointments at will. The congress, essentially his own creature, and easy to so maintain when kept under his eyes, was designated rather as an adjunct to himself, and its power could in any case be readily curtailed.^[55] Although crude and incomplete, the constitution sufficed to achieve the aim of its projector, which after all was not out of keeping with a personage of this period who so completely overshadowed all the other leaders of the party in military success and power. He cannot be said to have abused the trusts he outlined, and he sustained an assembly which might have been dissolved on the plausible ground that advancement of the cause required concentration of authority into one hand.^[56]

The men, however, who had hitherto figured as captain-generals with so little credit were retired, on the plea that their new sphere as deputies required undivided attention. The two provinces of Michoacan and Guanajuato lately controlled by them, together with Guadalajara, Zacatecas, and San Luis Potosí, were placed under the command of Manuel Muñiz, as lieutenant-general. The only other officer of this rank was Matamoros, who received charge of the more important region of Oajaca, Vera Cruz, Puebla, Tlascala, Mexico, and Tecpan. Additional control was exercised through the judges appointed in different provinces.^[57] Rayon made his appearance at Chilpancingo on November 2d, and in order to soften his fall the men of Morelos joined his adherents in tendering him a pompous reception, with triumphal arches and allocutions.^[58] Bustamante and others having also arrived, the congress opened for regular business, the first act being the famous declaration of independence of November 6th, wherein New Spain, or Anáhuac, is declared forever freed from Spanish control, with liberty to administer its own destinies,^[59] and with the Roman catholic religion for the exclusive spiritual guide. Seal of the Congress. Rayon sought in vain to oppose this radical step as dangerous and needless. He admitted that to retain the name of Fernando was a mere disguise, but one which served to gain a vast and valuable support, especially among the Indians who were accustomed to venerate and bend to royalty.^[60] This view received favor, that of Bustamante among others, as indicated by his proposal through the ayuntamiento of Mexico for a base of conciliation, or at least for a more humane warfare;^[61] but Morelos carried the point, as indeed he did all, by outlining the work and attitude of the assembly.^[62]

In consonance with the act of independence were confirmed the decrees already issued by Morelos, merging all race and caste distinctions under the one equalizing term of Americans, removing the ignominious tribute tax, affirming the liberation of slaves,^[63] and opening offices in church and state to all classes. Past indebtedness to Europeans was cancelled, in virtue of the authority of the nation to confiscate the property of its opponents.^[64] Taxes were reduced practically to excise, including tobacco, and to tithes and parochial fees, to all of which Indians were subjected in common with others, to their no small prejudice if we consider the previous burdens. Bustamante takes credit for a decree to restore the Jesuits, with a view to educate the youth and spread the faith.^[65] For the maintenance of the revolutionary cause, it was proposed to enlist half the serviceable population in each town and provide them with the best arms possible, drawing from this source for the army.^[66]

 

 

1. Most of the new troops organized in Oajaca deserted soon after.
2. Diario de la Expedition de Morelos, in Bustamante, Supl. to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iv. 57-73. Bustamante claimed to have in his possession the original diary of the expedition kept by Juan N. Rosains, Morelos' secretary, running from Feb. 9th to April 18th, it being unknown whether Rosains continued it or not. The copy alluded to is an abridged and corrected one. Other copies appear in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 20-31, and Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., v. 383-405, apparently unabridged, and so full of orthographical errors that it is doubtful if they were taken from the original.
3. March 23, 1813, Col. Ponciano Solórzano took command of the district of Tlalchapa at the town of the same name. He soon after visited Simatepec and Telolóapam; at the latter place he found 15 officers and 71 rank and file, who recognized his authority. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 14, 38-40.
4. The papers were subsequently used, together with other charges, at the trial of Velez. The first note said that by good management the general might reach his object; the second stated that the writer had the preceding day recommended policy, and none had been pursued; that he alone in the presence of so many could not act; the others were incensed, and he imperilled. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., vi. 114-15.
5. The garrison on the 31st of March was of 334 men, including 59 artillery men, according to a royalist report.
6. She took part with her company in seven actions. Diario Exped. Morelos, in Bustamante, Supl. to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iv. 70-1.
7. Among the charges brought forward against Velez at his trial were that both he and his officers had constantly neglected their duties, and had been engaged in trade and in other practices against discipline and order. But the witness Crame testified on the 24th of Feb. 1814, that the defence had been a heroic one, and the garrison had suffered greatly; many persons had died of disease; there was toward the last no lard, oil, salt, meat, or fire-wood. An egg was worth 6 pesos. The grain was worm-eaten, and could not be cooked for want of fuel. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., vi. 145-55, 160-1.
