History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 30

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXX.

TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION.

1821.

Discouraging Prospects — Independence Proclaimed at Guanajuato — Valladolid Capitulates — The Provincias Internas Revolutionized — Iturbide at Querétaro — Apodaca's Deposal — His Conduct Discussed — His Successor — Bravo Joins the Revolutionists — Operations in Puebla and Vera Cruz — Santa Anna Repulsed at Vera Cruz — Victoria's Reappearance — Iturbide Enters Puebla — Arrival of O'Donojú — His Antecedents — Treaty pf Córdoba — Novella Hesitates to Recognize O'Donojú — Iturbide Enters the Capital — End of the Revolution.

The events immediately succeeding Iturbide's defection were not favorable to his aims; the viceroy, on the other hand, received from all sides expressions of loyalty. Even the troops that had seconded the movement did not show the resolution needed for such an enterprise; desertions daily occurred, owing to the influence of the masonic order, which had taken a decided stand in favor of the constitutional system, and the ejército trigarante was soon reduced to less than one half of its original number. Iturbide, fearing that he might be attacked by an overwhelming force, abandoned Iguala, and placing the money of the Manila conducta under a strong guard on the Barrabás hill, went on the 12th of March to Teloloapan, continually losing men by desertion. His position became perilous, and had Liñan marched in force against him, as the viceroy wished, the revolted army would have been compelled to disperse and Iturbide have been driven to seek safety with Guerrero on the other side of the Mescala. The revolution would indeed have been smothered at the start. But Liñan failed to obey the viceroy's orders, alleging various reasons.^[1] As it was, Guerrero was allowed to join Iturbide at Teloloapan without interruption.^[2]

The two chiefs soon came to an understanding as to the plans of the campaign. Guerrero, with his subordinates Ascensio, Juan del Cármen, and others, was to keep the government's attention diverted, while Iturbide, who had decided to change his base of operations, proceeded to the Bajío of Guanajuato.^[3] Taking with him the money at Barrabás hill, he marched by way of Tlachapa and Cutzamala toward Zitácuaro, and thence to the bajío through Acámbaro and Salvatierra. This movement, which was certainly a wise one on the part of Iturbide, ought to have been foreseen and prevented by the government. As soon as the news reached Guanajuato that he was on his march thither, the independence was at once proclaimed in several localities by influential officers of the royal army,^[4] and on March 25th Anastasio Bustamante, who had immediately espoused the cause, entered the capital of the province amidst the plaudits of the people, the three guaranties of the plan of Iguala—religion, independence, and union—being enthusiastically proclaimed.^[5] Under these favorable circumstances Iturbide advanced uninterruptedly to the city of Guanajuato, which he entered about the middle of April.

Bustamante's defection completely changed the aspect of the revolution. It increased the independent forces by about 6,000 men, and gave it all the resources of the province of Guanajuato, still one of the wealthiest in New Spain. The viceroy to no purpose tried to awaken in these troops their former loyalty. Proclamations were no longer of avail.^[6] The army, composed mostly of creoles, as the reader is aware, was no longer imbued with the sentiments which for so long had kept it faithful to the oppressor's cause. A multitude of insurgents who had received the benefit of the pardon had, during the last two years, associated with the troops, and these learned, at last, that they alone had prevented the achievement of their country's freedom years ago, and that it was to them that she still looked for aid. The example of Guanajuato was speedily followed elsewhere; the resistance opposed to the triumphant progress of the revolution was insignificant and for the most part a mere show—terminated without active hostility. At Valladolid, before which city Iturbide appeared on the 12th of May, the comandante Quintanar, after spending a week in negotiations and protesting that his honor would not allow him to listen to any proposals for the capitulation of the city, adopted the self-deceptive course of deserting to the enemy on the 19th. This he did to reconcile his tender conscience—for he was in favor of independence—with his notions of honor as a royalist officer. On the following day the garrison, reduced by desertion to 600 men, capitulated, and was allowed to depart to Tacubaya,^[7] and Iturbide in triumph entered the place of his birth on May 22d. Previously to his occupation of Valladolid he had an interview with Cruz, in the hope of inducing him to join in his plans. The conference was arranged by Negrete; and although Iturbide did not fully gain his object, he succeeded in the essential point, being assured that Cruz would remain inactive; and relying on Negrete's coöperation, he now was certain that Nueva Galicia and the internal provinces would not need his individual attention.^[8]

On the return of Cruz to Guadalajara things for a brief interval remained quiet. Although many officers of the garrison were anxious to join the revolution at once, both Iturbide and Negrete considered the time hardly ripe, as Cruz had at his command the force under Hermenegildo Revueltas. On the 13th of June, however, it was known in the city that the troops at San Pedro had taken the oath to support the plan of Iguala; whereupon Laris took possession of the artillery and munitions of war, the garrison proclaimed the independence, and Cruz' authority was set aside. On the 16th Negrete entered the town, and the oath was solemnly taken on the 23d. The whole of Nueva Galicia followed the example, except San Blas, and that port was soon made to submit. Cruz proceeded to Zacatecas with Revueltas' force, whence, with the royalist authorities and public funds, he pushed on to Durango, where he arrived on the 4th of July. Many of his troops deserted on the way and returned to Zacatecas, which proclaimed the independence forthwith.^[9] Negrete now went in pursuit of Cruz, arriving in front of Durango on the 4th of August. Peace negotiations having failed, hostilities began, and for three weeks a brisk fire was maintained on both sides.^[10] On the 31st of August, however, the town displayed a white flag, and on the 3d of September a capitulation was signed, by which Cruz and the expeditionary troops were granted the honors' of war, and permitted to depart for Vera Cruz, to embark for Spain. The besiegers took possession of the city on the 6th of September, and the recognition of the plan of Iguala throughout Nueva Vizcaya immediately followed. The eastern provincias internas had meanwhile also yielded to the popular feeling. Arredondo in vain tried to suppress manifestations hostile to the government. The independence was proclaimed on the 1st of July, and being deposed from his command, he embarked at Tampico for Habana.

