History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 27

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXVII.

VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES.

1816-1817.

Causes Which Sustained the Revolution — Review of Calleja's Rule — Character of the New Viceroy Apodaca — Measures to Gain Adhesion — Combined Movement against Tehuacan — Its Siege and Surrender — Deplorable Weakness of Teran — Vera Cruz is Swept by the Royalists — Their Successes in Mizteca — The Council of Jaujilla — Strife in Michoacan — Tarnished Reputation of Ramon Rayon — The Five Years' Siege of Mescala is Ended — Treachery of Vargas — Movements in the North — The Declining Insurrection Centres in Guanajuato — Apodaca's Success.

It may have struck the reader as peculiar that the excellent campaign plans of Calleja, of concentrated and energetic action against the revolutionary leaders in detail, which had succeeded so well during the first year of his rule, should not have met with more general success since then. This certainly failed not to be pointed out by the enemies of the viceroy, with hints more or less sinister about personal interest in maintaining the war. There appears little doubt that he could, with prompt and efficient avail of advantages gained by his well disciplined troops, have long before this overthrown leader after leader, as he had lately Osorno, and reduced the insurrection to a far smaller compass. One reason for the failure, or neglect, lay in the lack of subordination among his officers, whom we repeatedly find committing blunders without being brought to account, and indulging in exactions, speculations, and outrages, at which Calleja and authorities under him winked complacently, mainly, it was said, because they shared in the gains, or feared revelations. It is sufficient to instance the military inefficiency and maladministration of the drunkard Álvarez in Oajaca, the several cases of disobedience of orders during the campaigns, with their lamentable results, and lately the arraignment of Iturbide for extortions and other abuses in Guanajuato.^[1] Calleja could hardly excuse himself on the ground that loyal officers were too scarce to permit strict investigation of conduct.

His neglect caused him to be widely burdened with all the evil growing out of a prolonged war. such as excessive taxes and forced loans, partly levied also by district commanders and distributed for a long time with pressing inequality, to the ruin of many families and localities. Add to this a severity which converted campaigns into bloody retaliations and barbarous man-hunting, and sent a number of prominent persons to languish in exile.^[2] One acceptable reason presented by Calleja for the long continuance of the war was the liberal sentiment fostered by the constitution of 1812, and the discontent roused in so many quarters by its withdrawal, with a consequent readiness to serve and shelter insurgents.^[3] He also pointed to the independent action observed by Cruz in Nueva Galicia, and Arredondo in the Oriente provinces—the other two viceroys, he calls them—which frustrated many of his plans for fostering trade, swelling the revenue, and so forth.^[4]

It must be admitted that these plans did succeed to a great extent, as shown by the increasing returns from custom-houses and treasury, and the crowning achievement must ever be accorded to him by Spain that he did break the revolution, even if he failed to extinguish it, thus practically saving the colony for his king, and leaving the way and means for a successor to complete the task.^[5] The king recognized the service by bestowing on him the title Conde de Calderon, in commemoration of his great victory over Hidalgo;^[6] in New Spain his name stands connected with everything that is cruel and relentless.^[7]

The fact that Calleja had been appointed by the regency assisted no doubt to magnify the insinuations against him for having failed to suppress the revolution, and to dispose the monarch for a change. This was effected by appointing a new viceroy in the person of Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, a naval officer whose ability had gained for him the rank of lieutenant-general in the armada, and the important mission of ambassador to England, where he left a good impression also for amiability and elegance of manner;^[8] but the chief recommendation to his royal patron was a zeal ous devotion to the monarchy and a benign and felicitous rule as captain-general of Cuba. It was expected that a few energetic movements combined with a more temperate attitude would conclude the war and reconcile the people. This hope was sound, as proved by the immediate results; and if ultimately dissipated, the cause must be sought elsewhere.