8. See Bustamante, Elogio Morelos, 19; Id., Cuad. Hist., ii. 262-9; Id., Camp. Calleja, 78-9.
9. The result of this victory was the capture of 407 muskets, 50 sabres, 35 machetes, 145 lances, 50 boxes of powder, 80 pieces of artillery of the calibres from 4 to 36, two 12-inch mortars, 20,000 cannon-balls, flags, provisions, and dry goods, besides about 200 prisoners. The terms of the written capitulation were in eight articles, the first of which called for forgetfulness and forgiveness of the past, forbidding all abuse or insult. The prisoners who were officers or natives of Spain were allowed passports to go where they liked, not within the enemy's lines, on giving their parole not to take up arms again in the royalist service. The native-born were mustered into Morelos' army. Passports were accordingly issued to Velez, the paymaster, his wife and children, the chaplain, 2 captains, 5 subalterns, 2 merchants and their families, and about 9 others. The terms were made public by Morelos on the 25th of August. They were first printed in the Correo Americano del Sur, 1813, no. 30, 235; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. app. 53-5; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 113-14; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., v. 383-505. See also Morelos' Decl., in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., vi. 27-9; Velez' Decl. and Official Despatch, in Id., 100-19, 130-8, 161-89.
10. The day following the capitulation the officers of both parties dined together, when Morelos gave the toast 'Viva España! but España as a sister, not as a ruler over America.' Mendíbil, Resúmen Hist., 173.
11. Among the effects captured were a crucifix and a beautiful picture of the virgin, which Matamoros with much solemnity gave to the churches there. The celebration was called 'de desagravios.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 269-74; Carriedo, Estud. Hist., ii. 29.
12. See his official report of Nov. 30, 1813, in Gaz. de Mex,, 1814, v. 58-60.
13. He had been promoted in July to lieut-gen. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 95. Bustamante claimed to have drawn up the proclamation. It was published in the Diario del Sur. Aug. 12, 1813, no. 25. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 522.
14. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 348, acknowledges that the loss of men on the independent side was heavy, without giving figures; two small guns and 113 muskets fell into the enemy's hands. The royalist official report speaks of 300 killed, among them Lieut-col. Ojeda, a Franciscan friar with the same military rank, and Capt. Zavala, and 80 prisoners. The rout is given as complete, only two friars, one clergyman, and 20 others escaping. The royalist loss, according to Miota, was one mule killed and 6 wounded, and 6 sabres 'rotos de matar enemigos.' The whole report seems to be much exaggerated. Gaz. de Gob., 1813, iv. 984-8; Torrente, Revol. Hisp. Am., i. 439; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 521-2; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 199.
15. Campillo's report to Ortega, commander of the south, on the 7th of Dec., a long grandiloquent document, asserts that the defences suffered no injury from the enemy's bombardment, and that no man of the garrison was either killed, wounded, or even contused. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 1351-4.
16. The commanding officers of royalist parties invariably claimed the victory in all such encounters, none of which attained the rank of a battle. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 81-3, 93-4, 159-61, 209-11, 353-578, passim, 927-30, 983-8, 1268-70; Alaman, Hist,. Méj., iii. 443-4; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 15.
17. In the fight the famous mulatto captain Zuzúnaga lost his life. Olazábal reported his casualties at 10 killed and 30 wounded. Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 242-4. Mendíbil, Resum. Hist., 174, gives the absurd version that Olazábal lost 500 men out of the 1,500 with whom he attacked Bravo, who had 300 Indians and 200 horsemen.
18. Olazábal thought that so prejudicial a town should not exist. Id., 306-8, 346-8; Torrente, Revol. Hist. Am., i. 433.
19. Bravo's report in Mendíbil, Resúm. Hist. 178. Ulloa's report in Gaz. de Mex., 1813, iv. 648-50, 1272-5. Torrente has it that the garrison was only of 200 men, and the assailants were about 1,500. Revol. Hist. Am., i. 435.
20. The original document is annexed to the proceedings against Rayon. Alaman, Hist. Méj.,iii. 527-8; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., vi. 248.
21. Águila gave this description, which Alaman copies, making a correction in regard to the soil. Hist. Méx., i. 529.
22. Bustamante. Cuadro Hist., ii. 330, gives the particulars as obtained from Bravo himself. Mendíbil, Resum. Hist., 179-80.