Meantime Iturbide had marched from Valladolid against Querétaro. The possession of this city as a centre of operations was equally important to the royalists and independents, and the viceroy was already concentrating troops at San Juan del Rio for its support. His design was, however, frustrated by the rapid movements of Joaquin Parrés, Colonel Bustamante, and Quintanar, who compelled Colonel Novoa, the comandante of San Juan del Rio, to capitulate on the 7th of June.^[11] Other operations conducive to the capture of Querétaro quickly followed. A force of more than 1,000 men sent to its relief under the command of Concha was intercepted and returned to the capital; Bracho and San Julian, who were escorting a conducta from Durango with 800 of the expeditionary troops, were compelled to lay down their arms on the 22d; and the city was surrounded by the concentrated forces of Iturbide, amounting to 10,000 men. The position of the comandante Luaces was hopeless, and on the 28th of June he surrendered.^[12]

While these events were occurring in the interior, mutiny broke out in the capital. The discontent of the expeditionary forces grew apace as reports of the uninterrupted march of the revolution followed each other in quick succession. Apodaca's lukewarm efforts to suppress it were regarded with suspicion, and it was resolved to depose him. At a meeting of the masonic order the conspirators decided to carry their design into effect on the night of July 5th, and preparations were made in the several barracks with well-guarded secrecy. On the eventful evening Apodaca was holding a council of war, and among the officers present were the major-generals Liñan and Novella, and Brigadier Espinosa. About ten o'clock a body of troops entered the palace while others surrounded it,^[13] and their leaders, of whom Colonel Francisco Buceli was chief, presenting themselves before the viceroy, informed him that the discontent of the forces and their distrust in his loyalty had become so great that it was decided to remove him from power and install one of the sub-inspectors in his place, designating Liñan. The viceroy with much dignity asserted his loyalty, and claimed that he was free from blame in the matter of the losses sustained.^[14]

Liñan, and also Novella, refused to accept commands thus mutinously offered to them; but the troops were obdurate, and threatened to make Buceli viceroy. In fact, Apodaca's life was in danger if he did not comply, and Novella, to avert greater evils, assumed the responsibility. Apodaca saw the uselessness of resistance, but when Buceli laid before him for his signature a paper in which his resignation was attributed to ill health, he tore it in pieces, declining to subscribe to such a lie.^[15] He then wrote out his resignation with his own hand, stating that he freely and voluntarily surrendered to Novella the civil and military commands, at the respectful request of the officers of the expeditionary forces, on condition of his person and family being safely conducted to Vera Cruz.^[16] On the followed morning he retired with his family to the villa de Guadalupe, but on the approach of the independents he returned to the city and resided in the Franciscan convent of San Fernando until an opportunity was afforded him to depart for Spain. Apodaca's rule lasted nearly five years, and may be divided into three epochs. During the first, namely, from September 1816 to Mina's arrival, his policy was so wise that within a few months he succeeded in restoring peace, a result the more remarkable from the fact that he could have no perfect knowledge of the men he had to rely on or of the resources at his command. By the possession of a high order of talent, quick insight, and a most extraordinary activity and energy, all of which he brought into play, admirable results were obtained. The insurgents were everywhere defeated and their strongholds taken. Still more worthy of admiration, in a royalist point of view, was his conduct during the second epoch, in connection with Mina's invasion. The operations of that campaign were marked by vigor and activity. The blows struck by the royalist troops were decisive, and after Mina's destruction, the work of eliminating from the revolution any elements still in the field was a comparatively easy one. Indeed, the revolution was almost dead in the middle part of 1820. The third epoch presents a strong contrast with the preceding ones. It was one of inaction and apathy in military affairs, at the very time when the utmost energy was demanded by the newly developed circumstances. In the cases of Mina and Iturbide, both of whom had independence in view, the viceroy's course was exactly opposite. In the former it was one of relentless war, and when the leader was secured death was at once awarded him; whereas toward the latter he displayed a conciliatory spirit and a want of polemical action, which looked much like intentional neglect. So marked a difference in his line of conduct laid him open to the suspicion that he had become faithless to his trust; a suspicion strengthened by the fact that he regarded the constitutional regime as extremely prejudicial to the country, while it was an undeniable fact that no change could be effected so long as Mexico remained an appendage of Spain. It is not believed, however, that Apodaca directly or insidiously promoted Mexico's independence; but the fact stands that he did little or nothing to prevent its accomplishment by Iturbide; and indeed, he can hardly be blamed. Circumstances had changed; the men he had before at his call had been carried away by the feeling that the daughter should assume a position equal to the mother in the family of nations. The harsh opinion formed by those who tried to dishonor him had no weight with his sovereign. In September of 1822 he returned to Spain and was placed en cuartel, or waiting orders, in which situation he remained till called to the discharge of several high offices of trust, and to be otherwise honored.^[17] The conde del Venadito died at the age of eighty one, full of honors, on the 11th of January, 1835. By his marriage he had seven children.

