History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 3

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER III.

ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL.

1808.

The Ayuntamiento Claims Sovereignty of the People — A National Congress Proposed — Opposition of the Audiencia — Glad Tidings from the Peninsula — Four Memorable Juntas — Rival Spanish Juntas — Angry Debates — Conspiracy to Depose the Viceroy — Yermo Takes the Lead — Iturrigaray's Apathy — A Midnight Coup d'État — The Viceroy in Durance — Garibay Appointed his Successor — Fate of Iturrigaray's Supporters — He is Sent to Spain — His Rich Sweetmeats — Indictment for Treason — Acquittal — Residencia — Heavy Fines — Change of Opinions — The Sentence Annulled — Iturrigaray's Intentions Analyzed — Bibliography

Thus stand matters in Mexico in 1808. The times are out of joint. Tradition is failing. Old maxims no longer hold good. The minds of men are dimmed by the dust arising from the clash and clatter of events. Born in ignorance; cradled amidst the occult forces of nature; looking along the centuries for that power and protection from the creature found only in the creator — it has taken all these thousands of years for man to find out his mistake, to find out that all men come into the world on terms of equality, that no man or class of men are born almighty, either by virtue of blood, inheritance, occupation, or wealth, and that all have equal rights.

At length the time has come. All the world is astir, and Mexico must be moving. Three centuries back there had been a grand awakening, one of those spasms of progress in which intellect is wont to disinthrall itself; now there is at hand another. Half the world are in arms. The few are fighting to be master; the many are struggling to be free. The result is predetermined.

In Mexico opinion is becoming somewhat clarified; ideas are coalescing and action concentrating, particularly in the capital. And yet all is dim and indistinct enough. The leaven of liberty is working; but beware the fangs of superstition, beware the sword of Spain, beware the dungeons of the inquisition and tortures beyond the grave! And where shall be found a leader? Here is opportunity; where is the man?

Perhaps through Iturrigaray's brain run ambitious dreams. As likely there as anywhere. He is none too good to play the part of traitor to his king; though if successful revolution makes of him a thing for popular worship, he is indeed in a dilemma, for nature has not endowed him with one spark of nobility or patriotism. Most justly upon the head of this vile representative of a vile monarchy has fallen the curse of the colonists. He and his associates, like their master, have made themselves rich over the ruin of the most industrious and worthy of Spain's subjects. Yet he may be deemed useful. A bad man is sometimes better for the furtherance even of a good cause than a good man. But Iturrigaray is a coward and a hypocrite a man not the best either for traitor or patriot. He has no thought of self-sacrifice; on the contrary, should he perchance make Mexico free, he must be well paid for it. Mexico may be freed from France, from Spain perchance; but not from him, not from Spain's officials. If he can save Mexico to Spain, of course Fernando, or whoever may be at Madrid to draw and spend the revenues, will remember it. So day after day this dog waits to see which way the French cat will jump.

When the intelligence reaches Mexico that the Spanish crown has slipped from the fingers of Spanish kings, it seems to the people as if the earth was loosened from its orbit. Groups of anxious men, greatly concerned about their fate, gather in the streets and discuss the situation. Public meetings a rare occurrence in that quarter begin frequently to be held, at which much is said and nothing done. Placards are posted by the several factions of city government, cautiously hinting their own views, or feeling for the views of others. There is manifest every phase of feeling from loyalty, wholly or partially, to independence, wholly or partially. Pasquinades are sent to high officials, and some even propose a crown for Iturrigaray.^[1]

On the 19th of July, at the suggestion of the regidor Azcárate, the municipal authorities presented to the viceroy a memorial, ^[2] claiming that as the throne of Spain was not occupied by the lawful sovereign, the government devolved upon the people, and that the city of Mexico, as the metropolis and representative of all New Spain, would sustain the rights of the deposed house. The address concluded with the request that the viceroy would assume provisionally the government of the kingdom, and that he would surrender it neither to any foreign power, nor to Spain herself while under foreign rule; and that he would not receive any other viceroy or accept a new appointment from the usurping power. ^[3] Iturrigaray received the address graciously, affirming that he would shed the last drop of his blood in the protection of the country, and that he was ready to take the oath of loyalty.^[4] A crowd had gathered, for all was done openly, and when the viceroy dismissed the regidores the people shouted, and among them largess was liberally flung by supporters of the project. The audiencia did not like it, and their wrath waxed hot when, during the day, Iturrigaray laid the address before the real acuerdo and asked their vote upon the matter.^[5] The ayuntamiento was presumptuous; further, the members were mostly Creoles. So the audiencia rejected the proposition, as contrary to law and the public weal,^[6] thereby bringing chagrin upon Iturrigaray, who of course regarded with favor a change which would have secured him in power, whatever turn affairs might take.^[7]

As nearly as we can interpret ideas so vague as were these in the minds of those who held them, the several shades of opinion, of inclination, hope, fantasy, were somewhat as follows: The viceroy thought that almost any change would be beneficial to him so long as he remained at the head of affairs. If the people desired him to hold the country for Spain—well; Spain would hardly object to that. If France was to rule, then he could be for France—particularly if Godoy was on good terms with Napoleon. And even if New Spain broke into full rebellion, declared absolute independence, and he could be their king or president—why, that would be well too; and if afterward France or Spain should prove too much for Mexico, then he had only done his best for France or Spain.

The audiencia, the church, the inquisition, all suspected the viceroy, and regarded with contempt the ayuntamiento. If there was to be a change, each of these powers desired to be at the head; they were each determined at the least not to lose what influence they had, and to gain as much more as possible. In regard to the people, the military, officers of the government, ecclesiastics, and the rest, there was held every phase of ideas. The sympathies of some were with Fernando; many prided themselves in their loyalty to Spain; all hated France; the bolder dreamed of actual independence. The Creoles and the viceroy acted together in favor of a national congress, but for widely different ends: the former being for the liberty of the nation, the latter for personal aggrandizement. One looked to the representative body as the first movement toward securing that quality of self-government so lately secured by the United States; the other regarded it only as an agent to do him service—perhaps to place upon his head a crown, either in his own name or in the name of Spain.

Out of these several phases of opinion arose several factions. But the two great final divisions, of course, were the royalists, who would have America always ruled by Europe, and the independents, who would have America always free. In the main, the Spaniards in America belonged to the former faction, and the Creoles to the latter. Yet, when it came to important ecclesiastical, political, or commercial bodies, whose pecuniary or other interests were paramount to those of birth and blood, this distinction did not hold good. Thus it was that at each step in marching events, new issues divided anew people and opinion; and so matters progressed until principles and positions could be more defined.

The feeling between the audiencia and the ayuntamiento increasing, Iturrigaray threatened to resign; but he was easily dissuaded by his friends. Peace was not restored, however, and finally the alcalde de corte, Villa Urrutia, suggested that, the infante Don Pedro be invited to assume the government as regent. This proposal did not, however, meet with approval, whereupon he proposed to call a representative junta of the kingdom, the supreme authority remaining with the viceroy when necessary. The audiencia rejected this proposition also. But Urrutia's scheme was submitted to the authorities of several places, and was not unfavorably received. Even the ayuntamiento of Vera Cruz, whose members and policy were almost wholly European, saw no objection to it; while the authorities of Jalapa and Querétaro expressed their willingness to send deputies at once to the proposed congress.

