History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 5

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER V.

OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

1810.

Development of Querétaro — Affairs in Guanajuato — The Town of Dolores — Its Cura, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla — Secret Meetings of Revolutionists — Ignacio Allende — Plotting at San Miguel General — Plan of Uprising — Hidalgo's Biography — Arrests — The Corregidor Imprisoned — His Acquittal — His Biography — El Grito de Dolores — Hidalgo Marches to San Miguel — A Tumultuous Array — The Sacred Banner — Success of the Insurgents at San Miguel — Pillaging — Hidalgo Proclaimed Captain-general — He Enters Celaya — He Appoints a New Ayuntamiento

From the time when Viceroy Velasco made grants of town lots arid agricultural lands to settlers in Querétaro,^[1] the progress of that place was rapid. Beautifully situated in a sheltered valley, the fertility of the soil and the pureness of the air invited immigrants from the capital and other populous towns lying to the south. In 1592 municipal books were opened, and henceforward its prosperity was such that in 1655 Felipe IV. elevated it to the rank of city, with the appellation of Santiago de Querétaro, and the honorable title of muy noble y real ciudad. A coat of arms was also granted, significant of the miraculous manifestation witnessed by the opposing armies in that strange battle which was fought in 1531.^[2] The position of Querétaro on the borders of the unconverted Chichimecs attracted at an early date the attention of the regular orders. The first monastic establishment was the Franciscan convent of Santa Cruz, the date of the founding of which is, however, uncertain, although its origin was the humble hermitage which was constructed at the time when the miraculous stone cross was erected on the Sangremal. The first convent and its church were in time replaced

Plan of Querétaro, 1796.

by larger buildings, and in 1666, when the new edifices were completed, the convent was made the casa de recoleccion of the provincia under the name of San Buenaventura. In 1683 it was converted into the apostolic college of propaganda fide, founded by Fray Antonio Linaz de Jesus María—the first establishment of the kind in the Indies.^[3] By the enthusiastic members social reforms were introduced, which, however beneficial to the poorer classes, grievously interfered with public and private amusements. Balls, comedies, and public games were discontinued; certain feasts in which bulls, Moors, and christians were represented in procession, were also done away with. These festivities were so attractive to the lower orders that in order to participate in them with appropriate display they would sell their household chattels. Another abuse corrected was the promiscuous bathing of the sexes in the river, to the sound of music, and midst the noise of feasting on the banks. Henceforth the inhabitants of Querétaro were, doubtless, a devout and moral community, though much against their will.^[4]

After the surrender of their convent of Santa Cruz, the Franciscans erected what may be considered the third monastery of the order built in Querétaro, and which was the capitular convent of the province. Annexed to it is a sumptuous church, which was greatly embellished by Fray José de Soria, who died in Mexico in December 1734. Within the limits of its cemetery various other sacred edifices were erected, among which may be mentioned the church of the Venerable Orden Tercera de Penitencia, in which the noble and the wealthy performed their devotions and penitential vows.

Numerous other convents added to the sanctity and embellishment of the city, but special notice must be taken of the convent and royal hospital of the Purísima Concepcion. This hospital was founded by Diego de Tapia, son of Fernando de Tapia, the conqueror, about the year 1586. The same benefactor founded the Franciscan nunnery of Santa Clara, which was transferred to a new site in 1633, and thither were conveyed the same year to their final repose the bones of the founder. Other religious establishments were the monasteries of the Franciscan order of barefooted friars and the barefooted Carmelites; the Jesuit church and college of San Ignacio de Loyola founded in 1625; the Dominican convent of San Pedro y San Pablo; the royal college of Santa Rosa and its magnificent church; the Capuchin, Austin, and Carmelite nunneries, and other religious institutions. By royal cédula of October 10, 1671, permission was granted to the congregation of our lady of Guadalupe founded in 1669 to erect a church in Santiago de Querétaro; and in 1680, owing to the munificence of Juan Caballero y Osio,^[5] by whom the greater part of the expenses were defrayed, the building was so far advanced as to admit of its being dedicated. The ceremony took place on the 12th of May, and was conducted with a solemnity and splendor never before witnessed in the city. Visitors from all parts of New Spain assembled on the occasion, and the festivities which followed were continued for eight days. The church is the most sumptuous in Querétaro.^[6]

The success of the religious orders in the conversion of the Chichimecs was signal, and the missions they founded in the Sierra Gorda had more effect in reducing them to submission than the steel and gunpowder of the military. In time, however, the missions became secularized, and in 1785 only two out of the twenty established remained under the control of the friars, namely San Miguel de las Palmas, administered by the Dominicans, and Concepcion Soriano, or Bucareli, by the barefooted friars of San Diego.^[7]