The conde del Venadito's successor in Mexico by virtue of this military emeute, Francisco Novella, Azábal, Perez y Sicardo, was a mariscal de campo of the Spanish army, sub-inspector and comandante general of the artillery corps in New Spain, decorated with the cross of honor of Talavera, and was a knight of the military order of San Hermenegildo.^[18] He officially communicated to the several authorities his accession to the viceregal office, the diputacion provincial being the only one which for a while refused to recognize him, but which finally, to avert anarchy, yielded, and administered to him the oath of office. He then published an address to the people, explaining the situation, and another to the soldiers. In the former he made known that he had appointed a mixed board of civilians and military officers to aid him in devising means to establish uniformity of opinion in defence of Spanish rights.^[19] But whatever his wishes might be, his only recourse was to pursue the same policy as his predecessor. The audiencia had declined to administer the oath, on the ground that under the new order of things it was no longer a royal council. Several of the most distinguished military officers, such as colonels Llano and Luna, threw up their commands on various pretexts, and others, who were not at the capital when the change took place, expressed their disapproval. These circumstances tended to augment the confusion and the difficulties that the government was laboring under. Novella called the former governor of Tlascala, Estevan Gonzalez del Campillo, to be military governor of Mexico, and himself superintended the work on the fortifications that were being erected for the defence of the capital.

Since his release from prison, January 1821, Nicolás Bravo had been leading a retired life at Cuautla, where he was visited by Antonio de Mier, Iturbide's agent, inviting him to join in the meditated movement. An interview between Bravo and Iturbide at Iguala followed, which resulted in the former approving the plan and accepting a colonel's commission. Bravo, raising a considerable force, went to Izúcar and Atlixco. Being joined by Osorno and other chiefs of the plains of Apam, he established his headquarters at Huejotzinco. About the middle of April Tlascala fell into his hands. There he obtained twelve pieces of artillery, besides being joined by a number of the royalist garrison. He next went to Huamantla, and spread the revolution throughout the valleys.^[20] Meantime occurrences of no less importance had been taking place in Vera Cruz, where the promulgation of the constitution had caused great agitation. The news of Iturbide's revolt, and of the adoption of the plan of Iguala, caused the utmost sensation both among the people at large and the troops. A portion of the latter proclaimed the plan on the 13th of March at La Banderilla, a short distance from the port, and marched against Perote, hoping to take it by surprise. Though the project failed, the revolted force under Iruela was joined by the Dragones de España from Jalapa and other bodies. Great enthusiasm was now manifested in favor of independence. The chief command was tendered to and accepted by Lieutenant-colonel José Joaquin de Herrera, who had served with distinction under Armijo in the south, and had retired from the service after the fall of Jaujilla.^[21] The revolution having at the same time spread toward the villas, Governor Dávila of Vera Cruz reenforced Orizaba and Córdoba. To the former place Santa Anna, then a brevet captain, was sent with some infantry and lancers. On the 29th of March he drove off an insurgent party; but Herrera having arrived the same day, he accepted the plan of Iguala.^[22] The occupation of Córdoba by Herrera on April 1st followed. Santa Anna now started for the coast, where he had influence, and captured the town of Alvarado, whose garrison abandoned the comandante Juan Topete.^[23] Meantime Herrera stationed himself in the province of Puebla, cutting off any assistance that might be sent to the city.

Brigadier Llano, commanding at Puebla, despatched a large force under Lieutenant-colonel Zarzosa, to recover the villas of Córdoba and Orizaba, where the government had 60,000 bales of tobacco, but two thirds of his troops deserted to the enemy.^[24] Herrera was now joined at Tepeaca by Bravo, against whom the viceroy had sent Hevia with a strong division. Here they were attacked by Hevia, and after a severe engagement, in which the loss on both sides was serious, Herrera abandoned Tepeaca, and followed by Hevia, retreated through San Andrés Chalchicomula on April 29th^[25] to Orizaba and Córdoba, while Bravo went to the plains of Apam and occupied Zacatlan. Hevia, in attempting to capture Córdoba, lost his life, and the assailants, on the arrival of reënforcements to the besieged under Santa Anna, and a body of deserters from Jalapa, beat a hasty retreat to Puebla.^[26] Santa Anna entered Jalapa almost without opposition on the 29th of May, thereby obtaining a valuable supply of arms and ammunition.^[27]

Perote was also for a time in great danger of capture, but was relieved by Samaniego on the 11th of June, notwithstanding Santa Anna's efforts to prevent him.^[28] The latter's next step was to attack Vera Cruz, the only other place in the province still held by the government. Previous to his march from Jalapa he issued a grandiloquent proclamation,^[29] which, though little understood by the troops, greatly animated them. On the 2d of July he assaulted the town, and sustained so serious a repulse that he retreated to Cordoba, where in his mortification he fulminated a vow of destruction against Vera Cruz. We will there leave him for the present, to take up Bravo's operations.