Meanwhile a vessel had arrived at Vera Cruz, with information that Spain had risen against Napoleon. The news reached the capital on the night of the 28th of July, and at daylight guns were fired, bells were rung, and all was joy. The enthusiasm was universal, for Napoleon was much hated, as I have said. ^[8] Allegiance to Fernando VII. was proclaimed, and volunteer corps were ready to aid him in escaping from the meshes in which he was entangled, ^[9] while Godoy and Napoleon were burnt in effigy. ^[10]

Thus it would seem that the first cry for independence is smothered by hatred of an invader and loyal sympathy for a fallen monarch. But we may see now how a bad man may help a good cause. Iturrigaray hates Fernando, though he pretends to serve him. If he does not secretly favor the French, he is easily reconciled to their success so long as his patron Godoy is permitted to worship before Napoleon. Nevertheless, the viceroy puts on a smiling face, and is wheeled in a chariot of state through the city, accompanied by over two thousand horsemen, who publicly offer their services in defence of the Spanish sovereign. The viceroy is gracious, and praises their horsemanship and their steeds; nevertheless, he does not fail to reiterate soon after that Spain could not resist the arms of France. Such speech and conduct on the part of the chief ruler is the surest road to revolution, and the viceroy is well aware of it. ^[11]

The question now arose whether to recognize the junta governing at Seville in the name of Fernando. The viceroy convoked a general council, composed of the audiencia, the ayuntamiento, the different tribunals, the archbishop, and the most prominent members of the community. On the 9th of August the junta met. The discussions were warm, the viceroy being somewhat ill-tempered. Verdad, the syndic of the ayuntamiento, proposed the establishment of a provisional government, still maintaining the previous theory that in the absence of a legitimate monarch the sovereignty reverted to the people. These views were strenuously opposed by the audiencia, which represented the Spanish faction, and regarded Verdad's expressions as seditious. ^[12] Allegiance to Fernando was agreed upon, and he was proclaimed king of Spain and the Indies; an oath was taken to obey no orders proceeding from the emperor of the French or his representatives; and the viceroy was recognized as the king's lieutenant in New Spain, the audiencia and other royal tribunals retaining their authority. These decisions were drawn up in the form of an act, which was signed by those present. ^[13]

A disturbance occurred at Vera Cruz, occasioned by the arrival of a French vessel bearing despatches from Joseph Bonaparte. The ship was fired upon from Ulúa, and was not allowed to enter port until she had lowered her colors and hoisted a white flag. When the documents were read they were found to contain orders of Joseph, confirming in their several positions the Mexican authorities in that port, and extending to them various favors. The despatches were burned in the plaza. A rumor having spread that two commissioners by this vessel were secreted in the house of Ciriaco Ceballos, the comandante of the port, a mob broke into and plundered it. The host was taken to the house to allay the tumult, but the crowd was only dispersed by a heavy fall of rain. ^[14] Iturrigaray heard of it on the 13th of August, the day on which the oath of allegiance to Fernando was taken, and it ought to have been a warning. ^[15]

On the 30th two commissioners from the junta of Seville arrived at Mexico demanding recognition of its sovereignty over New Spain. ^[16] They were Juan Gabriel Jabat, a naval commander, and bitter enemy of Iturrigaray, ^[17] and Colonel Tomás de Jáuregui, a brother of the viceroy's wife. They were instructed to arrest the viceroy in case he refused compliance. A junta was convened on the following day, at which Iturrigaray expressed his dissatisfaction at the tone and want of courtesy of the despatch. ^[18] The debate which ensued was warm and lengthy, and tended in no way to procure harmony. Oidor Aguirre proposed that in all matters belonging to the war and treasury departments, the sovereignty of the Seville junta should be acknowledged, but not in those of patronage and justice. These views were opposed by the Marqués de Rayas and Villa Urrutia, on the ground that the sovereignty was indivisible. Although the plurality of votes was in favor of Aguirre's motion, the result was ineffective, owing to further complications caused by the arrival that same night of despatches from deputies of the junta of Oviedo, which, like that of Seville, claimed royal authority, as holders of the crown for the lawful king of Spain. 19^[19] On September the 1st the viceroy summoned another council, at which he stated that Spain was in a state of anarchy, since all juntas wished to be supreme. The complication caused by the claim of two separate Spanish juntas to the supreme power led to a suspension of action, and a resolution to wait for further news was passed. But the indiscreet language of the viceroy was construed into a hint that he intended to depose Aguirre and Bataller and other oidores, ^[20] and it was suspected that he was fully aware of nightly meetings which were now being held by the faction opposed to him, and at which were discussed plans of overthrowing him.

Again and for the last time Iturrigaray convened a junta on the 9th of September. The main point discussed was the convocation of a general congress and the establishment of a provisional government. Great confusion marked the proceedings. Villa Urrutia was the main promoter of the idea, and to him were opposed the three fiscales, Francisco Xavier Borbon, Ambrosio Zagarzurieta, and Francisco Robledo, all of whose opinions and votes were read before the junta. The eldest inquisitor denounced the proposed convention as seditious.^[21] The oider Miguel Bataller looked to Villa Urrutia to reply to the objections, upon which the oidor Aguirre proposed that those favoring the junta should confine themselves to the discussion of five points, namely: the authority to convoke it; the necessity of so doing; the benefit to be derived; the persons who should compose the congress; and whether their votes should be decisive. The city procurator-general, Agustin Rivero, then boldly stated that although the syndic could only represent the plebeian element, he himself, from the nature of his appointment, could be the representative of the other classes. This caused additional commotion. The archbishop at once expressed his utter disapproval of such a claim, while others also vociferously denounced it. And he said further: "If such dissension is occasioned by the simple suggestion, to what extent will matters go if it be realized?" He then declared himself opposed to a convocation, although he had previously been inclined to favor it. While discussion was at its height, a voice was heard: "If the municipalities are not convoked they will assemble of their own accord." By some this bold speech was attributed to Rivero.^[22] Meanwhile the viceroy maintained an affable demeanor toward all. He even condescended to explain that he had been informed that some of his expressions at the last junta had caused offence, had been regarded as a threat against certain members; and thereupon he declared that his language was only directed against the authors of certain pasquinades of a seditious character.

During this session the rumored intention of the viceroy to resign was brought forward. The regidor Antonio Mendez Prieto ^[23] arose; and having stated that such a report had reached the ayuntamiento, requested Iturrigaray, if he had such intention, to reconsider the matter and remain at the head of affairs, since grievous evils would be certain to follow at such a critical time, if the country were left with out a chief so capable of defending it. The viceroy said he wished to resign; he was getting old and difficulties were thickening—all the same he had no intention of laying aside sweet authority. Then Verdad spoke in support of the representations of Prieto, and after a few words from Rivero and Uluapa, a profound silence reigned while they were waiting to hear from the opposition. Not a word came from them, however, and Iturrigaray finally ordered the business of the junta to proceed. ^[24] The debate continued, but with no other result than to increase feeling between the two factions.

Had the viceroy at this crisis exhibited a prudent restraint the storm might have passed; but he persisted in a congreso consultivo, and had indeed already on the 1st of the month issued circulars to the ayuntamientos of the principal cities, instructing them to send deputies to the capital. His assumption of prerogatives, moreover, his failure to seek the approval of the acuerdo, and his order for troops to move from Jalapa and Nueva Galicia to the capital, confirmed opinion that his intention was ultimately to govern without dependence on the crown. The party opposed to him, therefore, determined to hasten their plans. There was organized against him what the viceroy would probably call a conspiracy.^[25] Those composing it were mostly European Spaniards, and were supported by the commercial class. Believing that the convocation of a national congress, determined upon by the viceroy, would bring to a conclusion Spanish rule in Mexico, they resolved to stifle all tendency to what they might call disloyalty to Spain, by the seizure of the viceroy and his principal supporters. Gabriel de Yermo, a native of Vizcaya, and warmly attached to the party of the oidores, was selected as their leader. Nor was the choice ill made. Courageous, energetic, possessed of ability and caution, Yermo was in every respect the man to take the lead. Moreover, he had at his command wealth, and the affection of liberated slaves and other dependents on his large estates. ^[26] Though he considered that the condition of affairs required a desperate remedy, he did not immediately accept the invitation of the conspirators to put himself at their head. Having, however, consulted with his confessor, he at last expressed his willingness to act as their leader, and as no time was to be lost, he acted promptly. ^[27] At a close meeting it was determined that the person of the viceroy should be seized, and the government of the country held for Spain. Yerrno told his associates that if he took the lead the affair must be conducted without display of any rancorous feelings, that bloodshed must be avoided, and the proposed coup d'état accomplished in a single night.