Although the Indians of Sierra Gorda were occasionally troublesome during the eighteenth century, their insubordination did not interfere with the growth of the city or the development of industrial interests. In the architectural beauty of its churches, religious establishments, and public buildings, Querétaro is equal to any city in Mexico, except the capital. In, 1796 it had 272 streets with twenty-one public fountains and six plazas. Its length from east to west at this date was nearly two miles and three quarters, and its width from north to south over one mile and a quarter.^[8] The water supply of Querétaro, obtained at a distance of two leagues, is conveyed into the city by its celebrated aqueduct, a structure of singular solidity and architectural beauty. The arches are supported on seventy-two pillars of hewn stone, eighteen varas apart, and twenty-seven varas high. The work was begun in January 1726, and completed in October 1735, at an expense of $124,800, $82,000 of which were donated by Juan Antonio Urrutia y Arana, marqués del Villar de la Aguila.^[9] But the pride of the place is La Cañada, a beautiful glen penetrating for two leagues the mountains which surround the city, and affording views of such exquisite loveliness that no city in the world can surpass them, or offer suburban recreation grounds more attractive.^[10] About five leagues to the south-east of the city are the hot mineral springs of San Bartolomé, situated about a mile from the pueblo of that name, the medicinal properties of which both as a beverage and for the bath have proved efficacious in a variety of diseases.^[11] Although Querétaro is signally exempt from epidemics and physical catastrophes,^[12] it has occasionally been visited by disasters. The year 1786 was noticeable for the severity of a famine which caused much suffering, and in 1806 great mortality of children occurred from an epidemic lung disease.^[13]

The agricultural and manufacturing industries indicate great prosperity when compared with those of larger and more populous provinces. The cotton and woollen factories in 1793 worked up 200,000 pounds of the first-mentioned staple and 63,900 arrobas of wool, equivalent to 1,597,500 pounds, affording employment to three thousand operatives. The tobacco factory also employed three thousand workmen and women, producing annually cigars and cigarettes to the amount of $2,200,000.^[14]

Such was the city of Santiago de Querétaro at the time when the spirit of Mexican independence broke out. The reader will recollect that Miguel Dominguez had been reinstated in the office of corregidor of Querétaro, after having been deprived of it by Iturrigaray. From that time forward he was a secret supporter of the independence party. After the collapse of the Valladolid plot, meetings of the chief revolutionists were held at Querétaro in houses of the presbyter José María Sanchez and the licentiate Parra. The corregidor attended the assemblies at the first-mentioned house, which passed under the name of a literary academy, while his wife Doña María Joséfa Ortiz took still more earnest interest in the success of the undertaking. In Parra's house secret meetings were held and plans of operations discussed. Here met the principal promoters of the revolution, the licentiates Laso and Altamirano, captains Allende and Aldama of the queen's regiment, Joaquin Arias, captain of the, Zelaya regiment, Francisco Lanzagorta, lieutenant of the dragoons of San Miguel, the two brothers Epigmenio and Emeterio Gonzalez and others of less note.

While these preliminary matters were in progress in Valladolid and Querétaro, the leaven of liberty was working in Guanajuato; and indeed to this province may be more specially given the proud distinction of cradle of Mexican independence. And forever famous above all must remain the town of Dolores, situated in the higher level of the sierra de Guanajuato, eleven leagues from the provincial capital. Its beginning dates from the sixteenth century, when viceroys Enriquez and Velasco exerted themselves in uniting the Indians in municipal communities called congregaciones, Dolores receiving the name of Congregacion de Nuestra Señora de los Dolores, and being included in the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the curato of San Miguel el Grande. In 1717 it was elevated to the dignity of a pueblo, and somewhat later became an independent curacy.

As usual in places of this kind, the parish church overshadowed the other buildings, being an extensive structure, and completed about the middle of the eighteenth century. The exterior presented quite an imposing appearance, the front having two towers and an ornamented entrance. At the close of the eight eenth century a church of the third order of San Francisco was erected which, though small, was of beautiful design and construction. There were also several smaller churches or chapels. In 1826 the constituent congress of Guanajuato bestowed upon the town the title of villa. It contained later about 9,000 inhabitants, while the number of those within its civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction was between 35,000 and 40,000, scattered over a territory of sixty-eight square leagues. Agriculture constitutes the chief occupation of the people, a few only being engaged in retail traffic, and in the manufacture of common woollen goods, of bricks, and in tanning. The district of Dolores is better adapted for the culture of the vine than any other part of Guanajuato. Though silver deposits exist in many places, the mining interest is not large.

The cura of this parish was Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, a name forever to be honored as one who gave his life to his country, who sacrificed himself for the right as against injustice and oppression. Past middle age, as he was now approaching fifty-eight, he had reached the period when most men are ready to lay aside some portion of life's burdens; yet he was about taking upon his shoulders the most vital issues of his country, and that before his country was ready fully to respond to his efforts.