This chief, after the disaster at Tepeaca, had moved from Zacatlan against Tulancingo, whence Concha, who had been sent to the support of Querétaro, precipitately fled. At Tulancingo Bravo was joined by Guadalupe Victoria, who had emerged from his concealment in the mountains of Vera Cruz, and had issued a proclamation at Santa Fé on the 20th of April, exhorting his countrymen to maintain union and constancy in support of the new movement.^[30] His appeal was responded to with alacrity, old insurgents rallied round him, and he soon induced the greater portion of the province to declare for independence. Bravo now joined Herrera and laid siege to Puebla. The attempts on the part of the viceroy to relieve the beleaguered city were feeble and ineffective. Concha, though sent with a large force, after executing a number of ridiculous movements,^[31] returned to the capital, and on the 17th of July Llano, who refused to surrender the city to any other than the chief of the revolution, agreed to an armistice. Meantime Iturbide, after the capture of Querétaro, had moved forward against Mexico, entering Cuernavaca on the 23d of June. Thence he turned his course to Puebla, and on his arrival at Cholula, Llano capitulated.^[32] Iturbide entered the city on the 2d of August, and was received with the greatest enthusiasm. On the 5th the declaration of national independence was solemnly proclaimed, Bishop Perez delivering a discourse which filled Iturbide's soul with ambitious projects. The utmost uniformity of ideas existed between the two, and from this time the bishop's influence with the chief was conspicuously manifest. Frequent conferences were held by them, and the bishop has been regarded by many as having inspired Iturbide with the idea of turning the plan of Iguala to his own advantage.^[33]

The fall of Puebla was complemented by the occupation of Oajaca, which occurred simultaneously. None of the royalist commanders in that province offered any serious resistance to revolutionary movements; and the independent commander, Antonio Leon, having entered the city of Oajaca on the 30th of July, the independence was speedily proclaimed throughout the territory.^[34] In the Costa Chica the independents sustained some reverses. Acapulco, where the plan of Iguala had been proclaimed February 27th, was restored to obedience on the 15th of March,^[35] and on the 3d of June Ascensio, having failed in an attack on Tetecala the previous day, was slain at a place called Milpillas in an engagement with Húber, who was coming to the support of Tetecala.^[36] Nevertheless, the whole territory was soon lost to the royalist government, Acapulco, isolated and unsupported, being its only possession left on the southern seaboard.

Iturbide after taking possession of Puebla despatched his forces to lay siege to Mexico, in cooperation with troops which were on the march from Querétaro. When on the point of proceeding thither himself, news reached him of the arrival at the port of Vera Cruz, July 30th, of Juan O'Donojú, who had been appointed by the Spanish government to be the gefe superior político and captain-general of New Spain.^[37] O'Donojú was received at Vera Cruz with the high honors due his rank, and as the road to the capital was intercepted, he at once assumed his official authority, the legal oath being administered to him by Governor Dávila,

Lieutenant-general O'Donojú, knight grand cross of the orders of Cárlos III. and San Hermenegildo, was of Irish extraction, as his name though somewhat changed indicates.^[38] He had been captain-general of Andalusia, and had even held the highest position the nation could bestow below the throne.^[39] His record had been that of a truly patriotic Spaniard and irreproachable soldier, and in political principles a lover of liberty.^[40] It is understood that he was of high degree in the masonic fraternity. His appointment to Mexico has been attributed to the influence of the Mexican deputies, especially Arizpe. Hence the supposition on the part of some that he had come to accomplish the country's independence, but every step he took after his arrival at Vera Cruz tended to show that he had brought with him no special plan, and that he awaited the resolutions of the Spanish córtes. O’Donojú has been called a traitor for serving his country as faithfully as circumstances permitted. He saw at once how absurd it would be to attempt to uphold a lost cause, as did many in Mexico and Dávila in Vera Cruz, when no assistance could be expected from the supreme government that hardly had means to sustain itself. He therefore resolved, now that Mexico was irremediably lost to Spain, to secure for the reigning family of his country the throne about to be erected in the new nation, and to preserve the friendly relations between the two peoples. In his proclamation on the 3d of August at Vera Cruz,^[41] he tried, however, to induce them to await the action of the córtes, assuring them that the desired autonomy would be conceded. To the military he spoke in a different tone, thanking them for their loyal service to the government in their defence of the city against outside aggression, and ending with the hope that friendship between the antagonistic bands, after the aggressors had been reduced and undeceived, would be restored, and the past forgotten.^[42] Being confined within the walls, and unable to advance a single step without coming in contact with the independents,^[43] O’Donojú opened relations with Santa Anna, and made friendly overtures to Iturbide,^[44] who granted him permission to advance as far as Córdoba for the purpose of holding a conference with him, and despatched the conde de San Pedro del Álamo and Juan Ceballos, a son of the marqués de Guardiola, to receive and entertain General O’Donojú there. Meantime Iturbide went to the vicinity of Mexico, and established his headquarters at the hacienda of Zoquiapa, near Tezcuco, whence he apprised Novella of O’Donojú's arrival. Novella, however, resolved to effect no change in affairs till the new ruler should reach the capital.