Assembling in the city a force composed of faithful laborers on his estate, ^[28] he next proceeded to gain over the officers of the palace guard. This force was composed of a company drawn from the infantry regiment organized and paid by the merchants of the capital, ^[29] who moreover had the appointment of the officers. These, being selected from the commercial class, were with few exceptions devoted to the European faction, and it would not be difficult to win over the officers of a single company. The troops of the viceroy were already drawing near to the city, and the active conspirators, who numbered three hundred, appointed the night of the 14th of September. The viceroy had been several times warned of the plot, and had it not been for his egotism, apathy, and obstinacy, he might have prevented it. ^[30] Plans for the 14th were frustrated by the fears of Juan Gallo, captain of the guard, who, while sympathizing with the movement, refused to join in such arbitrary measures, though he promised not to betray them. They therefore tried Santiago García, who would be in command on the following day. He also at first refused to admit them into the palace, but was finally won over by the arguments of his lieutenant, Luis Granados, the captain of the artillery, who accepted a bribe of eight thousand pesos. ^[31]

Thus all was made ready. The oidores ^[32] were advised of the meditated attack, and the conspirators, who had assumed the name of Volunteers of Fernando VII., and were afterward distinguished by the appellation of Chaquetas, ^[33] cautiously assembled in the portal de las Flores at 12 o'clock on the night of the 15th. ^[34] Yermo placed himself at the head, and they proceeded silently to the palace gates. The guard had been locked up in their quarters, and the sentinels at the entrance stood mute and motionless. ^[35] Connected on the north side with the palace stood the court prison, and the sentinel on guard there, not being in the secret, challenged them as they ap proached. Receiving no reply, he fired on them, and was preparing to reload when he was shot down. ^[36] Recovering from this mishap, they entered the palace without further opposition; and notwithstanding the two shots which had been fired without, they found Iturrigaray asleep in his chamber. Aroused, the viceroy found himself a prisoner, and having given up the keys of his cabinets, he was conducted with his two eldest sons in a carriage to the inquisition, and lodged in the house of the inquisitor Prado. His wife and two children of tender age were at the same time conveyed to the nunnery of San Bernardo.^[37]

Thus fell this vacillating viceroy, whose mediocrity of character, courage, and ability rendered him signally unfit to govern during this most critical period. Intriguing but feeble in design, ambitious but timid, he could neither skilfully plan nor boldly execute, while his temporizing policy encouraged his enemies and disappointed his friends. Had he at the first adopted with decision the views of either faction, and supported them by positive measures, he would doubtless have retained control of affairs. Although the arbitrariness of his final acts, and his intention to concentrate forces in the capital, seem to indicate that at last he had determined to support the Creole party with a view to independence, his want of caution in allowing his action to outstrip his power to maintain it by the presence of troops which he could rely upon was his ruin, and he was seized in the viceregal palace when his regiments were almost at its gates, by a band of civilians led by a wealthy farmer. ^[38]

No sooner had the successful chaquetas lodged their prisoner within the walls of the inquisition, than they summoned the archbishop, oidores, and other authorities to council, and demanded the deposal of the viceroy. By six o'clock in the morning of the 16th their decision had been given. Iturrigaray had been deposed, and the mariscal de campo, Pedro Garibay, appointed as his successor ad interim. At seven o'clock a proclamation to that effect was posted on all the corners of the capital by order of the archbishop as president of the council. ^[39] Then followed arrests of the ex-viceroy's principal partisans, and other individuals suspected of revolutionary tendencies. Verdad, Azcárate, and Rafael Ortega were imprisoned in the archiepiscopal jail, and shortly afterward Francisco Cisneros, ^[40] the abbot of Guadalupe, the canon José Maríano Beristain, José Antonio Cristo, and Fray Melchor Talamantes of the order of la Merced. ^[41]

The new government at once proceeded to take precautions to secure itself in its position. Despatches were sent to all the principal cities with news of the occurrences in the capital. Instructions were given to the colonels of the regiments from Jalapa and Nueva Galicia to fall back. García Davila was removed from his command as mariscal de campo, ^[42] and the conde de Alcaraz appointed in his place The dragoon regiment of Mexico was ordered in all haste to the capital, and measures were taken to preserve public order and tranquillity. Nor were these precautions unnecessary. Confusion and tumult prevailed in the city. Armed bodies of Creoles and natives thronged the streets with threatening demonstrations, while fears were entertained that an attempt at rescue would be made by a division of the Jalapa regiment, whose captain, Joaquin Arias, and his brother officers declared that they would liberate Iturrigaray or perish in the attempt. They were finally, however, dissuaded from their purpose. For greater security Iturrigaray was removed to the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, ^[43] being conducted thither on the 21st by a guard of sixty soldiers of the volunteers of Fernando VII. and fifty dragoons. A few days later he was joined by his wife and family, and on the 6th of December embarked with them on board the San Justo for Cádiz. On his arrival at that port he was confined in the castle of San Sebastian, whence he was removed to that of Santa Catalina. There, impeached for treason, and accused of extortion and maleadministration, he awaited his trial.

Meanwhile, all the hoarded wealth in his palace be sides other property was sequestrated, ^[44] and the oidor Bataller was commissioned to draw up indictments. The first process despatched to Spain, being hastily prepared, was not couched in legal terms, ^[45] and the proceedings instituted were delayed until an instrument in proper form, supported by the necessary documents, was obtained from New Spain, and it was not until August 1809 that the trial proceeded. ^[46] The accusations were then divided into two classes, forming two distinct suits, the prosecution for treason and the residencia of the accused. On the 9th of November following, Iturrigaray submitted his defence to the council of the Indies, in which he claimed acquittal of the charge of treason, on the ground that he had cleared himself of the accusations before the Spanish junta central. With regard to his residencia, he maintained that it ought not to be taken while he was in captivity, with his salary suspended, his property sequestered, and his honor aspersed. He then petitioned that he might be permitted to reside in the neighborhood of Cádiz, that the arrears of his salary should be paid, or the income of his sequestrated capital be allowed him, and that the documents necessary for the proof of his innocence be obtained.

Before any decision was arrived at, Iturrigaray addressed a similar petition to the regency created by the córtes January 29, 1810, and installed on the island of Leon, requesting, moreover, permission to reside with his family in Habana. This met with a more speedy result, and his trial for treason was suspended and leave was granted him to reside in any province of Spain which he might select, or in the Balearic Islands. ^[47] Two days later, on February 12th, a royal order was issued still more favorable to the unfortunate man, now broken in health. By it the sequestration of his property was removed, with the exception of forty thousand pesos to be left on deposit as a bond for his residencia. To this clemency the council of the Indies was strongly opposed, as being inconsistent with the gravity of the case, and the fiscal, supported by all the members of the council, requested the regency to revoke the orders. ^[48] No notice was taken of this address, and Iturrigaray was released, when he retired to Algeciras. On the 28th of October, 1810, however, the second regency having been elected, orders were issued therefrom that he should again be placed under arrest, his property sequestrated, and his case proceeded with in the most expeditious manner. It was, however, too late for this action to have any effect. Iturrigaray's property had already been returned to him, and apprehensive of the result if he should again be arrested and put on trial, he crossed over to Africa, leaving it to his wife and friends to fight the case. These so successfully conducted matters that after much debating he was allowed, by order of the córtes, on the 26th of November, the benefit of the general pardon, which in the mean time had been extended to the revolutionists in New Spain, and the impeachment for treason was removed.