Apodaca arrived at Vera Cruz toward the close of August 1816. On the journey to Mexico he received a disagreeable insight into affairs by a sharp onslaught on his party at the hand of Osorno, who with a little more energy might have captured the new viceroy.^[9] The latter retaliated by setting free the captives made, and permitting his wife^[10] and daughters personally to tend the wounded insurgents. This unusual and humane proceeding somewhat softened the easily impressed Mexicans, no less than his piety, his kindness toward sufferers in prisons and elsewhere, and his strict orders against the arbitrary execution of captives, combined with the most liberal offers of pardon to those who submitted. Such efforts by so pious a man were eagerly assisted by the clergy, headed by Archbishop Fonte, the obsequious Bishop Perez of Puebla, and other prelates,^[11] and by the restored Jesuits.^[12] Others were encouraged in loyalty and cooperation by bestowal of the Isabel order,^[13] and an increased liberality was shown toward the army in promotions and badges of honor, the latter granted also to widows. On the other hand, Apodaca issued certain ridiculous decrees, one against kite-flying, which drew upon him ineffaceable ridicule from the banter-loving population.^[14]

The new ruler gave impulse to the campaign plans of his predecessor,^[15] and as the officers could not venture to trifle at the very outset with a stranger, as they had with Calleja, his orders received an energetic obedience that soon produced a radical change. In the autumn he ordered a formidable concentration of troops under Hevia, Bracho, and Obeso, against Teran, the most conspicuous among the insurgent leaders. Operations were to begin with the reduction of outlying towns; and on December 30, 1816, Hevia invested Tepeji with about a thousand men. The commandant, Juan Teran, had one fourth of that force. His brother hastened to the relief, and succeeded in repulsing La Madrid, who sought to check his advance;^[16] but the attack on the besieging lines proved a failure. Don Juan thereupon made his escape with nearly all his followers on the night of January 5th,^[17] and joined Teran, who most unaccountably had ordered the garrison of Teotitlan to evacuate this place. The loud remonstrance evoked opened the eyes of Teran to his mistake, and he resolved to repair it by marching against Obeso, who with nearly 600 men had advanced from Oajaca to occupy it. He met him at Ayotla, not far from the town, on January 12th, and gave proof of his superior tactics by utterly routing his opponent.^[18] This left the road open to Oajaca; and by merely threatening this point Teran might have frustrated the royalist campaign plan, but he did not deem it proper to abandon his district.^[19]

He proposed now to retake Teotitlan; but hearing that Colonel Bracho was marching toward Tehuacan with over a thousand men, he hastened instead to the relief of this place, which constituted his centre. He came too late to enter the adjoining fortress of Cerro Colorado, the stronghold of the region, and had to content himself with occupying the Franciscan convent of the town, with little ammunition and hardly any food. His position was rendered still more precarious by the dispersion and desertion of a great part of his force during preliminary skirmishes, so that only half remained to oppose the closely pressing royalists. Bracho was fully informed of his condition, and eager to obtain for himself the honor of reducing so important a place and leader before his superior, Hevia, should arrive and secure the prize, he warmly urged the surrender, with free pardon for all insurgents in the district, or a terrible alternative. In a moment of weakness Teran consented not only to yield, but to order the surrender of the impregnable Cerro Colorado, and induce Osorrio and other chiefs to submit. And so on the 21st of January, after a siege of barely two days, fell famed Tehuacan, the centre of insurgent hopes, and with it the reputation of Teran. All his past successes were overclouded by that one hasty step, and a nation which forgave such men as Rosains refused to inscribe his name among its heroes.^[20] Teran's persuasion and example, and the renewed pardon issued from Mexico, enabled Llano, commanding the Puebla region, to report by the middle of February that peace was restored throughout the section. This left the royalists free to enter with greater force into Vera Cruz. Armiñan retook Nautla on February 24th, and with it the roadsteads of Palmar and Barra Nueva, after which he overran the adjoining districts northward, and succeeded within a short time in restoring order throughout nearly all of Huasteca, whereof he had been made comandante general. Donallo continued his work southward by driving Victoria from Misantla, and clearing the whole district as far as the Vera Cruz road. Below this Colonel Ruiz expelled Couto from the fortress Maltrata, whence he had been raiding the neighborhood of Orizaba.^[21] Hevia followed up the success in February by taking Huatusco and the bridges Atoyac and Chiquihuite, while his subordinates cut short the career of Calzada, and crowned the campaign with the capture of the strong barranca fortress of Palmillas, the last refuge of Couto, who became a prisoner.^[22] Applications for pardon had meanwhile been flowing in from every quarter, and before the close of the spring a few fugitive bands, one of them headed by Victoria, were all that remained of the lately imposing insurgent forces along the gulf coast.^[23]