Rather above than below medium height, of some what stout proportions, large lirnbs and ruddy-brown complexion, he presented altogether a robust constitution. The head was large and well modelled, bald and shining on the top, with many brain-compelling bumps; hair, what there was of it, nearly white; massive features; forehead of course high, neck slightly twisted to the left, nose straight, lips thin, eyebrows prominent, and as usual with the cloth, face clean-shaven. He wore at this time short black trousers and stockings of the same color, leathern shoes with buckles, and a long gown with cape. His heart was kind and sympathetic; his manner soft and winning; his voice sonorous, vibrating, and most pleasing to the ear; and his deportment was natural and attractive. He had the true scholarly stoop; and in all his features, air, and attitude a profoundly meditative expression—a fitting incarnation of a great soul bathed in settled calm. Yet the clear, black, brilliant eyes betrayed the activity of the mind, and through them shone the light from the burning fires within.

It does not appear that Hidalgo attended the early meetings of the revolutionists with regularity. Indeed, from his own statements I conclude that he visited Querétaro only on one occasion for that purpose, although he frequently held conversations elsewhere with Ignacio Allende and others on the subject of independence.^[15]

Allende was certainly one of the moving spirits of the revolution; and although his fame as a patriot has been eclipsed by that of Hidalgo, it is only justice that his merits and patriotism should be fully recognized. He was born on the 21st of January, 1779,^[16] in San Miguel el Grande, his father being a Spanish merchant and estate owner, named Domingo Narciso de Allende. When Don Domingo died, which was while Ignacio was of tender years, his affairs were greatly embarrassed, and had it not been for the high character of his executor, Domingo de Berrio, the house would have been bankrupt. The creditors, however, were tolerant, and in some years the debts were paid, and the means of livelihood saved to the family.^[17]

Being passionately fond of dangerous sports and martial exercises from early youth, Ignacio was conspicuous for his boldness and skill as a horseman, and frequently signalized himself in the bull-ring, from which he did not always escape unharmed, being crippled in the left arm from injuries received there. His strength was so great that he could hold back a bull by the horns,^[18] and he was ever ready to employ it in defence of the weak. Before he had attained the age of seventeen he was appointed provisionally a lieutenant in the queen's dragoons, was confirmed in the appointment in the following year, and in 1807 promoted to the rank of captain. He was present with his company at the military encampment established by Iturrigaray at Jalapa, and won for himself the marked approbation of the viceroy by his soldierly bearing and ability.^[19] According to Mier y Guerra, his regard for the viceroy was such that he took an oath to avenge his deposal on the Europeans, and thenceforth began to form a definite plan of independence. Allende was an extremely handsome man, of engaging manners and captivating address. To resolution he united a perseverance which never yielded to obstacles or opposition. His daring both in the field arid in the expression of his opinions exposed him to unnecessary dangers.^[20] At an early age he entered the marriage state, and betrothed in April 1802 Doña María de la Luz Agustina de las Fuentes.^[21]

When the encampment at Jalapa was broken up, at the close of 1808, Allende with all the determination of his nature put his shoulder to the work. Having returned with his command to San Miguel, he gradually associated himself with a number of confederates^[22] who were leading inhabitants of the town. To avert suspicion and cloak their proceedings, balls were frequently given at the house of his brother Domingo, in the festivities of which they joined, different members occasionally retiring from the dancing-hall to a room below to hold consultation. Ramifications of the plan were extended to the principal neighboring towns, where branch societies were established by Allende and Aldama, who were appointed commissioners for that purpose.^[23]

The general plan of the uprising was the simultaneous seizure of the rich Spaniards and authorities in the important towns and then to raise the stand ard of independence. This was to be accomplished with as little violence as possible, and the captives were to be allowed the privilege of remaining with their families in the country,^[24] or returning to the peninsula, in which case their property was to be confiscated and appropriated for the public treasury. In case the government, after this coup de main, should be able to offer resistance, Allende acting as generalissimo would organize the forces in different districts and maintain the struggle. The government proposed to be established was a senate of representatives appointed by the provinces, which should rule in the name of Fernando VII., ignoring all submission to Spain.

To accomplish their designs, Allende and Aldama visited Mexico, Puebla, and other important places in New Spain, while Hidalgo assisted in the cities of Valladolid and Guanajuato, his efforts being especially directed to gaining over the clergy. During 1810, Querétaro appears to have been the centre of action, and Allende and Aldama frequently attended the meetings there.^[25] More than half the year had gone and the plans of the revolutionists were almost ripe. There were as yet no signs of discovery or treachery. Then the day was appointed on which the cry of independence should be sounded. The great fair held at San Juan de los Lagos, commencing on the 8th of December, offered a good opportunity. Amidst the gathering crowds their movements would escape observation, and enable them to concentrate their forces without detection.^[26] It was accordingly decided that Allende and Aldama should meet there by different routes on the 1st of that month, and prepare matters for the proclamation of independence on a concerted day of the fair. Events, however, occurred which frustrated this design.