In the matter of his residencia, Iturrigaray did not so fortunately escape. Ramon Osés, alcalde de corte in the Mexican capital, was appointed his judge, and as he was a man of high integrity, and had not been a member of the audiencia when Iturrigaray was deposed, Alaman is doubtless correct in concluding that the investigation was conducted with fairness. Yet the late viceroy was mulcted in the sum of $435,413, $119,125 of which he was condemned to pay as the value of the invoice of goods which he illegally introduced into New Spain on his arrival there in 1803. The other amount was for money fraudulently obtained from the distribution of quicksilver, and sales of offices and contracts, to each of which original sums was added a fine of equal amount. ^[49] To secure payment, Iturrigaray's interests in the mining tribunal of Mexico, amounting to $400,000, were attached. ^[50] He appealed to the council of the Indies, but the sentence was confirmed by it in February 1819, and later by the supreme tribunal of justice. ^[51] Its execution, how ever, was interrupted by the declaration of independence in 1821, and Iturrigaray having died a short time before, his widow ^[52] and family went to Mexico and petitioned that the sentence might not be carried out. The arguments now employed were exactly opposite to those advanced by Iturrigaray, who maintained that he had ever remained loyal to Fernando. ^[53] The family claimed that the deceased viceroy had really been the first promoter of independence, and had fallen a victim to the cause! And further, the claim was respected. The Mexican congress in 1824 stopped proceedings, and restored to Iturrigaray's heirs the $400,000 invested in the mining tribunal. Such was the result of one of the most important and memorable investigations made during the whole period of viceregal administration. ^[54]

The trial of Iturrigaray, while exposing his grasping avarice and nefarious transactions, throws little light upon his political pretensions. It is only by a consideration of the discussions carried on by his supporters and opponents, by an impartial estimate of the effect of his administrative acts, ^[55] and by a close study of his character that we may reasonably expect any light on his secret intentions or expectations. Not only did his enemies directly accuse him of treasonable designs, but even insinuated that he was not unwilling at one time to recognize Murat, Napoleon's representative in Madrid. ^[56] But this is far fetched; and in regard to the independence of Mexico, whatever he thought of it, I am sure he did not look much beyond present issues. Independence as a principle was with him a small matter; independence as a means of profit depended greatly upon relations between France and Spain. Hence his anxiety to provide against the contingency of being thrown over by a new power on the convocation of a national congress; for he doubtless believed that Spain would be unable to cope successfully with the arms of Napoleon. Under such circumstances, if New Spain declared herself independent, there would be no special disloyalty on his part to the mother country.

But Iturrigaray had not the sagacity to recognize that the Creole faction which he favored was laying deeper plans, and would not be satisfied with only temporary freedom. He was not aware that beneath his feet was a political vortex, a fact which the Spanish element appreciated more clearly. His want of tact, moreover, and his intemperate language, ^[57] had given great offence, and he was cordially hated by the oidores and their party. During the latter days of his administration every expression of his countenance was watched by his opponents; every syllable that fell from his lips was caught up, and, if possible, interpreted as significant of his want of loyalty to Spain. That the European party were fully persuaded that he was aiming at the independence of Mexico, there is no doubt, giving as proof his dismantling the seaward battery of Ulúa, and conveying its guns into the interior, the changes made by him in military chiefs, and his intended establishment of a national congress. ^[58]

These arguments were combated by his supporters, who noted the fact that Iturrigaray had taken the oath of allegiance to Fernando, and denied any intention to establish an independent government. The removal of the artillery from San Juan de Ulúa was done, they asserted, for the purpose of avoiding the mortality which prevailed among the troops stationed at Vera Cruz ^[59] by placing them in more healthy localities. While they thus repudiated the accusations of treasonable designs, they nevertheless acknowledged many grave defects in his administration. ^[60]

 

 