After adopting some necessary military measures, Iturbide proceeded to Córdoba, which place he reached on the 23d of August. General O’Donojú arrived the same day, having been escorted by Santa Anna with every mark of respect as far as Jalapa. The chief paid a friendly visit to the general and his wife that same evening, and on the following day official conferences were held.^[45] Iturbide proposed that by a treaty the plan of Iguala should be adopted as the only means to secure the lives and property of Spaniards residing in the country, and the Mexican throne to the house of Bourbon. O’Donojú assented, and in his sovereign's name recognized the independence of Mexico, and agreed to surrender the city of Mexico to the army of the three guaranties. This celebrated treaty consisted of seventeen articles, which confirmed the plan of Iguala with a slight difference in the third article. I give in a note an epitome of the instrument.^[46]

Novella, on being informed by O’Donojú on the 25th of this arrangement, held a council of war, and it was resolved to continue the policy of adopting no resolution till O’Donojú should come to Mexico, and this was communicated to him in letter of the 31st.^[47] Dávila, the governor of Vera Cruz, also refused to obey the captain-general's order, and being determined to defend himself at all hazard, abandoned the city, and retired to San Juan de Ulúa. In the capital, as the independents were coming up in large numbers to lay siege, Novella made every preparation for defence. The forces chosen to operate against the besiegers were placed under Concha's command, and General Liñan was made chief of the staff. The royalist line extended from Guadalupe by Tacuba, Tacubaya, Mixcoac, and Coyoacan, closing by the Peñon at Guadalupe. Royalists were constantly deserting to the enemy's lines; while on the other hand, repeated skirmishes occurred, one of which precipitated a bloody action at Atzcapotzalco on the 19th of August.^[48] After this engagement the Spaniards concentrated their forces still more, abandoning Tacubaya, which the independents occupied.

When the treaty of Córdoba had been signed, Iturbide and O’Donojú approached the capital, and Novella, to whom a copy of the instrument had been forwarded, asked for an armistice, which was acceded to by the besiegers on the 7th of September. He then convoked a junta of representatives, at which the treaty and accompanying correspondence were read and discussed. The resolution to adopt no line of action until the arrival of O’Donojú being adhered to, two messengers were despatched to communicate the decision to him, and were received by him at Puebla.

On the 15th of September Iturbide arrived at Atzcapotzalco, where he established his headquarters.^[49] From this place he addressed a stirring proclamation to the inhabitants of the capital, calling on them to receive with open arms the ejercito trigarante, which would assuredly complete the task it had undertaken of making Mexico a free and independent nation.^[50] O’Donojú now hastened to Mexico, having in his correspondence with Novella finally assumed a threatening tone on account of his refusal to recognize his legitimate authority. The result was that Novella held a conference with O’Donojú, and expressing himself satisfied with the latter's powers as captain-general and gefe superior político, surrendered the command.^[51]

O’Donojú, being now recognized as the chief royal authority, went with Iturbide to Tacubaya, where he received the congratulations of the civil, military, and ecclesiastical authorities. The only question which remained to be settled was the removal of the royalist troops from the capital. It was finally arranged that without any form of capitulation, and simply by virtue of O’Donojú's orders as captain-general, they should march out, and be quartered in Tezcuco and Toluca till opportunity offered for their embarkation; and that the trigarante forces should occupy the positions evacuated by them.

The plan was carried into effect on the morning of the 23d of September, and the same day the grenadiers, under Colonel José Joaquin de Herrera, occupied the fortress and palace of Chapultepec.^[52] These arrangements being completed, Iturbide and the ejercito trigarante, on the 27th of September, entered the capital in triumph. The chief, mounted on a black charger, was surrounded by his aides and staff, the representatives of the Indian towns, the chief titled gentlemen, and a large number of other citizens. The manifestations of enthusiasm and joy were general and unbounded. At the convent of San Francisco, Iturbide was met by the ayuntamiento, and alighting from his horse received the congratulations of the municipality.

Then followed the ceremony of delivering to him the keys of the city. Golden keys on a silver platter were presented to him by the hands of Ignacio Ormaechea, the first alcalde and spokesman for the people. With words appropriate to the occasion, Iturbide returned the emblems,^[53] and remounting proceeded to the plaza mayor, where he was greeted by the plaudits of an immense concourse of people. At the palace he was received by O’Donojú, who had entered tho city on the preceding day, and the different corporations. A religious ceremony was then celebrated by the archbishop under the pall, with all the imposing observances of the Roman ritual.^[54]

Thus Mexico was free at last, and naught remained to Spain of her vast colony, this richest jewel of her crown, but Vera Cruz, Perote, and Acapulco. Her independence, which ten years of sanguinary strife and horrors had failed to achieve, was won for her by aid of her former foe in fewer months, almost without bloodshed. And in all the glory of his triumph her liberator affected humility and abnegation. In the midst of the wild enthusiasm, when thousands of voices shouted his name for joy, the only reward he openly sought was permission to retire to private life with the loving remembrance of the people on whom he had bestowed freedom.^[55] But the flame of ambition was burning in his heart.^[56] A project had been formed to proclaim him emperor that very day,^[57] and visions of a sceptre were already flashing on his thoughts. But he knew that the time was not yet ripe.

 

 