As the cura Hidalgo will presently become the principal leader and most prominent character in the early revolution, a better acquaintance will aid our purpose. His father, Cristóbal Hidalgo y Costilla, was a native of Tejupilco in the intendency of Mexico, and established himself in Pénjamo in the province of Guanajuato. There he betrothed and married Ana María Gallaga,^[27] and in May 1753, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla was born.^[28] Don Cristóbal presently removed to the hacienda of Corralejo with his wife and four children, of whom Miguel was the second. Their father afterward sent them to Valladolid to be educated, and there Miguel distinguished himself in philosophy and ecclesiastical studies at the college of San Nicolás, where his fellow-collegiates gave him the name of The Fox, an appellation intended as complimentary by reason of his sagacity.^[29]

So highly did the ecclesiastical chapter of Valladolid estimate his theological acquirements, and the ability he displayed in the public discussion of certain themes, that it gave him $4,000 to enable him to go to Mexico and obtain his degree of doctor of theology. Hidalgo, however, spent the money—some say at play and in dissipation—before accomplishing his journey.^[30] Nevertheless, in 1778 and 1779 he went to the capital and was there ordained, receiving the degree of bachelor of theology. On his return to Valladolid he obtained successive appointments as cura to two of the richest benefices in the diocese,^[31] and eventually on the death of his elder brother Joaquin succeeded him as cura of Dolores, a town at that time of 18,000 souls, yielding him a stipend of from 10,000 to $12,000.^[32] Here he devoted himself to a variety of occupations, independent of his clerical duties, and congenial with tastes acquired in his boyhood on his father's hacienda. He established a porcelain factory, improved the cultivation of the vine, planted mulberry trees, and grew silk-worms. But his mind was not satisfied with industrial pursuits and experiments alone. The seclusion of his library often won him from more practical life, and there he studied the sciences and political economy,^[33] perused French philosophical works,^[34] and investigated the doctrines propounded in unorthodox books.^[35] It was during these years of self-education that he acquired those enlightened views which enabled him to recognize the injustice which marked both the ecclesiastical and temporal governments, and caused him to look with indignation upon the warped tenets and proceedings of the church, and with detestation upon the despotism exercised by the state.

Hidalgo was a brave and determined man; he was a pleasant conversationalist, and, though quick-tempered, had an obliging and kindly disposition. The interest which he took in the welfare of his flock by the development of industries and his lavish expenditure of money on such enterprises gained for him the lasting affection of the Indians, in whose languages he was proficient. Extremely enterprising, he was, however, too precipitate in action. With regard to his moral character, many vices are laid at his door,^[36] which were made the most of by the opposite party after he raised the standard of revolt. From the fact that as early as 1800 accusations of immorality were preferred against him before the inquisition by two women, it may be concluded that his life was not of that purity which his clerical calling would seem to demand; but as the inquisition did not at the time proceed against him, although the accusations included charges of heresy, it may be inferred that proofs were wanting, or that his derelictions were not of a flagrant nature.^[37]

As early as the 11th of August the government had intimation of a plot.^[38] One Maríano Galvan, an official in the post-office, gave information about the secret meetings to Joaquin Quintana, chief of the department, who communicated with the postmaster general of Mexico. By him Aguirre was made acquainted with the danger. He, however, contented himself with giving orders that the revolutionists should be watched, without bringing the matter to the notice of the government. Meanwhile Hidalgo was endeavoring to gain over the provincial infantry battalion of Guanajuato, and to that end opened his plan to several of the subaltern officers. One of these, Garrido, the band-master, exposed the affair on the 13th of September to his captain, Francisco Bustamante, who lost no time in informing his superior officer, Diego Berzábal, who communicated the matter to the intendente Riaño, and offered to arrest Hidalgo. Riaño, however, preferred to watch affairs, and instructed Francisco Iriarte, who was going to San Felipe, to report occurrences in Dolores, and sent orders to San Miguel to arrest Allende and Aldama. The despatch was, however, intercepted by Allende, who received timely warning of the denouncement made by Garrido, and thus gained some little time to deliberate with his associates at San Miguel^[39] as to their proper course.

While this was taking place in Guanajuato, Captain Arias turned traitor in Querétaro, and to secure his own safety denounced the plot on the 10th of September to the alcalde Juan de Ochoa.^[40] This officer immediately despatched a courier with a written account drawn up by the escribano Juan Fernando Dorninguez to the viceroy, who was already on his way from Yera Cruz. Again, on the 13th, a man named Francisco Bueras informed Padre Gil, cura of Querétaro, that there was a plot to assassinate all the Spaniards, and that a quantity of arms were stored in the houses of one Sámano and Epigmenio Gonzalez. He also stated that the corregidor knew of it. The cura, being a friend of Dominguez, at once placed the facts before him, advising him either to proceed against Epigmenio Gonzalez or share imprisonment with him. Whereupon the corregidor went to consult with the escribano, who, already aware of the corregidor's complicity, dissimulated by declaring that he did not believe a word of the statement. Corregidor Dominguez, however, persisted that his information was correct, and Juan Fernando suggested that he should ask assistance of the comandante Ignacio García Rebollo, and search Gonzalez's house. This was done, and forty men placed under arms, twenty of whom under the corregidor surrounded the house of Gonzalez while the comandante, with the remaining twenty, invested that of Sámano.