1. On the 9th of August the consulado of Mexico addressed a petition to Iturrigaray requesting him to adopt measures for the suppression of these seditious demonstrations. Hernandez y Dádvalos, Col. Doc., i. 511.
2. ’Bajo de mazas y en coches.' Bustamante, Suplemento, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 228.
3. 'Pidiendose al Exmo. Señor Virrey que interin llega el momento felis de que salga de Francia S. M. y Altesas, ó el Reyno elije persona de la Real familia para que lo mande y govierne como su Rey y Señor natural, permanesca de Virrey Gobernador y Capitan General de esta Nueva España, entendiendose con la calidad de provicional, sin poderlo entregar á Potencia alguna extrangera, ni a la misma España aun quando para ello se le presenten, ordenes ó del Señor Cárlos quarto ó del Principe de Asturias bajo la denominacion de Fernando Septimo antes de salir de España,. . .que no entregue tampoco el Virreynato y Govierno del Reyno á ningun Virrey que hayan nombrado el mismo Señor Cárlos quarto ó Principe de Asturias:. . .Que aun quando S. E. mismo seá continuado en el Virreynato por Real orden de S. M. ó de Principe de Asturias. . .no la obedesca ni cumpla, sino que continue encargado provicionalmente en el mando del Reyno.' Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc. i. 477-8. Such were the expressions contained in the address of the ayuntamiento to the viceroy, the whole of which interesting document is supplied by Dávalos, who expresses his thanks to José' Maria Andrade for his kindness in furnishing him with a copy of it.
4. 'Terminó pues esta escena, en la que todo estaba convenido, de antemano entre el virey y Azcárate.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 170.
5. Copy of note to the real acuerdo will be found in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 486.
6. In the reply of the real acuerdo, these words are used: 'Aquel nombramiento provisional y juramento, debilitarian mas bien que afirmarian aquellos sagrados inalterables vínculos y constituirian un gobierno precario expuesto á variaciones, y tal vez á caprichos ahora ó en lo venidero, y por tanto seria ademas de ilegal, impolítico este paso.' The viceroy is advised to assure the ayuntamiento 'que cuando convenga y nos hallemos en circunstancias que lo exijan, no se desentenderá V. E. ni este Real Acuerdo de convocar ó al cuerpo entero ó á sus representantes.' Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 487.
7. On the occasion of the ayuntamiento having sent two commissioners to the viceroy a few days afterward, one, the marqués de Uluapa, as affirmed by the alcalde Fagoaga, reported to the corporation that he had protested to the viceroy 'que el ayuntamiento no descansaria hasta colocarlo sobre el trono.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 173. A short time later, in the disposal of civil and military positions Iturrigaray's assumption of prerogatives never before exercised by any viceroy caused growling. 'Tales disposiciones se citaban como ejemplares del poder soberano que empezaba á ejercer el virey y como escalones para el trono á que intentaba subir.' Id., 233-4. José’ Lnis Alconedo, a silversmith, was charged with making a crown for Iturrigaray's coronation. Id., 295. Guerra disbelieves in Iturrigaray's aspirations to a throne. Hist, Rev. N. Esp., i. 70.
8. To illustrate the detestation in which Napoleon was held, it will be sufficient to quote from the dedication in a published exhortation of the cura of Purépero in Michoacan to his flock on the 15th of August of this same year. 'A Napoleon Bonaparte exécracion de los pueblos españoles,' and after informing the 'infame corzo' that this small and remote parish had proclaimed for Fernando VII., he concludes: 'Desiste pues, desiste, oh monstruo de ambicion, de tus delirios, porque la América española esta bien penetrada de tu caràcter impìo, feroz y sanguinario: y te aborrece como á furia desatada del abismo, que solo espira à destriur la religion verdadera, la moral sana, y la felicidad temporal de los pueblos. Tu mas mortal enemigo. Filopatro Angelopolitano.' Diario de Mex., xii. 219.
9. Id., ix. 165-8, 343-4; Orizava, Libro Cur., MS., 2-3; Pap. Var. xxxvi., no. Ixviii., ii. 21-2. The sindico procurador proposed that $12,000,000 be employed in effecting the escape of Fernando from France; six million to be paid to the commander of the fortress in which he was confined if he would conduct him to Vienna and thence to England; and six million to that nation for his safe conveyance to Vera Cruz. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 48990. El real cuerpo de mineria, or mining corporation, offered to provide at its own expense 100 pieces of field artillery and equip and maintain eight companies to work them. Id., i. 505-6.
10. 'En 1 de Agosto del año de 1808 quemaron en estatuas al traidor de Godoi, y al intruso Emperador de los franceses Bonaparte.' Orizaba, Libro Cur., MS., 1.
11. Bustamante. Suplemento Hist. Mex., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 230; Alaman, Hist. Mex., i. 181.
12. Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii. 34-7.
13. See copy of the act in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc. Indep., i. 513-16. There are eighty-two signatures, comprising those of the viceroy, archbishop, oidores, and principal authorities. It was declared null by the audiencia of Guadalajara, Id., i. 534; while Riaño, the intendente of Guanajuato, considered that certain expressions might be improperly interpreted, 'pueden motivar alguna siniestra inteligencia que conviene evitar.' Id., i. 529. On the 11th of August Iturrigaray proclaimed the result. The document was severely criticised by Fray Melchor de Talamantes, of whose political tendencies mention will be made later. Talamantes charges the viceroy with having his own interest more at heart than those of the kingdom. 'Qué debe esperarse de vos,' he asks, 'que habeis velado hasta ahora sobre vuestros propios intereses y no sobre los del reino y en su organizacion; que no habeis tenido otra ley que vuestros caprichos, que solo habeis consultado à vuestras diversiones y paseos mirando con indiferencia la administracion pública.' Id., i. 510-7, where see copy of the proclamation with Talamantes' annotations. On the 13th of August allegiance to Fernando was expressed by a celebration in his honor, solemnized by religious ceremonies, and enlivened by processions and illuminations. Id., i. 518-19; Gaz. de Mej., 1808, xv. 508-70.
14. 'Lo que realmente resfrió a los amontinados, y los disolvió, fué un fuertísimo aguacero, que hubo en aquella hora.' Lacunza, Discursos Hist., no. xxxvi. 535. Bustamante states that the tumult was occasioned by the indiscreet action of Ceballos, who prohibited under pain of death any one from visiting the French ship. This gave offence to the sailors in Vera Cruz, and led to the sacking of Ceballos' house: 'la chusma marinera. . .arrojó sus muebles á la calle, quemó su quitrin, y robó sus planos de la comision hidrográfica que habia levantado, y juntamente una porcion de instrumentos de marina.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 232-3.
15. 'El modo fácil con que se inició la asonada, y que manifestaba el grado de exaltacion en que se hallaban los ánimos, indicó al virey lo predispuesto que estaba el pueblo á lanzarse á la revolucion.' Negretre, Mex. Siglo XIX., i., 89. This author states that it was believed in Vera Cruz that José Miguel de Azanza, formerly viceroy, and at this time minister of war of Joseph Bonaparte, had arrived on the French vessel.
16. Three days before, Iturrigaray had deemed it advisable to issue a proclamation exhorting the people to maintain allegiance to Fernando and unite in resisting Napoleon. Diario, Mex., ix. 239-42.
17. ’Porque este le habia hecho salir mal de su grado dos años antes para España, porque queria percibir los sueldos sin trabajar.' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 233.
18. Villa Urrutia thus expresses himself: 'Celebróse la junta, se vieron los papeles de aquella'—the junta of Seville—'reducidos á una proclama, y á dos ordenes en tono soberano, confirmando la una á todos en sus respectivos empleos, y mandando por la otra qe se embiasen los caudales qe ubiese.' Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 535-6.
19. Id., i. 536; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 102-104. Called by Villa Urrutia 'la junta de Asturias.' Pap. Var., clvii., no. xxxiv. 7.
20. Cancelada, Verdad Sabida, 30-7. The fiscal Borbon, in a long address, made use of expressions highly flattering to Iturrigaray, whom he called the vicegerent of the king. 'Bien, bien,' replied the viceroy, 'pues si yo lo soy, cada uno de V. SS. guarde su puesto, y no extrañe si con alguno, ó algunos tomo providencias.' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 235; Rev. Verdadero Orig., ii. 38. Guerra ascribes still stronger language to Iturrigaray. 'Cada uno guarde su puesto, que yo hare que todas lo guarden, y si se viere que hago alguna demostracion con algunos Señores, no sera extraño porque habra fundamento para ello.' Rev. de N. Esp., i. 93.
    HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 4
21. 'Sostendré’, he said, 'que tales juntas son por su naturaleza sediciosas ò à lo ménos peligrosas y del todo inutiles.' Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii. 38.
22. 'Pero como el señor fiscal de lo civil, Zagarzurieta, redarguyera al instante aquella proposicion sediciosa. . .y siguiera el confuso murmullo, quedo sin apurarse.' lb.; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 632.
23. Called by Zainacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 48, Antonio Mendez Cano.