Equally sweeping were the royalist successes in Mizteca and Tecpan under Samaniego and La Madrid, with the coöperation of Álvarez from Oajaca and Armijo along the south coast. The stronghold of Santa Gertrudis and Piaxtla fell without resistance. Ramon Sesma surrendered San Estevan, and tendered his assistance to the foe in seeking, among other acts, to persuade Martinez and Sanchez to capitulate at Silacayoapan. They nobly held out, however, till hunger and desertion obliged them to accept the bare offer of life.^[24] Armijo had cleared the region between Acapulco and the Mescala, and now he reduced Ostocingo, Tecolutla, and Alumbre, on Tecoyo hill, laying siege also to Jaliaca; but here the commandant Catalan escaped with his 200 men to join the repulsed Bravo. Even more brilliantly did Galvan force his way through the lines round Jonacatlan, after a siege of a month and the loss of over 100 men.^[25] The result was that both Guerrero and Bravo had to abandon this region and take refuge in the hot lowlands of the Zacatula, there to watch for a better opportunity to retrieve the cause.

Their hopes centred now on the ranges of Michoacan, where the revolution had ever managed to maintain itself, although declining of late to isolated and less important operations. Here ruled yet a branch of the dissolved congress; not the junta installed by this body on its departure for Tehuacan, for that had also been extirpated^[26] in the spring of 1816, but another formed by Vargas, Yarza, Rosales, Torres, and other leading spirits^[27] of Michoacan and adjoining northern provinces, and known by the name of Jaujilla, from the fortress island in Zacapo Lake, where it took refuge. Ignacio Rayon took advantage of the change to present his old claims as Hidalgo's minister and late president, and even sent his brother Ramon to enforce them. His efforts failed, however, and he himself narrowly escaped capture at the hands of the treacherous Vargas.^[28] This strife among the insurgents added to the misfortunes of the province, so long the scene of bloody wars. Iturbide, who included it under his command daring the early part of the year, was too occupied with his own speculations to accord energetic protection, and so low fell its condition that the intendente and his staff had to be replaced by a mere collector, while the insurgents grew so daring as to attempt in April to make a raid on Valladolid. Under Linares the royalists gave fresh impulse to the campaign; and among other successes was the capture in September of the island fortress Janicho, in Pátzcuaro Lake.^[29] A number of chieftains accepted pardon after suffering a series of reverses, and Ramon Rayon found his adherents melting away, Enseña being killed and Epitacio Sanchez joining the royalists to clear the region north-west of Mexico. He had long been closely besieged at the famed stronghold of Cóporo by Aguirre, and famine and desertion were beginning to invade his ranks with no prospect of relief. Under such circumstances, he seemed more justified than Teran in accepting about the same time as he an honorable capitulation; but like him, he was never forgiven by the nation, partly because the taunts of late comrades drove him to join the royalist ranks.^[30]

These successes were greatly promoted by the efficient coöperation of Brigadier Negrete, commander of the Spanish forces in Nueva Galicia, under the supervision of Cruz, who otherwise maintained himself as independent of the new viceroy, as he had of Calleja.^[31] He not only made the southern frontier uncomfortable for the revolutionists from Michoacan, but he concluded the five years' struggle^[32] with the islanders of Chapala Lake by such radical measures as ravaging the lake shores in every direction in order to cut off supplies. Epidemics came to his aid; and on November 25, 1816, the heroic band yielded to the inevitable by surrendering the Mescala Islands on fair terms.^[33] They were now set aside for a convict presidio. After this the submission of chieftains grew general, and included Vargas, who claimed to be comandante general of this region, and who ignominiously stopped to lead the royalists in pursuit of his late comrades, and to influence the surrender of Cuiristaran fortress. A similar misstep was taken by Muñiz. Incensed with Rosales, who after being driven from Zacatecas claimed the post of comandante general in Michoacan, he joined the pursuers against him, and the brave Rosales, overtaken near Tacambaro, fell fighting for the cause.^[34]