1. One of them may have been well founded; namely, that not much reliance could be placed on the loyalty of the troops.
2. At this time Guerrero was 39 years of age. His complexion was very dark and his hair long, black, coarse, and curly. In his early life he followed the occupation of a muleteer. According to his baptismal registry he was born in Tixtla, in August 1782; his parents being Juan Pedro Guerrero and María Guadalupe Saldaña, Indian tillers of the soil. Zamacois, Hist. Méx., x. 668-9.
3. Before Iturbide departed for the Bajío he addressed a communication to the viceroy, reporting all that had occurred, placing his own conduct in the best possible light, and assuring him that the sentiment of independence prevailed throughout the country; he also sent addresses to the king and to the córtes to the same effect. Whether those documents reached their destination is not known; at any rate, they received no consideration. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 447-8; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 129-34.
4. Cortazar at Amoles, March 16th, and at Salvatierra on the 17th. Pénjamo and other immediate places followed the example on the 18th. Anastasio Bustamante proclaimed at Pantoja the 19th. Celaya was immediately captured; and the comandante general Antonio Linares, who refused to join the revolution, was given a safe conduct to Mexico. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectiflc., 448-9; Mex. Doc. Relativos, etc., no. 1; Cos, Estadíst. Silao, in Mex. Soc. Geog. Boletin, 2d ep., iv. 746; Noticioso Gen., 1821, ap. 23-4; Cuevas, Porvenir Mex., 53, 62-3; Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 340-2; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 151-60.
5. One of the first acts was to remove from the alhóndiga the heads of Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and Jimenez, and give them Christian burial with the utmost solemnity.
6. They appear in the Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 325-6, 347-9, 395-6, 435. Promotion and decorations were offered to Bustamante, and rejected.
7. A part of the Nueva España regiment remained behind. The deserters were organized into a battalion called the 'Union.' Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 468-73; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 154-8; Id., Suplem. to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iv. 220-1 ; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 201-7.
8. The interview took place on the 8th of May. See Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 150-3; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 455-7; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 159-64.
9. Namely, on the 4th of July. Negrete wrote Iturbide July 6th that the desertion of royalist troops had been general. All the facts connected with the affairs of Jalisco and Zacatecas appear in Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 460-2; Mex., Doc. Relativos, no. 2; Cuevas, Porvenir Mex., 80-2; Gac. de Guad., 1821, June 27th to Dec. 22d, passim; Negrete, Observ. Carta, 10-13; Gac. de Guad., 1821, June 30th, in Vallejo, Col. Doc., i. no. 1, 1; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 272; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 207-15.
10. Negrete was struck in the mouth by a bullet, which knocked out three upper teeth and a piece of the bone, and two lower teeth. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 462-3.
11. That same day Iturbide was in peril of losing his life or liberty near Querétaro. On passing Arroyohondo, 400 royalists attacked him when he had with him only 40 chasseurs and 80 horsemen, his army being three leagues behind. Thirty of his men who were in advance, commanded by Captain Mariano Paredes, fought so desperately that they drove the enemy back with a loss of 45 men. Iturbide rewarded their bravery with a medal having on it the legend '30 contra 400.' This action was ever after known as that of the 30 against 400. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 162-3; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 475-6.
12. Under terms of capitulation granting the honors of war to the besieged, who bound themselves not to serve against Mexican independence, and to embark for Habana at the earliest possible day. Meanwhile they were allowed to remain in Celaya. Mex. Bosquejo Rev., 99-102; Cueva, Porvenir Mex., 71-80; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 164-78, 261; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 217-34; Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 237-9, 435, 526-8, 615; Gac. de Guad., 1821, June 27, July 4, 7; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 474-83.
13. In number from 800 to 1,000 men belonging to the regiments Órdenes militares, Castilla, and Infante Don Cárlos. The marine regiment that had been Apodaca's guard of the palace, was in the mutiny. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist.v., 263-8.
14. The loss of the internal provinces he attributed to Cruz' inaction; the surrender of Valladolid had been entirely unexpected by him in view of the assurances he had received from Quintanar; as to Querétaro, he had done all he could to aid it, ordering Castillo's and Concha's forces to march there; in regard to Puebla, which was then in danger, Brigadier Llano had repeatedly said that he was not in need of more troops. Moreover, Concha had not inarched to the support of Puebla because he had no confidence in his men. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 249-50.
15. He indignantly added, that under the existing circumstances, it was grateful to give up the command, as it afforded him a silver bridge to cross out of so many difficulties, but he would not leave it dishonorably. Id., 251.
16. During the preliminaries Liñan had used harsh language to the officers, and challenged them 'uno á uno ó como quisiesen, tratándolos como merecian.' The soldiers repaid Apodaca's constant benefits with ingratitude. It is said that four days before, Buceli represented to Apodaca that he had lost 3,000 pesos from the funds of his regiment, and was in great distress. The viceroy relieved him from the predicament by lending him that sum without asking for security. His surprise was great on seeing Buceli at the head of the mutineers. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 265; Id., Garza Vindicado, 7; Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 709; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 248-52.
17. In March 1824 he was made commandant-general of naval engineers; Nov. 25, 1825, viceroy of Navarre; next month the grand cross of the order of Isabel la Cátolica was conferred on him. The same year, Dec. 29th, he was appointed a member of the royal council. Dec. 1, 1829, he received the grand cross of the order of Cárlos III. May 1, 1830, he became captain-general or admiral of the navy, and director-general of the same, holding this last-named office till 1834, when it was suppressed, and he was chosen a prócer in the córtes of the kingdom. Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., i. 258.