Had the corregidor been fortunate enough to avoid communication with the escribano, all might have gone well with the revolutionists and himself; but the escribano displayed such zeal, and instituted so thorough a search of the house, that the escape of the inmates was rendered impossible, and a quantity of ammunition and weapons was discovered. The corregidor, however unwilling, was now compelled to arrest Epigmenio, his brother, and all the household. While he was thus occupied, his wife, faithful to the cause, devised means^[41] to communicate with Allende at San Miguel, informing him of the serious position of af fairs. She also informed Arias, but received a reply so unsatisfactory as to cause her much anxiety.^[42]

On the following morning the corregidor began proceedings against the accused, but conducted them in so procrastinating a manner that evidently his heart was not in the work. Probably Arias was right in representing to the alcalde Ochoa that Dominguez was endeavoring to gain time, and that the plot was rapidly approaching its denouement. A little by-play was enacted: the traitor, with his own connivance, was arrested on the evening of the 15th, and on his person were discovered papers implicating Hidalgo and Allende. But this was not enough. The letters spoke of friends who could be relied on; and when closely questioned Arias admitted that these friends were the corregidor, his wife, and a number of others who were wont to assemble at the revolutionary meetings. The subordinate officer, the alcalde Ochoa, supported by the Spanish faction, now proceeded to act. The comandante Rebollo, who hitherto appears to have been quite unaware of the magnitude of the revolution, placed under Ochoa's directions three hundred soldiers;^[43] and Dominguez, his wife and family, with a number of other suspected persons, were arrested and imprisoned during the night.^[44] The corregidor was closely confined in a cell in the college of Santa Cruz, without being allowed to communicate with any one. His wife was conveyed to the convent of Santa Clara, and although enceinte, was deprived of the company of her friends, and even of her children, who were separately imprisoned.^[45]

It is difficult to account for the subsequent proceedings of the government against Dominguez, unless they can be explained by the contemptuous regard with which Oidor Aguirre viewed the political attitude of the creoles. Information of the corregidor's arrest was conveyed without loss of time to Venegas, who consulted with Aguirre. That minister expressed such disdain for any attempt that could be made by 'Americans' to overthrow Spanish rule, that he assured the viceroy that at an official piece of parchment on a stick they would be frightened like asses.^[46] He concluded by suggesting that Juan Collado, the alcalde del crímen, should be sent, with an escribano and minor officials, to investigate the matter.^[47] The viceroy acted upon this advice, and Collado briefly dismissed the charge against Dominguez and reinstated him in office.^[48] No sooner had Allende received news of the arrest of the Gonzalez family and household than he hastened to Dolores, being now aware that his purposes were widely known to the authorities.^[49] His interview with Hidalgo was marked by rapid deliberation and prompt decision. When Allende and his companions arrived at Dolores the cura was entertaining visitors, and the revolutionists remained outside until they had departed. When admitted, they informed Hidalgo of the arrests which had been made, and the discovery of their plans. The cura, who had listened to their statements with imperturbable calmness, exclaimed, "Action must be taken at once; there is no time to be lost; we shall yet see the oppressors' yoke broken and the fragments scattered on the ground!"^[50] He then ordered the street watchmen who were attached to the cause to be called in, and sent them to summon the workmen in his pottery and silk factories. These soon assembled to the number of fifteen or sixteen, to whom Hidalgo communicated his intention of immediately raising the cry of liberty.

A rumor of what was transpiring had, however, spread, and a number of the populace assembled before the cura's gate, ready to take part in the enterprise. Weapons, which had been secretly made and hidden, were now brought out, and Hidalgo distributed them with his own hand. The first step taken was to secure the person of Padre Bustamante, the sacristan mayor of the parish, who was a Spaniard. Hidalgo then addressed a few animating words to those assembled, raising in loud voice as he concluded the cry, "Viva Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe! Viva la independencia!"

The revolutionists now sallied forth,^[51] and having first liberated the prisoners in the town jail,^[52] thus swelling their numbers, they made captive the principal Spaniards.^[53] Dawn was now approaching. It was Sunday. Hidalgo caused the church bell which summoned his flock to mass to be rung at an earlier hour than usual. The townspeople came forward and gathered in groups before the church door, and from the neighboring haciendas countrymen on foot and mounted were seen flocking in and congregating in the sanctuary.^[54] But it was the matters of this world rather than those of the next that were now to claim their attention. Deliverance was demanded, and from the evil one; but it was from Satan in the flesh, from devils incarnated as temporal masters, inflicting wrongs and injuries and infamies without number—time enough left when men are free from the tyrannies of their fellows to continue the eternal battle with the powers of darkness!