In Zacatecas revolutionary movements had hardly ever passed beyond Colotlan and the south-east border, and even these dwindled to a shadow under the energetic brigadier Diego García Conde, who infused also greater discipline among his troops.^[35] San Luis Potosí was also undisturbed save by frontier movements along its southern lines, and beyond, in Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon, slight local disturbances alone broke the quiet.^[36] In Chihuahua a revolutionary plot had been promptly suppressed in November 1814.^[37]

The most northern province in which the war continued to prevail was Guanajuato, the cradle of the revolution; and but for the mining resources, its condition might under the attendant ravages have been reduced to the same deplorable level as in Michoacan. Favored by the mountainous nature of the country, the insurgents managed to find encouragement in occasional successes, and ample supplies to maintain a considerable force under several leaders, as Rosas, who claimed to be intendente of San Luis Potosí, Moreno, Lúcas Flores, the famous Pachon Ortiz, and above all, Father Torres,^[38] who had now assumed the foremost place in the revolution. They were even bold enough to propose an attack on Guanajuato it self, cheered by a profitable raid made upon it in August 1815, for which Iturbide was severely blamed.^[39] After his arraignment at Mexico in April 1816, and renunciation of the command, his second, Orrantia,^[40] took charge till Apodaca appointed Colonel Ordoñez, who had so ably guarded the high road to Mexico. He gave fresh chase to the insurgent bands, and captured, on March 10, 1817, the stronghold known as Mesa de los Caballos, near San Felipe, after a vigorous resistance, slaughtering every occupant.^[41] Another sweep was made along the eastern line of Querétaro by the three divisions of Villasefior, Torre, and Casanova, of which the former took Cerro de la Faja, held by Tobar, who was soon after caught and shot.^[42] The success of Apodaca's campaign measures justify the insinuations cast on Calleja, as being either neglectful or calculating. Within a few months the revolution had been crushed throughout the vast extent of Vera Cruz, Puebla, Mexico, Mizteca, and Tecpan, while in the semicircle north of Mexico province it had been reduced to insignificant proportions, leaving only a few organized bands in the central ranges of Michoacan, in the Bajío of Guanajuato, round San Felipe, and in Sierra Gorda, which coöperated to some extent under the direction of the junta of Jaujilla in Lake Zacapo. Remnants of dispersed forces could also be found elsewhere, but reduced to fugitives and bandits, and manifesting their presence mainly by descents for plunder from their secret haunts. This result had been accomplished by an energetic execution of Calleja's plans, in conjunction with a more humane attitude, as manifested especially in liberal offers of pardon. The continuance of this policy promised a speedy restoration of complete order, for the enormous odds against the few insurgents were steadily growing, and the tenders of submission came literally pouring in.^[43] It must not be supposed, however, that revolutionary ideas were fading. Men were merely drawing back before imposing might, awaiting an opportunity for a combined and harmonious rally round some influential leader with a stronger war-cry.

 

 