23. He arrived on the 29th of September. Mendíbil, Resúm. Hist., 180
24. It is said that he shot a dying man who had been inadvertently left behind. Id., 181; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 345. Alaman believes the story needs confirmation. Hist. Méj., iii. 536.
25. A full account of this siege, embracing Bravo's report, and Candano's diary, found among the archives of the viceroyalty, is given in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 328-47; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 180-1, 201-4.
26. Matamoros says that the escorting force exceeded 1,000 men. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 367.
27. Matamoros' Decl., in Gaz. de Méx., 1814, v. 172. Bustamante furnishes the reports of both Matamoros and Martinez on this memorable action, declaring false the statement of the latter that his men had been short of ammunition. Calleja's despatch to the supreme government confirms Matamoros.' Cuad. Hist., ii. 307-75; Mendíbil, Resúmen Hint., 190-1; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 208-10; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 537-40; Ward's Mex. i 204-5.
28. Ortega was sent apparently as the conde's second in command, but really to remove him, which was proved by the viceroy's acceptance of an alleged previous resignation, a mere pretext, for it was known that the conde was getting ready to march into Oajaca. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 377. Castro Terreño, it seems, preferred to wage war in a civilized manner, as he proved in Zacatlan, where he injured no one and kept his troops under strict discipline. He was rather friendly to the creoles. Id., ii. 285.
29. So says Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. 544.
30. Rocha's letter of July 16, 1813, to Bustamante, and the latter officer's of July 27th, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 83, 96-7.
31. Prompted by jealousy as well as a desire to be kept informed of affairs in the southern districts, Rayon had in the autumn of 1812 sent Zambrano, secretary of the council, to the side of the general with the commission to arrange for plans of operation. The conduct of the agent provoked his speedy dismissal, and tended only to imbitter relations between the two leaders. Morelos' letters of complaint may be consulted in Negrete, Méx. Siglo XIX., v. 373 et seq.
32. Rayon, like the others, sent his secretary, Oyarzábal, to court him.
33. The convocation for electing deputies was issued at Acapulco June 28th, countersigned by Rosains as secretary to Morelos. Text in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 133-4. On following pages are the affirmative replies from different towns. The convocation was based on formal representations from Oajaca, headed by Bustamante, showing the need for such an assembly. Text of document and votes upon it in Id., vi. 487-74. In reply to Rayon's remonstrances Morelos pointed out that a congress could no longer be deferred, and that no other section of the country offered a secure meeting place. 'Seria, no ménos que grande absurdo aguardar otro año, cuando ya no tengamos un pueblo libre del enemigo, en que celebrarla.' He had no personal ambition, such as the presidency, and would abstain from further acts as soon as the council was established. See also letter reproduced in Negrete, Méx. Siglo XIX., v. 512-14, and dated Aug. 5th. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 212, 99, etc.
34. Afterward called de los Bravos from being the birthplace of these insurgent heroes, but the original native name reasserted itself. It was a quiet agricultural town, embracing 8,000 inhabitants within the distended municipality, which stretched along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre coast range and covered also some mining ground.
35. In accordance with the agreement made Aug. 21, 1811, whereby the renovation by election should begin only after the fall of Mexico.
36. A 'protector' appointed by the deputies should submit bills to reform laws, etc. The dogmas of the exclusive catholic religion were to be guarded by a tribunal de la fé, not exactly an inquisition, as declared by Arechederreta and the audiencia. Foreigners were to be protected, but not admitted to office, nor favored to the prejudice of religion. Liberty of press to prevail in science and politics.
37. Among national holidays were to be September 16th, the saints' days of Hidalgo and Allende, and December 12th, the Guadalupe day.
38. Although he had not yet been appointed member of the council.
39. Protectors should be appointed for each bishopric. The generalissimo to hold office till incapacity, sickness, or the age of 60 made it undesirable.
40. Yet leaving it to the option of the others. 'Se rien de nosotros.' he says, as mere automatons. Bustamante sent in a project to Morelos after this, but it received no attention. Cuad. Hist., ii. 349.
41. The convocation of a congress by him was stamped as lacking 'autoridad, prudencia, y legalidad.' Diario de Rayon, 641.
42. This was elaborated by P. Santa María, who afterward joined Morelos, and excused himself as having merely followed Rayon's orders. Id., 642.