18. All these names and honors headed his edicts at that time. Dispos. Var., iii. 47.
19. The two documents appear in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 715-18; Gac. de Guad., 1821, July 25, 28.
20. Details of his movements are given in Hevia's and Concha's reports, embracing the period from Jan. to May, in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 303-5, 327-9, 378-80, 396.
21. His force was now of 680 infantry and 60 dragoons. Iturbide on March 28th approved the names those troops assumed, namely, Granaderos imperiales, and Dragones de América. Herrera and Iruela were by him commissioned as lieutenant-colonels.
22. Notwithstanding which he took the lieut-colonelcy given him by the viceroy. Subsequently Iturbide made him a colonel.
23. Santa Anna treated him courteously, giving him a passport for Vera Cruz.
24. Hevia's last rep. in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 489-90. Among the prominent officers who joined Herrera were two sons of the conde de la Cadena, a son of the marqués de Sierra Nevada, and Lieut-col Miota.
25. Herrera's report in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 192-4; Hevia 'a in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 419-25; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 536.
26. A diary of the operations was published in Jalapa by Isassi, which was copied by Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 194-9; Id., Supl. to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iv. 213-18; Castillo y Luna's Rep., in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 555-68; Mex. Bosquejo Revol., 94; Orizava, Ocurr., 149-55.
27. Several cannon and upwards of 1,000 muskets. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 199-200.
28. Viña's rep. in Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 617, 727-30.
29. Drawn up by C. M. Bustamante, who had joined him. It was a unique document, in which the idea was for the first time advanced that Mexico was the heir of the rights and grievances of Montezuma's subjects, and her soldiers were called upon to avenge the Mexican eagle, which was trampled under foot three centuries ago on the plains of Otumba. Cuad. Hist., v. 200-1.
30. Bustamante supplies a copy of his proclamation. Cuad. Hist., v. 184-5. Ward relates that the news of Iturbide's declaration was conveyed to Victoria by two faithful Indians, who had been the last to leave him. They employed six weeks in their search for him, and when at last Victoria discovered himself to one of them, the Indian was so 'terrified at seeing a phantom covered with hair, emaciated, and clothed only with a cotton wrapper, advancing upon him with a sword in his hand,' that he took to flight. It was only on hearing himself called repeatedly by his name that he recovered his composure sufficiently to recognize his old general. Ward's Mex., i. 231-4.
31. In derision, the nickname of 'la trajinera' was given him; a term applied to the canoes which trafficked between the villages on the margins of the lakes near the capital. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 254.
32. The terms of the capitulation were agreed upon by colonels Horbegoso and Samaniego for Llano, and Cortazar and the conde de San Pedro del Álamo for Iturbide. The garrison was to go out with military honors, and such officers and men as wished to join the trigarante army were to be at liberty to do so; the rest to retire to Coatepec, to be afterward transferred to Habana at the expense of the Mexican nation. Samaniego persuaded the Mexicans who wanted to follow the fate of the Spaniards to join their country's cause. Vivanco retired to his wife's hacienda near Tezcuco. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 209-15; Id., Supl. to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iv. 236-7; Gac. de Guad., 1821, Aug. 11, 58-9; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 184-6; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 254-61.
33. Some expressions in the bishop's discourse conduced to that end. From this time all Iturbide's operations seemed to aim at securing the throne for himself, in spite of the obstacles that he had himself placed in the plan of Iguala. Perez, Discurso, in Pap. Var., cxxiv. no. 5½.
34. Details of the campaign appear in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 215-22; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 261-6; Orizava, Ocurr., 161. Celso Iruela was sent by Iturbide as governor of Oajaca; he proved a despot, and finally had to leave the province ignominiously. Carriedo, Estudios Hist., ii. 29, 37.
35. The arrival of the frigates Prueba and Venganza, and their coöperation with Marquez y Donallo's lieutenant, Rionda, brought on-the restoration Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 257-8, 301, 319-23, 409-12; Noticioso Gen., 1821, March 28, 30.
36. Húber sent his head to Armijo at Cuernavaca, where it was exposed to public view. This patriot's memory has never been honored by the Mexican government. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 195-7.
37. He sailed from Cádiz the 30th of May, on the Asia, a ship of the line, and his long voyage was because the Asia had to convoy a considerable number of merchantmen, and to touch at Puerto Cabello. To Vera Cruz she escorted eleven vessels. Id., v. 266; Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 841-2, 859; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 9.
38. He has also been supposed to have been of Irish nativity. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 499.
39. According to his first proclamation. Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 859-62; Gac. de Madrid, in Semanario Polít., i. 103.
40. For which he was once imprisoned and tortured, bearing the evidence of it in his hands.
41. Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 859-62; Gac. de Guad., 1821, Aug. 25, 73-4; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 223-5.
42. His words were: 'Tengo esperanzas de que reducidos y desengañados dentro de poco, volveremos á ser todos amigos,' etc. Id., 225-6.
43. The position was a painful one for the besieged; yellow fever was raging at the port, and in a few days carried off seven of O'Donojú's suite, and a nephew and niece, who died within two and a half hours of one another and were buried the same afternoon. Another niece was at death's door when he left the city on the 19th. One hundred soldiers and sailors of those who came with him had also perished. Id., 227.
44. In two letters, one official and one private; in the former Iturbide was addressed as 'gefe superior del ejército imperial de las Tres Garantías,' and in the latter was called a friend whose esteem he wished to merit. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 228-31; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 269; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 489.
45. Iturbide said: 'Granting the good faith and harmony with which we conduct ourselves in this matter, I suppose it will be easy for us to undo this knot without parting it.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 231.