1. So loud an outcry rose against him that he had to leave his command and appear at Mexico in April 1816 to answer. The affair was so managed, however, that none within his provinces dared appear against him, fearing his vengeance, and so he was readily absolved. Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 892. The cura of Guanajuato, Doctor Labarrieta, alone made a vain, protest exposing his speculations with convoys, grain, etc., through agents, and his neglect and cruelty, and this was undeniably confirmed by persons at Mexico. Alaman, Hist. Méj., iv. 445-51. Iturbide declined to return to his command. Armijo made a fortune by speculating with the convoys, and so did others. See chapter xxiii., this volume.
2. Among these were Fagoaga, honorary alcalde de corte to the audiencia, and a Spaniard by birth, but with a Mexican family and Mexican sympathies; Marqués de Rayas, who managed to stay, however; Relator Matoso Adalid, a rich land owner of Apam. The foremost to bear testimony against him, however, was Abad y Queipo, bishop elect of Michoacan, called to Spain early in 1815 under pretence of giving his views on the revolution. His able and scathing report on Calleja may be consulted in Negrete, Mej. Siglo XIX., vii. 119-50; also Vidaurre, Votos; Expos, á las Córtes, 8; Vindicacion Escritores, 2-4; Pap. Var., clx. pt xiv., Ixviii. ccxv. pt x.
3. Letter of Aug. 1814, in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., MS., i. sup.
4. The former maintained direct trade with Panama, through San Blas, tho other through Tampico with the open ports of Yucatan, thus flooding the country with goods on which the proper duty had not been paid. Calleja's measures succeeded, however, in swelling the custom-house revenue, and the coinage at Mexico was again rising from its low figure in 1812 of $4,490,000 to $9,276,000 for 1816. In 1811 it had been $10,000,000. Lerdo, Comercio Ester., ap. 120, etc.; Arrillaga, Informe, in Cedulario, iv. pt i. 38.
5. Alaman is too unqualified in his praise. He does not look sufficiently at his neglect. Had the colony not been ultimately lost, he concludes, 'Calleja debia ser reconocido como el reconquistador de la Nueva España, y el segundo Hernan Cortés.' Hist. Méj., iv. 477. Zamacois, with his Spanish proclivities, merely copies him. Hist. Méj., x. 161; and so does Arrangoiz. Méj., i. 321-30. Bustamante breaks out, as may be expected, in uncontrolled abuse of his cruelty, hostility to Mexicans, etc., and concludes his special edition on this reign, Campañas del General D. Felix María Calleja, Mex., 1828, 200 pp. and sup., by calling Calleja 'malvado extrangero:' 'execrado sea su nombre por las edades venideras como los de los Corteses, Almagros, y Pizarros.' Id., Cuad. Hist., ii. 252-5, etc. Guerra, Rev. N. Esp., i. 337, 352, ii. 491, etc.; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 116 et seq.; Ward, Mex., i. 199, etc., join in condemning his cruelty, direct and indirect. Much of Calleja's neglect may be ascribed to his confidants, Secretary Villamil, Canon Beristain, and the poet Roca.
6. And the great crosses of Isabel and San Hermenegildo. See previous titles in Disposic. Varias, ii. 19.
7. 'Esta fiera,' wild beast, is a term applied even in Diario del Congreso, 1824, ii. 497.
8. He was born at Cádiz and entered the naval academy there in 1767. As an officer he distinguished himself for energy and bravery, but above all, for scientific investigations connected with his department, and was therefore largely employed on commissions as inspector of arsenals, etc. In 1807 he was given the command of a squadron, and achieved a brilliant success over the French fleet. In the following year, as ambassador to England, he promoted the alliance which proved of so vital import to Spain, and four years later he assumed control of Cuba, displaying there of late so great loyalty and judicious tact in preserving the peace that he was decorated with the great crosses of San Fernando and San Hermenegildo, and promoted to New pain. For additional observations, see Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 353 et seq., v. 61 et seq.; Escalera y Liana, Mex., 12; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 958-60, with portrait and autograph; Pap. Var., clx. pt xlii.; Disposic. Varias, ii. 18, 35; Cedulario, MS., iv. 34; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 272.
9. Which would have caused the war to assume fresh fury, under Calleja's direction, observes Bustamante. Cuad. Hist., iii. 353-4. Apodaca's troops brought by him from Habana were unused to war, and he to action in the field. Fortunately Donallo came to the rescue.