43. He omitted for instance to sign the assent sent in, so as to defer the opening of the assembly. Morelos wrote another severe batch of letters, as late as Oct. 25th, insisting on his conformance, and threatening, though other wise polite enough, to issue direct orders to subordinate leaders in Michoacan and elsewhere. The correspondence may be consulted in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 99, 161, et seq.; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., v. 367, etc.; Alaman, Hist. Méj., iii. ap. 10. Rayon set out from Tancítaro on October 7, 1813, arriving at Chilpancingo on November 2d, accompanied by his family and brothers Ramon and José María, as described in his Diario, 648-9.
44. On this point his views had changed considerably. At one time he had been willing to let Rayon and his then friendly colleagues elect that member, who should be intrusted with administrative and judicial functions, leaving the others free for campaigns. Later he thought it well to court Oajaca by letting the members select a colleague from there. Rayon naturally objected to a Morelos man, and to gain time suggested Villaurrutia, the liberal elected at Mexico under the constitution of 1812.
45. On Aug. 5th, Crespo and Bustamante receiving second and third place. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 347. The order for the election is dated as early as April 29th. In a previous letter Morelos recommended that later con quered provinces should be accorded a similar representation in the council. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 5, 42; vi. 477-81.
46. List in Id., v. 159. Yucatan and the northern provinces received no direct voice. For lack of documents no doubt Alaman expresses himself both vaguely and erroneously on some points, while taking Bustamante to task for defects which belong to the latter's paragraph headings. Negrete covers him self by a disjointed introduction of documents not always to the point, and Zamacois evades the difficulty as usual by quoting the vague allusions of a previous writer.
47. Bustamante quibbled till the end of Oct. for a large escort corresponding to his pretensions before he would join. Rayon delayed, and Cos stayed away. See letters in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 97, 103-5, 132.
48. It had been fixed for the 8th. Bustamante intimates the 13th, and Morelos' letter to Rayon, Id., 161-2, shows that the general meeting sat on the 13th, 14th, and 15th; in the same collection, p. 103, the opening speech is dated the 18th. So many errors appear in the set, however, as to seriously impair its authority on minute points. The very speech indicates that the 14th should be regarded as the opening day, and so it is confirmed in Id., vi. 208.
49. Not the exalted declamation against tyrants, with invocation of aboriginal heroes, as prepared by Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 387-01, and published in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 163-6, from the copy retouched by Morelos; a royalist distortion is given in Id., vi. 212-15.
50. Sessions were to be daily and public, the summons being chimed by the parish bells for 8 a. m. during summer and 9 a. m. during winter. Any citizen could present written suggestions for consideration. After discussing a question, a majority of ballot votes decided it, the decree being sent in to the executive, signed by the president and two secretaries, who, together with a vice-president, attended to ministerial affairs. The executive could submit whatever projects for laws he deemed well. Charges against deputies were to be decided by a commission of five persons elected from the five provinces adjoining the seat of the congress. They could not leave their seat for military or other outside duties, and in accordance with this rule the captain-generals, except Morelos, were retired, although retaining their title. The secretaries of the body received the title of señoría, with which retired deputies had also to be contented. See additional articles in the regulation issued by Morelos. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., vi. 207-11. The secretaries of the body were C. Zárate and C. E. del Castillo. To its title of Supremo Congreso Nacional Americano was at times added Gubernativo.Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 1105. Coat of arms used by congress given in Soc. Mex., 2d ép. iii. 49; crude descrip. in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ix. 793.
51. Yet he pretended to refuse. For list of voters, see Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 177-8. Glowing encomium on Morelos in Bustamante, Elogio Morelos, 20, etc. This took place on September 15th, Verdusco presiding to insure the result. Bustamante, Cuadro, ii. 385-6, 391-5, deplores the military intimidation of the congress, and points to the now clouding star of the leader. 'Desde este instante se fijó la época de las desgracias y desaciertos del Sr Morelos.' Vicario-general Velasco, who started the nomination, was made mariscal de campo, although expecting a deputyship, and sent to Oajaca, as a riddance. Thence he drove into exile two canons, who thereupon carried disastrous revelations to the royalists.
52. The military had to elect his successor, the command devolving mean while upon the next in rank. The congress should assist with arms and money. Warned perhaps by the Texan occurrences, he insisted that no foreign troops should approach the seat of the congress. The execution issued the decrees of the congress, assisted by two secretaries, who in this case were Rosaina and J. S. Castañeda. Further details in the regulations already cited, arts. 14, 25, 45, etc.