There was no mass that day. The cura entered his pulpit and looked abroad upon the sea of upturned anxious faces with deep and yearning solicitude. "My children," he said, "this day comes to us a new dispensation. Are you ready to receive it? Will you be free? Will you make the effort to recover from the hated Spaniards the lands stolen from your forefathers three hundred years ago?" Thus the great project of independence was laid before them, and they were called upon to prove their devotion to their country. For the last time Hidalgo addressed his flock as cura of Dolores. Henceforth he would be their guide to liberty; they would fight for it; they would die for it; he would lead them himself to battle and to victory! "To-day," he continued, "we must act. The Spaniards are bad enough themselves, but now they are about to surrender us and our country to the French. Danger threatens our religion, and oppression our homes. Will you become Napoleon's slaves? or will you as patriots defend your religion and your rights?" "We will defend them!" shouted the people. "Viva Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, muera el mal gobierno, mueran los gachupines!"^[55] "Live, then, and follow your cura, who has ever watched over your welfare," was Hidalgo's answer. The Grito de Dolores has gone forth! The poor and ignorant and down-trodden of this little Indian town proclaim the future independence of a great nation! Enthusiasm rises to religious height, and unarmed as they are, they will follow no matter where, and fight and die no matter how.

It is somewhat strange that independence should be born in such a quarter and of such parentage; yet perhaps not more wonderful here and thus than else where and in some other way. Its days were now fully come, and it must be brought forth. We know after what manner religions have come to man; we have seen great spasms of enlightenment fall at various epochs on the race; we have seen the intellect awaken as from a dream, and re-awaken again and again—but what it all is, or how, or why, no man can tell, howsoever hard our teachers may try.

In the evolution of human affairs two elements are essential to progress, the opportunity and the agent. There may be and often is one condition without the other. Opportunity may be ripe and no one at hand to act; or the individual may be present and lack opportunity; or the agent may be before his time, act prematurely, and so spoil all. Under such conditions there can be no great bririging-forth.

It was a question how far such auxiliaries could be of service in the coming crusade. Hidalgo maintained that the display of numbers would be beneficial to their cause. Allende, however, entertained grave doubts, but he finally acquiesced. To provide their followers with arms was the great difficulty. The houses of the Spaniards were ransacked; lances which Hidalgo had already provided were brought forth; the Indian seized his machete^[56] and those who could obtain no better weapon supplied themselves with clubs, slings, and bows and arrows. Fire-arms they had few; but San Miguel would furnish them some munitions of war, and thither Hidalgo and Allende led their rabble, which soon numbered nearly 4,000 men.^[57]

Some attempt at military order was made. The mounted herdsmen of the haciendas, carrying lances, were formed into a troop of cavalry, while the better armed Indians on foot represented the infantry. Then followed a promiscuous crowd, in which women and children joined. The die was cast; and the aroused people hastened on. The maize was in full ear, and haciendas abounding in cattle lay on their line of march. There was no lack of food, and they took what they wanted. As they passed through the villages volunteers swelled their ranks, and other Spaniards were added to the number of the captives. On their arrival at Atotonilco, Hidalgo halted in order that he might surprise San Miguel at nightfall. Here a picture of the virgin of Guadalupe was obtained,^[58] and raised on high above the throng, amidst shouts of "Viva Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, y mueran los gachupines!" Henceforth it became the banner of the crusade; and while it waved on high, emblem of peace and intercession, many a brave deed, many a bloody deed, was done for those rights and liberties which on no other ground than violence and force would ever be vouchsafed to them.^[59] Meanwhile intelligence of the uprising had reached San Miguel,^[60] and the Spanish residents, aware that they could not rely upon any creole or native servant, and informed by Colonel Canal that no dependence could be placed on the regiment, assembled in arms at the municipal buildings for self-defence. As the dusk of evening fell, Hidalgo entered the town. The excitement was intense, the population cheering the insurgents and hurling bitter denunciations against the Spaniards. Allende placed the prisoners brought from Dolores in the college of San Francisco de Sales, under the guardianship of Aldama, while he proceeded to arrest the Spaniards of the town. Through the representations of Canal, after some parley the latter were induced to yield without opposition and surrender their arms. Allende assured them that while he lived no harm should befall them, and thereupon they were removed to the college.

The Spaniards having thus been secured without bloodshed, no difficulty was found in winning over the soldiers of the garrison. The officers and troops of the queen's regiment of provincial dragoons were already predisposed to support Allende. In vain Major Camunñz endeavored at the barracks to hold them to their loyalty by representing that the rebels were partisans of the French. His words were received with an ominous silence, and when two of the officers raised a cheer for Allende and independence, Camuñez was made captive,^[61] and the whole regiment joined the insurgents. A portion of the Celaya infantry stationed there also declared for the cause of independence.