10. María Rosa Gaston, daughter of a lieut-gen. in the navy, and maid of honor of María Luisa, who had borne to him seven children.
11. Pedro Fonte, an able man of less than forty years of age, late canon of the cathedral, came in June, 1815, to replace Bergosa y Jordan, whom the regency had promoted from the see of Oajaca. Bergosa, unconfirmed also by the pope, had to return to his southern diocese. In the following June he consecrated his rival. Perez, late president of the córtes, was rewarded with the mitre of Puebla for assisting to dissolve this body. He arrived early in 1810, and made himself conspicuous by his panegyrics of his royal patron. In July 1816 the Marqués de Castañiza was consecrated as bishop of Durango. See Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 214-15, 239-40, etc.; Fernando VII., Decretos, 136-7; Puebla, Pastoral, 1-47; Pap. Var., Ixvi. pt i.
12. Restored by act of Sept. 16, 1815. They were escorted into Mexico with great ceremony on May 19, 1816, as described in Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 514-16, and installed in the old college of San Ildefonso. Buildings and novitiates fell rapidly into their hands as formerly. Castañiza, brother of the marquis bishop of Durango, took possession as rector, assisted at first only by P. Canton. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 45-7; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 306-8; Mendizabal, Carta; Pap. Var., clxv. pt xvii.; Jesuitas en Mex., 4.
13. Real Orden Americana de Isabel la Católica, instituted March 24, 1815. Cruz, Yermo's son, and four Spanish traders were among the loyal ones who received it, but also Adalid exiled for disloyalty, while Iturbide and others were passed by. Gaz. de Mex., 1815, vi. 719-23.
14. The decree came out because a careless child fell off the roof in flying a kite. Notlcioso Gen., Aug. 26, Nov. 11, 1816. For references to pardons, see Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 1092; 1817, viii. 28-30, 40; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 810, urging leniency; Arrillaga, Recop., 1836, 290-2; Pap. Var., clx. pt Ixviii. 5-6, on benevolence to the poor.
15. Calleja departed for Spain with the convoy, leaving Mexico in October, after having retired from the palace Sept. 16th—a day on which his appointment as viceroy had been dated, four years before, and on which Hidalgo raised the war-cry for freedom—and surrendered the staff of office on the 19th at Guadalupe. Apodaca's entry took place on the following day, as described in Noticioso Gen., Sept. 23, 27, 1866; Orizava, Ocurrenc., 113-25.
16. At Ixcaquixtla on Jan. 1, 1817; both sides having 500 men, according to Bustamante.
17. He claims to have beaten his way through the lines. A royalist force of 100 men was left as garrison.
18. Who had a narrow escape and was severely wounded. He received a colonelcy to console him. Teran must have had about 800 men.
19. Bustamante covers this oversight, which might have kept the war open till Mina came, and so changed its aspect. Cuad. Hist., iii. 402-3.
20. Bustamante, who had admired him till he overthrew the congress, bewails bitterly the results of his act, especially in ordering the surrender of Cerro Colorado, to which he should have fought his way. Cuad. Hist., iii. 393-422. Yet it must be stated, in partial vindication of Teran, that mutiny had broken out at the fortress with desertion, which might have made its capture easy. Teran stipulated for himself a pass with means to go abroad, but the viceroy found a pretence for refusing to comply. Bustamante admits that Teran declined to accept proffered service under royalists, and most honorably contented himself with a humble clerkship in Puebla. After Iturbide's revolution he served successively and ably as member of congress, minister of war, and comandante general of the northern provinces. In 1832 he took part against the government, and being defeated at Matamoros, he committed suicide in July of that year. He was buried by the side of Iturbide. Payno, in Gallo, Hombres Ilustres, iv. 251-81, paints him only as a hero. See also Museo Mex., ii. 121-31, with portrait that somewhat resembles Iturbide's. Alaman also upholds his noble traits at Tehuacan rather exclusively. Hist. Méj., iv. 518-23; Blasco, Discurso, 6-9. He believed Teran feared that Hevia might come up and prove less lenient. Teran had shown perhaps the least cruelty of all the insurgent