24. The viceroy was at this time 66 years of age. The silence of the other members of the junta was held as indicating their wish that he should resign. That he never had any intention of doing so may be drawn from the fact that a few days later, assuming a prerogative never claimed by preceding viceroys, he appointed Garcia Davila mariscal de campo, and José" María Laso to be Superintendent of the real aduana, besides granting a subsidy of 400,000 pesos from the royal treasury to the consulado of Vera Cruz for the continuation of the road to that port. This administrative act was done independently of the approval of the junta superior as required by law. Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii. 39.
25. Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 108.
26. Gabriel Joaquin de Yermo was born in the neighborhood of Bilbao on the 10th of September, 1757. He married his cousin María Josefa Yermo in Mexico, who had inherited from her father valuable sugar-cane haciendas in the valley of Cuernavaca. On the birth of his son José María in 1790, he liberated his negro and mulatto slaves to the number of more than 400, and again in 1797, when he purchased the estate of Jalmolonga, he enfranchised 200 more who belonged to it. The freedmen ever afterward exhibited underrating fidelity and affection for him and the cause of the king of Spain. His success as an agriculturist was well known in New Spain. Speaking in defence of his action in this conspiracy, he thus alludes to this occupation: 'He sido y soy puramente un agricultor industrioso, cuya riqueza tal cual es, dimana exclusivamente de los frutos de mis haciendas, mejoradas en mi poder extraordinariamente, como sabe toda la Nueva España.' Pap. Var., xxxvi., no. Ixviii., ii. 54-9; Cancelada, in Id., ccxv., no. iii., xliv.-l.; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 238. He died in Mexico on the 7th of September, 1813, being nearly 56 years of age. Id., i. 503.
27. Iturrigaray's defenders assert that Yermo's decision was influenced by resentment against the viceroy for interfering with his interests as a contractor for meat for the city, and because the viceroy was active in prompting the sequestration of the estates of the benevolent institutions to which his own property was mortgaged in the sum of 400,000 pesos. Yermo, moreover, had taken an active part in a suit brought by the producers of aguardiente to protect themselves against a heavy and irregularly imposed tax upon that liquor. By the extreme and free opinions which he expressed on the subject, he incurred the anger of the viceroy, who ordered his imprisonment, from which he was only saved by the influence of one of his countrymen, who was a friend of Iturrigaray. Alaman defends Yermo against the charge that personal motives influenced him in the action he took against the viceroy. Id., i. 239-43. Negrete takes a different view. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 118-19; Rev. N. Esp. Verdadero Origen, no. ii. 53-6.
28. Bustamante, in making mention of this fact, apologizes to Yermo's family for doing so. 'Protesto. . . no es mi animo ofender en nada á la virtuosa familia de aquel ciudadano, justamente apreciada hoy en México.' Cavo, Tres Siglos., iii. 238.
29. Called el regimiento del comercio. Each day a company of this regiment formed the guard of the viceregal palace.
30. 'Conduciase en todo como un hombre narcotizado. ' Bustamante, Cuadro Hist., i., carta 1a, 5. A month before Bustamante had informed Iturrigaray that a conspiracy was on foot to seize his person and depose him, but the viceroy paid no heed to him. A woman, also, presented a paper to him one day as he was leaving the palace and implored him to read it, as it revealed a plot to make him captive. Others warned him to no purpose. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 236-7. Iturrigaray states in his defence that at the commencement of the conspiracy a youth unknown to him informed him that the oidores were forming a design to seize him. Alaman, Hist. Mcj., i. 244-5.
31. This, according to the statement of Iturrigaray. Alaman discredits the assertion. Granados was afterward banished by Garibay to Acapulco, where he died shortly after. Id., i. 240. Bustamante accepts Iturrigaray's statement. ‘Captain D. Luis Granados estaba vendido á la faccion, y en la tarde habia mandado al mismo Palacio ochenta artilleros para que hiciesen cartuchos y tuviesen la artilleria á punto.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 236.
32. With regard to previous and final communications with the oidores, consult Yermo, in Amigo del Pueblo, ii., no. vii., 211-24.
33. Referring to the jackets worn as part of their uniform.
34. The portal de las Flores was opposite the palace; but the conspirators were screened by the parian which intervened. Bustamante states that many of them went to the archbishop 'á recibir su bendicion, les deseó buen suceso, y exhortó como si fuesen á guerra de moros.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 237. Alaman denies this. Negrete considers that the conspirators actually did receive the archbishop's benediction. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 117.
35. The mayor de plaza, Coronel Juan de Noriega, was afterward charged with having been bribed, and having cooperated with the conspirators by giving orders that the troops should not leave their quarters on that night. Noriega defended himself by depositions taken from a number of the princi palactors. ln 1821 his family caused this vindication of his character to be printed and published, a copy of which is to be found in Pap. Var., clvii., no. xxxiii. Consult Yermo, in Amigo del Pueblo, ii. 218-19.
36. Bustamante makes the strange assertion that this sentinel, whose name was Miguel Garrido, after having fired, attacked them with his bayonet, and that they fled 'como timidas palomas;' but that they afterward attacked him from behind as he was returning, and wounded and disarmed him. But Bustamante is here strongly partisan, and not to be trusted.
37. A few days later Iturrigaray was removed to the convent of the Bethlehemites. His fall, without tho effusion of blood, was considered by many as miraculous. 'Muchos—acaso los mas de estos habitantes—atribuyen tan feliz suceso a la milagrosísima Madre de Dios Guadalupana, cuya Novena en su Sautuario, acaba de verificarse, y en la que las almas devotas derramaron muchas lagrímas pidiéndole el remedio de los males que nos amenazaban.' Gaz. Mex., xv. 688-9.
38. For a concise outline of Iturrigaray's administration, and the course of action which led to his downfall, see Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc. Indep., i. 643-52. The document here used was published Nov. 9, 1808, and commented upon by the oidor Aguirre. Cancelada, the editor of the Gaz. Mex., xv. 687, thus holds up to praise the action of the merchants and their dependents: 'La Nueva España sabrá con el tiempo lo mucho que debe á todo el Comercio de Mexico por esta accion, la cual se executó sin efusion de sangre:. . .Así se sabe portar la Juventad (sic) española reunida para exterminar los malvados y proteger los hombres de bien.' Cancelada published this extra number of his gazette without having submitted it to the revision of the oidor decano as required by law. Garibay reprimanded him, and ordered him to call in all the copies issued. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 222-6. Consult Yermo's account of the viceroy's deposition addressed by him to the Spanish junta. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 655-60.
39. A copy of the proclamation is found in Gaz. Mex., xv. 679-80. It in forms the inhabitants of Mexico that 'El Pueblo se ha apoderado de la Persona del Exmô Señor Virrey: ha pedido imperiosamente su separacion por razones de utilidad y conveniencia general: han convocado en la noche precedente a este dia al Real Acuerdo, Illmô Señor Arzobispo, y otras autoridades: se ha cedido á la urgencia, y dando por separado del mando á dicho Virrey, ha recaido conforme á la Real Orden de 30 de Octubre de 1806, en el Mariscal de Campo Don Pedro Garibay, interin se precede á la abertura de los pliegos de Providencia.' At eleven o'clock Garibay, according to this government organ, was recognized by all the government authorities. Id. The oidores in their report to the junta de Sevilla, dated the 24th of September, represented that on the 17th preceding the people demanded that the pliego de providencia should not be opened, but that Garibay should continue at the head of the government. In accordance with this wish, the opening of the pliego was deferred. In Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 239-42, is a copy of this report, Lizarza gives a very different reason. He states that it was presumed that the successor to Iturrigaray appointed in the pliego was the Marqués de Someruelos, the governor of Habana; but that the audiencia were anxious to have at their head Garibay, an octogenarian, to direct in such a crisis, and who would offer no opposition to their views and measures. Discurso, 6-7.
40. Called by Alaman, José Cisceros. Hist. Mej., i. 250.