53. The judiciary list includes Morelos' secretaries. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 159. An ecclesiastic tribunal would decide in clerical affairs, at present pertaining to the jurisdiction of bishops, and also promote the welfare of the church.
54. An outline for the real constitution he presented on Sept. 14th to the congress, under the title of Sentimientos de la Nation, in 23 articles. See Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., vi. 215-16.
55. The power to appoint deputies was vaguely admitted as belonging to Morelos. Act of Oct. 8th.
56. As he himself declared in an earlier letter to Rayon.
57. Whereof a list of 15 in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 159, 177, 649. His own appointment as generalissimo Morelos tendered to Rayon, in the usual Spanish form of mere courteous phrase. His brother Ramon was made comandante general of the Tlalpujahua region.
58. As described in his Diario, 649. Morelos kept away till the morrow.
59. And make treaties with foreign powers. All who oppose this act or refuse aid toward the war of independence are declared guilty of high treason. In Hernandez y Dávalos, i. 877, among others, is given the text of this brief document, signed by Vice-president Quintana, Rayon, Herrera, Bustamante, Verdusco, Liceaga, and secretary Zárate. See also Derecho Intern. Mex., pt iii. 469; Mex. Refut. Art. de Fondo, 27-8; Pap. Far., xxxvi. pt 08, no. 2, pp. 2-4; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 64, 303-12: Liceaga, Adic. y Rectif., 246-7; Mendibil, Res., 184-6; Ward's Mex., i. 202-3.
60. As instanced in the representation of 1812 from Tlascala. Rayon's paper argues the point with detail. See text in Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii. 2-3, prepared after the 6th, but the independence act had not been published as yet.
61. Dated Oct. 1st. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 181-3, extract in Cuad. Hist., ii. 378-82. Yet Bustamante framed the act of independence. Little in accord with this is the declamation of Morelos on Nov. 2d against Spanish tyranny and foreign interference, as reproduced in Castillo Negrete, Méx., v. 529-30. Cancelada instances that a Mexican deputy at this time suggested the concession of independence as inevitable. Tel. Mex., 426.
62. The act was supplemented by a proclamation to the people in support thereof. Hernandez y Dávalos, v. 215-17. Compare Cos' manifest against royalist rule. Gaz. Mex., 1815, vi. 1103-14.
63. A fac-simile of the decree against slavery, dated October 5th, maybe found in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ép. 2, iii. 49, with elaborate rúbricas by Morelos and his secretary. The lash had been abolished by decree of September 8th. Mex. Col. Dec. y Órd., 105. All classes, from laborers to clergy and women, were enjoined to work, partly as a means to counteract the vices flowing from idleness.
64. A document to this effect, of extremely communistic tendencies, is given in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 879-80; v. 271-2.
65. Cuad. Hist., ii. 407; Jesuitas en Mex., 3.
66. Training should be given on Sundays and feast days. For lack of other weapons, each man should be provided with slings and four dozen arrows. Gambling was prohibited, including the manufacture of cards, as cause for quarrel, and consequently duelling. Hernandez y Dávalos, v. 207, etc. In order to increase the means for campaigns, a reduction was projected by Rosains in the number and pay of treasury employés, to three chiefs, eleven aids, with a pay of $18,440 instead of $25,083 paid before July 1813. Id., 84-5.