leaders. He himself pleads lack of ammunition, desertion of men, and deceptive offers from Bracho, and intrigues with the fortress. He could have broken away with the cavalry, but would not sacrifice the rest. See his Segunda Manifest., 60-95, and appendix; also Mora, Obras, L p. Ixi. The blame cast upon him is for not breaking through to the adjoining fortress, with its greater resources, there covering his honor by a longer resistance; also for ordering its surrender, and promoting the submission of Osorno and others. This chief submitted on February 11th at San Andrés, with 175 followers, and retired to one of his farms. His example was followed by Brigadier Aldana, who had been a lieutenant-colonel in royal service, by Manilla, Osorno's second, Espinosa, and the cura Correa. Bracho reported his own force at 1,043 men, and the capitulated at 570, the latter having lost 73 killed and 22 wounded. At the fort were found nearly 400 muskets. Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 104-15, and adjoining numbers for other parts of the campaign. The royalist participants in the campaign received promotion from the rejoicing viceroy.
21. At the close of 1816, Couto was the successor of Montiel, who had lately died of sickness. He was again defeated at Tomatlan on February 9th in connection with Luna, who soon after submitted.
22. The fortress was about to be assaulted, when on June 28th Couto sought escape with his followers. They were captured, however, and shot, Couto escaping at the last moment and gaining pardon. Calzada's fort, La Fortuna, was taken about three months earlier, he being overtaken and executed in April.
23. Among those who applied for pardon were Deputy Castañeda, and Cárlos Bustamante, the historian, who was confined in Ulúa fortress, and at first treated harshly. For details of this campaign, see Gaz. de Mex., viii., January to June 1817, passim; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 1 et seq.; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 28 et seq.; Orizava, Ocurrenc., 125, etc.; Noticioso Gen., January to June 1817, passim; Robinson's Mex. Rev,, i. 232; Mendíbil, Res., 306-13.
24. For their 200 men, early in March.
25. Among them the commandant Carmen. For details of the campaign, see official reports in Gaz. de Mex., viii., January to May 1817, passim, especially 331-6, 423-38, 481-5. Guerrero intimates that he it was who cut the way through from Jonacatlan. Letter in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 3-4; Noticioso Gen., January to May 1817, passim.
26. Under the rebellious leadership of Anaya, lately envoy in the United States, who captured and dissolved it, yet not with consent of the junta now formed to replace it.
27. Amador, Isasaga, and Doctor San Martin, the canon of Oajaca. Vargas figures as comandante general of Nueva Galicia, Rosales of Zacatecas, whence he now has fled to Michoacan, soon to claim here the same rank, and Torres was the most prominent Guanajuato leader. See Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 336-7; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., vii. 436-42.
28. This occurred in Nov. Vargas thereupon joined the royalists in pursuing him, and routed his forces under Rafael Rayon on Dec. 7th. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 338-44; Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 2033-4, 2086-7.
29. By Castañon. He distracted the attention of the garrison and surprised the island on the night of September 13th, but the besieged escaped. Id., 981-3.
30. The fortress fell Jan. 7, 1817, with 345 men, besides 1,000 other inmates, 60 guns, including 25 of wood covered with hides, and 300 muskets. Gaz. de Mex,, 1817, viii. 33-4, 194-201. Bustamante, Cuadro, iii. 425-38, gives the terms of capitulation and other documents, and seeks to justify the surrender. The viceroy at first disapproved the lenient clauses, but Aguirre insisted. This officer received a colonelcy and later the command of the province. Ignacio Rayon would not forgive his brother. Ramon soon retired to private and comparatively secluded life, dying in 1839 in circumstances so poor, says Bustamante, that even his daughters had to work for a maintenance. Id., Gabinete Mex., i. 204. See also, on this and preceding events, Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 365-6; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., vi. 1052-3; Mendíbil, Res., 232 et seq., 283-4; Noticioso Gen., 1815-1816, passim, Jan. 1817.