46. Art. 1. This America shall be recognized as a sovereign independent nation, called the Mexican Empire. 2. The government of the empire shall be a moderate constitutional monarchy. 3. The oath prescribed in art. 4 of the plan being previously taken, the following shall be called to reign over the Mexican empire. In the first place Fernando VII., Catholic king of Spain; by his renunciation or non-admission, his brother Cárlos; for the same reasons, next after him, his other brother Francisco de Paula; next Cárlos Luis, a prince of Spain, former heir of Etruria and now of Lucca; and in case of his renouncing or not accepting, then such person as the imperial córtes may designate. 4. The emperor shall reside in Mexico, as the capital of the empire. 5. Gen. O’Donojú shall appoint two commissioners provisionally to make this arrangement known to the court of Spain, pending the formal tender of the crown by the imperial córtes. 6. A sufficiently numerous junta shall be constituted, composed of members prominent for their virtues, offices, fortunes, representation, and character. 7. The junta shall be entitled 'junta provisional gubernativa.' 8. Gen. O’Donojú shall be one of the members. 9. The junta shall elect a president chosen from among its members. 10. The junta's first act shall apprise the public of its installation, objects, and such other things as it may deem expedient. 11. The junta, after choosing its president, shall elect a regency of three persons to constitute the executive, and govern in the monarch's name till he shall assume the sceptre. 12. The junta shall rule according to existing laws, not clashing with the plan de Iguala, till the córtes form the national constitution. 13. The regencia shall convoke the córtes, in conformity with art. 24th of the plan. 14. The executive shall reside in the regency; the legislative in the córtes, and, till the latter are installed, in the junta provisional gubernativa acting in concert with the regency. 15. Under the new order of things, Europeans in Mexico may continue to be such, or become Mexicans, remain in the country, or go away as they may choose. The same privilege is granted Mexicans residing in Spain. 10. The above privilege shall not be accorded to civil or military employé's, or to officers notoriously hostile to Mexican independence. Such must leave the country within the time the regency may designate, taking away their goods on payment of the regular export dues. 17. O'Donojú promises to induce the expeditionary forces to leave the country with out further bloodshed. Gaz. Imp. Mex., i. 85-9; Mex. Derecho Intern., 1st pt., 384-96; Gac. de Guad., 1821, Sept. 12, 97-100; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 9-13; Wilcocks' Despatch in Annals of Cong., 1821-2, 2099-2114; Niles' Reg., xxi. 64, 80, 96; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 273-9; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 62-6; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 232-4; Id., Garza Vindicado, 8-9; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 491-2. On the 31st of Aug. O’Donojú from Córdoba wrote the Spanish government, detailing the situation and the reasons that forced him to adopt the course he had taken. Monitor Ultramarino, 28-35; Niles' Reg., xxii. 7-8.
47. Liñan deemed it important to know first what were O’Donojú's powers; nothing could be resolved, as he had signed 'esos papeles,' meaning the treaty of Córdoba, within a region occupied by the enemy. Colonel Sociats could not see that O’Donojú had any special authority to sign away what he called the 'legitima dependencia de España.' He was for lighting till death. The whole correspondence, both official and private, may be seen in Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 241-55.
48. The Spaniards claimed a victory, which Bustamante refuses to concede. Cuad. Hist., v. 235-7; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 272; Facio, Mem., 81. The truth is that neither side triumphed, the loss being equally severe. Among the killed on the independents' side was Encarnacion Ortiz, alias El Pachon.
49. The army now united for the siege of Mexico numbered 9,000 infantry and 7,000 cavalry, divided into three corps. The van was under Vivanco, who had lately joined the cause, with Guerrero as his second. The centre was commanded by Luaces, whose second was Anastasio Bustamante. The rear was in charge of Quintanar, with Barragan for his second. Negrete was comandante general of the troops of Nueva Galicia, and Andrade the next officer in command. Brigadier Melchor Alvarez was chief of the staff. The two Parrés and Bradburn were the adjutants. Iturbide's aides-de-camp were the condes of Regla and Peñasco, Marqués de Salvatierra and Eugenio Cortés. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 296-7, ap. 16-24; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 506-7.
50. Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 1003-4; Doc. in Pinart Col, MS., i. no. 69.
51. Till O’Donojú's entry in the capital Liñan held the military command, and Ramon Gutierrez del Mazo, whom O’Donojú had appointed on the 15th of September intendente, the civil rule. Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 976-7; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 509; Navarro, Iturbide, 110-16; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 292-312.
52. The neighboring forest became thronged with people from the city without interference from the independents. Other positions were evacuated the same day by the royalists. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 324.
53. 'Estas llaves,' he said, 'que lo son de las puertas que únicamente deben estar cerradas para la irreligión, la desunion y el despotismo, como abiertas á todo lo que puede hacer la felicidad comun, las devuelvo á V. E. fiando de su zelo, que procurará el bien del público á quien representa.' Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 332.
54. This was the first possessory act Iturbide exercised in the nation's name as protector of the church, and needing no special declaration from Rome. The roar of artillery and ringing of bells throughout the day were deafening, Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., v. 329; vi. 13-20; Niles’ Reg., xxi. 244; Noticioso Gen., 1821, Oct. 1, 1-3; Mex. Col. Ley. Fund., 13; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 329-33; Mex. Col. Dec. y Ord., introd. i.
55. See his address of the same day, in which, after exhorting them to lay aside all animosity of race, and proclaim union and close friendship, he concludes with these words: 'Concededme solo vuestra sumision á las leyes, dejad que vuelva al seno de mi tierna y amada familia, y de tiempo en tiempo haced una memoria de vuestro amigo.' Gaz. de Mex., 1821, xii. 1019-20; Niles' Reg., xxi. 274; Mex. Doc. Relativos, no. 3.
56. The words of Abad y Queipo, writing to the viceroy in 1813 in reference to Iturbide, were prophetic: 'That young man is full of ambition, and it would not be strange if in the course of time he should be the very one to effect the independence of his country.' Arrangoiz, Méj., i. 234.
57. See the account given in Méj. Bosquejo Rev., 113-15.