41. Talamantes was a native of Perú, and a strong advocate for independence, as is proved by papers in his own handwriting which were seized at the time of his capture, and among which was found the sketch of a plan of independence. It begins: 'El congreso nacional Americano debe ejercer todos los derechos de la soberania;' and then the duties and power of the congress are laid down in 13 items, which include extensive reforms in political, civil, and ecclesiastical administrations, the regulation of commerce, and the promotion of agricultural, mining, and manufacturing industries, 'quitándoles las trabas.' The last item in this interesting document is to the effect that an ambassador should be sent to the U. S. 'á tratar de alianza y pedir auxilios.' In another paper he uses these words: 'Aproximandose ya el tiempo de la independencia de este reino, debe procurarse que el congreso que se forme lleve en si mismo, sin que pueda percibirse de los inadvertidos la semilla de esta independencia: pero de una independencia sólida, durable, y que pueda sostenerse sin dificultad y sin efusion de sangre.' Cancelada, Conducta Iturrigaray, 119-22. Alaman compared the above quoted documents with the originals of Talamantes, which exist in the general archives. The friar was also the author of a work entitled Representacion de las Colonias, which he dedicated to the ayuntamiento of Mexico under the nom de plume of Irza, verdadero patriota. In this, the most important of his productions, he establishes twelve cases in which a colony can with justice free itself from the molher country. Hist, Mej., i. app. 36. Talamantes was conveyed on the 6th of April to the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, where he was confined in irons. He died shortly afterward of yellow fever, his jailers not having the compassion even to remove his fetters during his sickness. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 231. Zamacois does not believe such unnecessary inclemency credible. Hist, Mej., vi. 63; Guerra states that ‘le añadieron otro par de grilles.' Rev. N. Esp., i. 236. Bustamante asserts: 'No se le quitaron los grilles. . .hasta el momento de enterrarlo. ' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 238. Verdad died in prison on the 4th of October, 19 days after his capture, not without suspicions of having been poisoned, while Azcárate was seized with an attack of epilepsy, induced, it was also believed, by poison. He however recovered, and having vindicated himself, was afterward set at liberty by Viceroy Venegas. Cisneros, Beristain, and Cristo were liberated soon after their incarceration. Ib.; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 62-3; Rosa, Discurso en la Alameda, 11.
42. Dávila, having obtained his appointment from Iturrigaray, had offered to resign if the authorities deemed it advisable under the new order of things. Gaz. Mex., xv. 700.
43. At attempt at rescue was made, of which Vicente Acuña was the instigator. Acuña was sent prisoner to Spain, where he was acquitted. Returning to Mexico three years later, he was arrested at Perote, and shot under sentence of the council of war stationed there. Bustamante, Sup., Tres Siglos, iii. 243-4.
44. His accumulations were immense. In three apartments of the palace were found, besides a great quantity of diamonds, snuff-boxes, ornamental bouquets, breakfast services, knives, forks, and spoons, all of solid gold, a gold writing-desk, gold cigar-cases, and costly ornaments, trinkets, and bric-a-brac almost without number. The silver ware was hardly less valuable; no fewer than 50 dozen sets of plates, knives, forks, and spoons were found, with corresponding dinner-services and table ornaments. Behind his cabinet a box was discovered, labeled 'Dulce de Querétaro.' The sweetmeats it contained were 7,383 gold ounces. In another chest was a massive circular ingot of gold and a great variety of rare trinkets of the same metal, 'que no será, muy comun hallarlas en los palacios de los monarcas.' In the corners of these apartments were found more than 30,000 duros in bags. Moreover, among the spoil were four interest-paying bonds of 100,000 duros each. (The duro was the same coin as the peso fuerte.) Veracruzano, i. 76-7. The editor of this periodical states that the document from which the above particulars are taken is a copy of the original manuscript. The same is to be found almost verbatim in Cancelada, Conducta fturrigaray, 88-91, and in Alaman Hist. Mej., i. app. 41-3, copied from Cancelada. Before the wife of Iturrigaray left Mexico she petitioned that the jewelry of which she had been deprived, and the bonds of her children, might be returned to her, and also that her husband's plate and ornaments be restored to him. The audiencia acceded to her request as regarded the jewelry and plate, but refused to surren der the bonds. Id., i. 260-1.
45. Pedimento del fiscal del consejo de Indias en la causa de Iturrigaray, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 693-4.
46. Id., i. 693-6.
47. Copy of the decree of the consejo de regencia, dated February 10, 1810, is given in Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii. 47-8.
48. The fiscal advanced numerous reasons in support of the objection raised, and concludes: 'Vuestro fiscal en su respuesta, que apoya enteramente el consejo, dice cuanto se halla de repugnante en derecho y politica a que se lleve á efecto lo mandado en las Reales órdenes de diez y doce del corriente. ' Id., 49-50.
49. He received from his quicksilver frauds $36,816. In 1806 and 1807 his receipts from illegal contracts for the manufacture of cigarette paper amounted to $106,128. The legal price of this paper as sold from the factory was $12 a ream. During the year mentioned it was raised to $13, one dollar being paid by-the manufacturers to the viceroy for their monopoly. Id., 24-5; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. app. 45-7. Zamacois, who copied extensively from Alaman, has given in app. no. 7 of his Hist. Mej., vi., a verbatim duplicate of the latter's appendix, but has failed to detect certain errors of Alaman. Iturrigaray's wife was his principal agent in these nefarious transactions, and into her hands most of the sums were paid. He feebly attempted to defend his conduct by the support of precedents supplied by the action of his predecessors.
50. Bustamante states that the total amount in which Iturrigaray was condemned was 384,241 pesos. Cuadro, Hist., i. 9; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 265; Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 245.
51. For copy of sentence, see Ateneo, Mej., i. 234.
52. Bustamante writing in 1821 says: 'Con la muerte de dicho Gefe, su familia se ha acabado de arruinar, y á la sazón en que escribo, yace su esposa paralitica en una cama en Jaén.' Cuadro, Hist., ed. 1823, i., carta 1a, 16. Iturrigaray died in 1821, at the age of nearly 80 years. Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 134.
53. Alaman met and conversed with Iturrigaray in Madrid in 1814. The ex-viceroy was then 72 years old, and on all occasions when Mexican events were the topic, he assured Alaman that he had never entertained the thought of effecting the independence of New Spain. Indeed, it was impossible to prove the charge of treason against him, as the only ground for supposing that he meditated the independence of New Spain was his intention of convoking a national congress. Hist. Mej., i. 270.
54. Alaman states that the heirs surreptitiously obtained from the audiencia archives the original process against the ex-viceroy. Proceedings were instituted against Guiol, who abstracted them. Alaman received his information from Senator Olaguibcl, who defended Guiol at his trial, and authorized Alaman to use his name in proof of the fact. Hist. Mej., i. 267.
55. Nothing gained for him more hostile feeling than the strictness with which he conducted the consolidation of the funds of the Obras Pias: 'Interesóle en este maldito negociado en un tanto por ciento el Ministerio Español, y asi procuró hacer efectivas sus providencias con un rigor, que le atrajo el odio del Reyno.' Thus writes Bustamante, one of his principal defenders. Cuadro, Hist., ed. 1823, i., carta 1a, 15.
56. At the junta held on the 9th of August, 1808, according to Martiñena, the viceroy used these words: 'Señores, aun estamos en tiempo de reconocer al duque de Berg, ¿que dicen V. SS.?' and when all exclaimed, No Señor! no señor!’ Iturrigaray, observing that the oidor decano Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal was conspicuously emphatic, asked him. 'Y que dirá V. S. si lo ve autorizado con la firma del Señor Porlier?' Rev. Verdadero Origen, ii. 36. Bustamante's version is very different. He states that when the question of submission to the orders of Murat was put, the oidores turned pale, 'mas el virey con ánimo denodado la decidió, diciendo, que no lo obedeceria inientras mandase un ejercito.' He afterward cast this timidity in their teeth: 'Diciendoles á los mismos oidores. . .Que. . .solo despues que han visto mejorarse las cosas era cuando estaban valientes.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 228
57. At the session held on the 9th of August, when the archbishop, perceiving that the discussions were becoming interminable, proposed that they should be contined to essential matters, Iturrigaray rudely and angrily replied: 'Que allí cada uno tenia libertad de hablar lo que quisiese, y que si le parecia larga la junta, desde luego se podria marchar á su casa.’ Alaman, Hist. Mej. i. 196. On the same occasion Oidor Aguirre rose and said: 'Señor Exmo. La resolucion de defender estos dominios necesita alguna explicacion.' The viceroy immediately answered: 'No hay necesidad de explicacion: él que no lo entienda que se vaya, abierta tiene la puerta.' Rev. Verdadero Origen, ii. 36.
58. How strongly opposed the European party was to such a congress may be seen from Bishop Queipo's views expressed on the 26th of September: 'Una junta nacional. . .es una verdadera rebelion.' Col. Doc., 29; Pap. Var. 62, no. 19, 28-34.
59. 'Que en Veracruz perecerían, como siempre, a millares.' Rev. de N. Esp., Censura Particular, 3. Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 362, makes the strange statement that Iturrigaray entertained such an infatuated belief in his military skill that he dismantled the battery for the purpose of enticing the English to make an attack on Vera Cruz, being confident of victory. 'pero afortunadamente para el virey, no sucedió así, y á esto debió el que su reputacion militar no quedase tan perdida como la de gobernante.' Lacunza, Doc. Hist. Museo Mex., 534, makes the same statement.