31. The king sought to smooth matters by urging Cruz to visit Mexico. He did so in Feb. and March in almost regal state; but Apodaca sought to snub him, and nothing came of the attempt.
32. With its alternative successes and reverses. Instance the insurgent victory in May 1814 by Salgado with about 500 men over the 300 of Arango, who was taken and shot with a great number of his force. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 86-9, exaggerates the numbers in favor of Salgado. Then, again, the defeat in 1816 of Chavez by the royalist Correa, with a loss of 300 and 100 respectively. For other operations in the province, see Gaz. de Mex., 1814-17, passim; Noticioso Gen., Id.; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., v. 292-376, passim, 532-9, 696, 729-34, 736-79; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 293; Cortes, Act. Ord., ii. 345, 349, 353; Rivas, Carta Past., pt v.; Jal, Not. Geog., 72
33. They contained 17 guns. Gaz. de Mex., 1816, vii. 1193. The permanent force not long before this was placed at 1,000, excluding women and children. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. 541-7; Dicc. Univ., ix., 26-9; Jal. Not., 2; Negrete, Observ., 10. Santa Anna and Father Castellanos were still the leaders.
34. In June 1817. Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 653-4. For previous submissions, see Id., 1816, vii. 2033, 2085, etc.
35. Those who showed cowardice in battle were shot. After Rosales' departure, Hermosillo of Colotlan stood the foremost leader in the northern region; and as late as 1816 he and his adherents are said to have mustered as many as 700 men. A formidable opponent of his was the cura Álvarez. See Gaz. de Mex., 1815-16 passim; Noticioso Gen., Id.; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 276-7; Gonzales, Hist. Aguascal., 83-5; Mora, Méj., iv. 439, 443-4. Conde was in 1816 succeeded by Gayangos.
36. For scattered details, see Gaz. de Mex., 1815-16; Noticioso Gen., Id.; Torrente, Hist. Rev., ii. 279.
37. Through the treachery of a conspirator, Hidalgo's former colonel, Arrieta, which caused the arrest of Trespalacios and Caballero on November 4th. The former escaped while on the way to Spain, the other was finally pardoned, as will be related in Hist. North Mex., ii., this series.
38. Several of them combined in Feb. 1816, with a force of fully 1,500 men, but were dispersed by Iturbide before the intended movement could be effected.
39. Among the preceding operations may be noticed a victory in October 1814 over the Zacatecas border troops, in Pinos district, by Rosas and Ortiz, and a defeat on July 24, 1815, at Rincon de Ortega, by Orrantia and Castañon of the same leaders, assisted by Rosales and Moreno. The insurgents lost a great number, including Rosas, who was executed. He had been a sergeant at Guanajuato, and connected from the first with the revolution. Francisco Rayon met a similar fate soon after. Orrantia received a colonelcy for his success. Ortiz was again routed on Sept. 12th, at Dolores, and his 300 men dispersed. His comrades gained an advantage near Celaya in the following month, whereupon Iturbide shot several of his men for yielding.
40. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iii. 199, refers to him as looked upon with mingled hatred and disgust by Americans, and this caused him to leave for Spain in 1821. A cruel man, without education and principle, says Robinson. Mem.,i. 202.
41. The place, known also as San Miguel, was an elevation of about two leagues in circumference, well provided with water and timber. Ortiz, Nuñez, and Carmona held out here, and are said to have lost 250 men. Gaz. de Méj. , 1817, viii. 456; while Bustamante, Cuadro, iv. 298-302, assumes that the royalists lost 303 out of nearly 1,700 engaged. For further details on this and preceding operations in Guanajuato, see Gaz. de Mex., 1815-16, passim; Notlcioso Gen., Id.; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 262-70; Mendíbil, Resúmen Hist., 311-12; Mégico, Bosquejo, 22-39. Colonel Álvarez, who kept the south east corner in disorder, was caught and shot in April 1817.
42. Faja fell Dec. 17, 1816. Several leaders now surrendered, among them colonels Gonzalez and Vargas, the latter aiding in a campaign through Sierra Gorda, which did not prove so successful, owing to the coöperation among the leaders, Borja, El Giro, and Doctor Magos. Gaz. de Mex., 1817, viii. 9-36, 355 et seq.; also Id., 1815-10, passim; Notlcioso Gen., Id.; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 47, etc.
43. As shown in the Gaz. de Mex. during the opening months of 1817.