During the night and on the following morning the populace began to exhibit symptoms of violence, which afterward became uncontrollable. Having liberated the prisoners in the jail, with much uproar and cries of "Death to the gachupines!" they assembled in dense throngs before the houses of the Spanish residents, intent on pillage and destruction. Stores and private dwellings shared a like fate. Doors were battered in and the rabble ransacked and robbed ad libitum.^[62] Hidalgo endeavored to moderate these wild passions, and Allende, sword in hand, rode through the crowds threatening their death, until the disorder was stopped.

Our standpoint of morality depends on our teaching, if we still hold to our teachings, or to our line of independent thought, if we have any. The merchant's morality is different from that of the doctor, the priest's from that of the military man. While Hidalgo had as much conscience, as much heart and humanity, as Allende, whose profession was that of man-killer, he was now out on the work of an avenging angel, in so far as it was necessary for his work to assume that form. The Spaniards had robbed and insulted these many years. This was now to be stopped, whatever the cost. If the permission of pillage would add to the power of his cause, it were but small difference when the demon of murder was abroad. Our most refined and Christian civilization will kill human beings in battle by the hundred thousand, will commit horrible and wholesale butcheries without justice and without mercy, employing all the arts and advantages the mind can invent to injure and destroy the enemy—all for the cause, killing to prevent further killing; but over some few minor and comparatively insignificant injuries it raises its hands in holy horror, and cries out against them as barbaric and savage. Stuff and humbug! Savage warfare is no worse than civilized warfare, no less necessary, no less righteous. It may be a little less decent and refined; but what are refinement and decency beside butchery and body-mangling machines! All is as bad as it can be; the civilized men are the more to blame, however, for they should know better.

Hidalgo was a far more self-sacrificing, honorable, and humane man than the average military leader. But he was not hypocrite or fool enough to pretend that it was worse to take a dead man's goods than a living man's life. But the killing in war is done for the cause. True; and now pillage is permitted for the cause. It was not that he was in favor of robbery. But sacking a town he regarded as no worse than killing the people; and in his present emergency he deemed one as much a matter of necessity as the other. In any event, he would win this cause if within his power to do so.

Allende thought differently. He was a man of narrower mind, of more restricted ideas; he was a soldier, and felt bound by conventional rules and the regulations of his craft. He urged that they ought not to rely upon the common people, who were addicted to pillage, but upon disciplined troops. The discussion was continued with considerable warmth, until it became evident that two leaders at discord might prove fatal to the cause. Hidalgo, therefore, suggested that his own and Allende's authority should be defined, in order that each should act within the limits of his own powers, and Allende at once offered to surrender the supreme command to the cura, whose ability and influence he very sensibly deemed superior to his own. He expressed the determination, however, to separate himself from him if they should be unable to act in harmony. But all thought of independent action on the part of Allende was set at rest by the arrival somewhat later of a de spatch from Riaño, the intendente of Guanajuato, addressed to the subdelegado Bellogin, who was a prisoner at the time, and ordering the immediate arrest of Allende, Aldama, and, if possible, of Hidalgo, "because his talents, character, and reputation would render the revolution more vigorous and formidable." The post master having been also made captive, the letter was delivered to Allende, who, recognizing the truth of its comments on Hidalgo, insisted that the cura should retain supreme command, which he did.^[63]

The suddenness with which the insurgents had been compelled prematurely to proclaim their purpose had entirely overthrown their previous plans, and their future operations would in a great measure have to be guided by circumstances. To discipline overwhelming numbers, provide their followers with arms, and institute some degree of military tactics was now their object. In order to provide for public tranquillity, a conference was held in the evening, to which the principal citizens were convoked, and a junta, presided over by Aldama, was established.^[64] On the following day the work of organizing the forces was commenced. Officers from the grade of corporal to that of colonel were appointed; recruits were obtained from the surrounding haciendas, and lances constructed with the greatest diligence. A quantity of gunpowder, also, which was being conveyed from Mexico to the mines of Guanajuato, fell into the hands of the insurgents.

On the morning of the 18th Hidalgo led his forces, now counted by tens of thousands, out of San Miguel, after having appropriated what money there was in the treasury, and some belonging to the Spanish captives.^[65] Marching through the towns of San Juan de la Vega and Chamacuero,^[66] he moved toward Celaya, and approached the town on the evening of the 19th. The officers in command of the troops stationed there, deeming resistance useless, retired at night with some companions of the provincial regiment to Querétaro, accompanied by the European residents. On the night of the 19th, Hidalgo and Allende conjointly addressed a letter to the ayuntamiento, summoning the town to surrender, and threatening to put to death

Province of Guanjuato

their prisoners to the number of seventy-eight if opposition was offered.^[67] A man is never so old as to cease to be an enigma to himself, provided he continues to place himself in new and untried fields, and has sense and patience enough fully and fairly to regard himself. The burglar does not know how he would behave as a banker; the merchant does not know what his price would be were he a politician. So the lately humane man may become a bloody fanatic, and the soft radiance of charity may make tender the heart of the cruel. Men pride themselves upon their character as something adamantine, when all the time it may be but putty, never having been tried; were it so, it would change to white or black twenty times under as many and weighty influences.