60. Bustamante, one of his stanchest defenders, remarks: 'Conozco los graves defectos de su administracion; uno de ellos es la venta escandalosa de los empleos que hizo.' Sup., Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 245. The deposal of Iturrigaray was the subject of various works and the theme of innumerable diatribes which rancorously discussed the cause of his fall, and its bearing on the future destiny of Mexico. These writings embrace productions of every dimension, from the size of a volume to small pamphlets or a couple of leaves in a periodical. They were issued during a period which extended from the time of Iturrigaray's trial before the council of the Indies till long after the declaration of independence. A large proportion of the pamphlets and smaller essays are anonymous. Their style, which is usually virulent, shows the bitterness with which the two chief factions regarded each other. By far the most important of these productions are published by Cancelada, Lizarza, Mier y Guerra, and Martiñena. Juan Lopez Cancelada, the editor of the Gazeta de Mexico, represented in Spain the interests of the commercial community of Mexico which endeavored to obtain a revocation of the decision which liberated Iturrigaray, released him from the accusation of treason, and restored his ill-gotten wealth. Cancelada proved himself an inveterate enemy of the fallen viceroy, and probably was influenced by personal feeling. In the Gaz. de Mex., xv. 522, of the 2d of August, 1808, the editor published a rumor that Fernando had been restored to the throne. This incensed Iturrigaray, who summoned Cancelada before him and banished him. By the intercession of the vice-queen, however, the order was withdrawn, and Cancelada allowed to remain in Mexico, but was made to retract his assertion. After the deposal of Iturrigaray, Cancelada assailed Villa Urratia by petitioning the audiencia to pronounce him a traitor, and punish him as such; but his language was so malignant that he was condemned in a fine of 500 pesos for calumny, or to imprisonment for two months. Ho later addressed the archbishop, then viceroy, in such discourteous and unmeasured terms that he was arrested and tried before the junta de seguridad y buen órden. Numerous persons brought against him charges of insults and grievances, and his fractious and turbulent tendencies being well known, the junta condemned him to banishment to Spain. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. xix.-xxiv. There he occupied himself in writing on the political affairs of New Spain, displaying therein a vicious enmity toward the Creole and revolutionary party. In 1811 he published in Cádiz La Verdad Sabida y Buena Fé Guardada, in which he maintains that the revolution which broke out in Mexico in 1810 originated in Iturrigaray and his treasonable designs. He asserts that a revolutionary tendency did not exist at the time when Humboldt was in New Spain, as affirmed by 'el Español escritor en Londres,' and said that Humboldt's travels in Mexico were too limited to admit of his understanding the spirit of the people. The Verdad Sabida gave great offence to the ayuntamiento of Mexico, and the regidores petitioned the supreme council of the Spanish regency to order his arrest on the charge of abominable libels principally directed against that municipality. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 725. In Mexico Cancelada for some years followed the avocation of a pedler. He was of a quarrelsome and rancorous disposition, and is described by the ayuntamiento of Mexico as 'hombre bien conocido en este reyno por su cavilosidad, estupidez y audacia.' Id. Of low origin and uneducated, it is a matter of surprise that he obtained the position as editor of the Gazeta de Mexico, the official organ of the government, which was under his direction for some years. Fernando, on his return to Spain, caused him to be placed in a convent, from which, however, he was liberated in 1820. He died a few years afterward. Besides the Verdad Sabida, he was the author of many other works, among which may be mentioned Ruina de la Nuera España si se declara el comercio libre con los extrangeros, Cádiz, 1811, 4to, pp. 84; Conducta. del Excelentisimo Señor Don José Iturrigaray, Cádiz, 1812, 4to, 2 1. pp. 135; and the Telégrafo Americano, a periodical which he published in Spain, and which was opposed in the Censor by Alcocer of Tlascala. In reply to the Verdad Sabida, appeared in the same year the Discurso que Publica Don Facundo de Lizarza Vindicando. . .Iturrigaray. It handles Cancelada with great severity, and frequently gives him the lie direct. Lizarza, who was Iturrigaray 's lawyer, was not the author of the Discurso, but José Beye de Cisneros, the brother of the abbot of Guadalupe, who was imprisoned on the downfall of the viceroy and at that time Mexican deputy to the córtes at Cádiz. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 268. The work displays considerable acumen in the refutation of Cancelada, and supplies many facts favorable to Iturrigaray purposely ignored in the Verdad Sabida. Although Cisneros is not sparing in severe animadversions upon the dissertation, describing it as a texture of lies, falsifications, and fiction, he has the good taste to retrain from the gross vituperation so noticeable in the writings of that time. Cancelada in reply published his Conducta del Exmo. Señor. . .Iturrigaray, Cádiz, 1812, which is valuable as being composed mainly of transcripts of official documents bearing upon Iturrigaray's fall and trial. Among these appear the report of his administration and conduct from the time of his arrival to his deposal, drawn up by the real acuerdo of Mexico, November 9, 1808; official accounts of the four memorable juntas convoked by him on the 9th and 31st of August, and the 1st and 9th of September, 1808; the royal orders issued by the regency of the isla de Leon; and other official papers quoted in this chapter. With regard to the report of the real acuerdo, to which Cancelada triumphantly appeals as conclusive evidence of Iturrigaray's aspirations to the sovereignty of New Spain, I have only to remark that the members of that court were bitterly hostile to the viceroy, and that their representations cannot be accepted as impartial. Historia de la Revolucion de Nueva España, etc., Escribia la Dn José Guerra, Londres, 1813, 2 vols, 8vo. This work was first undertaken by José" Servando de Mier y Guerra, with the object of defending Iturrigaray against the defamatory attacks of Cancelada, but the author, being supplied
    HIST. MEX., VOL. IV. 5 with a great quantity of material for the history of subsequent events, carried it forward and included the first years of the revolution in Mexico. The first volume is almost entirely devoted to the vindication of Iturrigaray; in the second the progress of the revolution is narrated down to the year 1812. Guerra in his preface supplies us with a biographical sketch of Cancelada's life down to the date of the publication of the Historia, and exposes his career with most contemptuous irony. His work is largely taken up with extracts from official documents, of which he possessed a great number. For the insertion of so much of such material he excuses himself upon the plea that having been far from the scene of events, and having undertaken to refute the false representations of one who professed to have been present at them, he was compelled to support his arguments by documentary evidence. Guerra, after the fall of the viceroy, narrowly escaped arrest, and fleeing from Mexico took up his residence in London. There he became the most able defender of Iturrigaray, who, according to Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 268-9, supported him in London until his tendencies inclined to the support of the revolution. His work displays great talent and skill. While the style is elegant, the author had at his command a sarcasm that could bite. Alaman speaks highly of this work, which, party spirit aside, will, he says, be ever appreciated for the amount of information which it contains. Verdadero Origen. . . de la Revolucion de Nueva España, etc., Mexico, 1820, fol. pp. 17. (Followed by) Manifiesto á Todas las Naciones por el Superior Gobierno de Nueva España. The author of this angry treatise was Juan Martin de Juan Martiñena, who in 1816 took up the gauntlet in defence of Iturrigaray's deposers. Martiñena quotes extracts from Lizarza, Cisneros, Bustamante, and other supporters of Iturrigaray, and condemns these writers with vehement asperity. 'How degrading it is,' he exclaims, 'to find in them the same language, the same ideas, object, and even vulgar outcry— voces materiales—as in the rebel leaders with respect to Iturrigaray and the faithful patriots who put a stop to his criminal proceedings, the only difference being that the former affect peace, harmony, and fidelity, which the latter do not, being in a position to explain frankly their true sentiments!' The historian has, however, to thank Juan Martin de Juan Martiñena for his transcript of the Manifesto, but particularly for the large number of interesting documents appended thereto. The publication of the Verdadero Origen, etc., immediately brought out a number of anonymous replies, from among which I will make mention of Censura Particular é Imparcïal del Cuaderno Titulado: Verdadero origen, etc.; Breves Reflexiones que pueden añadirse por via de impugnacion al, id.; and Consejos al Sr Autor, Editor y Anotador del Cuaderno en Folio Titulado, id. With regard to the Manifiesto above mentioned, it was issued on the 16th of January, 1816, by the government of New Spain, in refutation of the 'falsehoods, calumnies, and errors which the rebels of Mexico have given utterance to in a paper entitled El Supremo Congreso Mexicano á todas las Naciones, escrito en Puruarán á 28 de junio de 1815.'