    The following authors have been studied for preparing the foregoing chapter: Alaman, Méj., i. 266-7; Id., iii. 165-6, 245, 304-575, passim, app. 42-3, 49-52, 53-5, 58-67; Id., iv. 724; Id., Apuntes Biog., 11-12; Bustamante, Campañas de Calleja, 78-9, 174, 176-7; Id., Cuad. Hist., i. 335-55; Id., ii. 40, 128-32, 180, 239-98, 301-7, 315-407; Id., iii. 8-9, 11, 87-97, 213-15, 291-303; Id., iv. 7-143, 310; Id., v. 42-3; Id., Elogio Morelos, 9-10, 17-20; Id., Notic. Biog., 16; Córtes, Act. Ord., 1813, i. 62, 89, 232, 384; Id., Col. Dec., iii. 189-93 209-10; Id., Diar., 1813, xvii. 228; Id., xix. 236-41, 247-8, 317-18, 357, 385, 416; Id., xx. 82-4, 257-9, 313-14, 319-20; Id., xxi. 152, 168; Id., xxii. 207, 390; Carriedo, Estud. Hist., ii. 25-9; Cancelada, Tel. Mex., 269-84, 373-84,

    426; Cavo, Tres Sig., iv. 50-105, 111; Cedulario, MS., iv. fol. 238; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., viii. 574-5, 645-8, 700-2, 743; Id., ix. 386, 741-2; Id., x. 311-12, 575, app. i. 55, 166; Gaz. de Mex., 1812, iii. 491-4, 898-904, 1070; Id., 1813, iv. passim; Id., 1815, vi. 1103-14; Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., i. 278, 280-1; Gutierrez, Leyes de Ref., 33, 449-56; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, 248-349, passim; Hernandez y Dávalos, i. 872-3, 875-7, 879-80, 899-926; Id., iv. 760; Id., v. passim; Id., vi. 27-8, 40-2, 101-4, 107-18, 126-7, 130-3, 145-55, 161-83, 195-202, 206-16, 222-4, 248, 356-8, 467-9, 472-81, 1038-43; Liceaga, Adic. y Rect., 243-50; Laharpe, x. 82-4; Mendíbil, Resúmen Hist., 73-8, 161-97, 216-17, 285-94, app. vi. 386-91; Mex. Col. Dec. y Órd., 66-72, 86-106, 111-13; Mosaico Mex., ii. 232; Mora, Rev. Mex., iv. 419-20, 443-4; Mex. Soc. Geog. Bol. 2d 3p. iii. 49, 56; Mex. Refut. Art. Fondo, 28-32; Mex. Legis. Mej. 1849, 341-68; Mayer, Mex. Aztec, i. 288-91; Orizava, Occurr. 15-41; Perez, Dicc Geog., i. 102; Id., iv. 265-8; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 403, 409, 429-33; Robinson, Mex. Rev., i. 39, 48, 320-1; Soc. Mex. Geog., vii. 415-21, 424; Id., 2d ep. ii. 631; Torrente, Rev. Hispan.-Amer., i. 425-6, 429-47. Viagero Univ., xxvi. 332-4; Ward's Mex., i. 202-7, 211-14, app. 489-509; Young, Hist. Mex., 99, 101-8; Zamacois, Hist. Méj.,vii. 482, 494, 785; Id., viii. 562-8, 579-80, 585-6, 607, 675, app. 790; Id., ix. passim; Id., x. 168-9, app. 23, 75-81; Zavala, Revol. Mex., 57, 64, 303-12; Arizpe, Idea Gen., 1-4, 21-50; Apuntes para Hist., 1-4; Arrangoiz, Méj., i. 198-237; Azanza, Instrucc., MS., 92-3; Abbot's Mex. and U. S., 54-6; Adalid, Causa Form. Contra, MS., i. 1-3, 130-3; Apuntes Hist., in Pan. Bol. Ofic., June 12, 1868, Pinart Col.; Bringas y Encinas, Sermon, passim; Berenger, Colton Voy., vi. 46-9; Calle, Mem. y Not., 60; Dampier, Voy., i. 244-7; De Page, Travels, 161-5; Derecho Intern. Mex., pt iii. 469; Disposic. Var., ii. fol. 23; Gomez, Diar., 442, 447; Robles, Diar., 399; Escudero, Son. y Sin., 59-60; Fossey, Mex., 311-13; Gregory's Hist. Mex., 42; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Church, ii. 104; Mier, Manifest., 3-31, in Miscel., iii. 8; Müller, Reisen in Mex., iii. 270-8; Inquisicion, Informe, passim; Mex., Bosq. Lig., 13, 253-6; Id., Revol., 13-14; Mex., Virey N. Españ., 1-2, 4, 6, 9, Pinart Col.; Mex., Informe Comis. Pesq., 1874, 121; Nacional, May 12, 1883; Niles' Register, iv. 392, 408; Id., v. 336; Ogilby's Amer., 260; Olavarria y Ferrara, Castillo Acapulco, xiii. passim; Id., La Constitution, passim; Queipo, Col. Escrit., 160-70; Calleja, Virey à los Habit., passim; Pensador Mex., ii. sup. btwn. 92-3; Id., iii. passim; Print, i., nos. 10 and 15, Pinart Col.; Pap. Var., xxxvi. 68, 110. ii. 1-4; Sammlung, Reisebesch., xiii. 479-81; Miguel, Mex., 1846, i. 17; Span. Emp. in Amer., 117-18; Acapulco, Provision, 1-6, in Virey de Mex., Instrucc., MS., 2d ser. no. 2; Mex., Contestⁿ á las Observ., 71-2; N. Am. Rev., xxxi. 113-16; Tornel, Fastos Mil., pp. vi. 77.