The man of God behaves badly in the livery of the devil. He behaves worse than the devil. War is Satan's enginery, and he is the only one worthy to employ it, the only one who seems to win at it. God lights his enemies, we are told, and yet his enemies everywhere abound; he does not wholly overcome them. The sterner qualities of the soldier, resolved to win at all cost, were being developed in the parish priest of Dolores. Happily for these unfortunate Spaniards, no event occurred to cause the leaders to put their dreadful threat in execution. A copy of the despatch was sent by the ayuntamiento three hours after midnight on the 20th to the municipality of Querétaro, and on the same day Hidalgo was informed that no resistance would be offered to his entrance.

On the 21st the insurgents marched into the city. At the entrance of the plaza a spectator had stationed himself on a house-top to witness the marshalling of this motley army. The man was shot dead;^[68] and as if the report of this murderous gun were the preconcerted signal for onslaught, the work of violence began.^[69] Joined by the populace, the insurgents rushed in excited bands through the city, and erelong the houses of the Europeans were broken into, their furniture battered to pieces and cast into the streets, and every article of clothing, of common requirement, or of use in war, was carried off, and the rest was wantonly destroyed. Again remonstrances were laid before Hidalgo; but he maintained his previous views that numbers would insure success, and that a system of plunder would both weaken their foes and attract partisans to their own cause.^[70]

In taking this ground Hidalgo, as patriot and revolutionist—for he was both—has been severely censured. But there is much to be said in extenuation. Hidalgo claimed that the Indians had been wrong fully dispossessed of their lands, property, and rights in the first instance, and consequently the wealth the Spaniards and their descendants had thereby acquired was not theirs, but belonged to the aboriginal occupants of the soil and their descendants. Robbery and murder had been employed by the Spaniards in wresting the country from the Indians, and they would adopt the same measures to win it back. Further than this, he argued, it was his only resource. He had but few trained soldiers, and he had no money to pay these except what he could take from the enemy. If war is ever justifiable, this one was; there is no more sacred cause man can fight for than personal and political independence. If it is right to wage war and afterward force the losing side to pay the cost of all, as the great nations of the earth seem agreed, it is equally right to rob and plunder as hostilities proceed. All war is murder and robbery; it is in order to murder and rob each other that men go to war. I do not attempt to justify this course; I only say that such were the opinion and custom, to a great extent, in Mexico at this time, and were held and practised alike by both sides throughout the war for independence.

Before Hidalgo's entrance into Celaya his followers, who now amounted to fifty thousand, proclaimed him Captain-general of America,^[71] and he had conferred the rank of lieutenant-general on Allende, and corresponding grades on Aldama, Abasolo, ^[72] and other leaders. Here also he was joined by Captain Arias, whom the reader has lately seen playing the role of informer, while cautiously scheming for his self-protection.^[73]

The recognition of Hidalgo's rank and authority by the ayuntamiento might be beneficial; he therefore called a session of its members and the principal citizens on the 22d. Only two regidores presented themselves, the rest, being Europeans, having fled to Querétaro, whereupon the captain-general appointed others to the vacant offices, nominating Cárlos Camargo subdelegado.^[74] The new municipality acknowledged the authority of Hidalgo,^[75] who, having thus arranged matters in Celaya, and fearing that Querétaro was too well defended to be successfully assailed under the present condition of his troops, marched on the morning of the 23d in the direction of Guanajuato.^[76]

 

 

1. Consult Hist. Mex., vol. ii. 544-5, this series.
2. See Id., 540-4. The arms consisted of a cross with the sun for its pedestal and a bright star on either side. The figure of Santiago on horseback occupies the dexter base, and a palm tree and other plants the sinister base. The whole is surmounted by the royal arms of Castile and Leon. I give herewith a plan of the city from Quere.taro, Orden. que para la Division. See also Zelaa é Hidalgo Glorias de Quer., 2-3, containing plan of city, p. 243.
3. Id., 38-40. Linaz was born at Arta, in the island of Majorca, in January 1635, became a friar in 1653, and presbítero in 1659. His name, Jesus María,— was derived from the convent in which he was novitiate. In 1664 he arrived in Michoacan from Spain and was elected guardian of the convent of Valladolid in 1671, and in 1674 was appointed custodio to attend the general chapter held in Spain in 1682. He returned in 1683 to found the colegio de propaganda fide. Linaz fasted much, and at times fell into ecstatic trances while at prayer. Miraculous virtues are attributed to him, which he continued to manifest after his death, which occurred at Madrid on the 29th of June, 1693. Espinosa, Cron. Apost., i. 93-251, 320-1, 80-4.
4. Espinosa, after describing the reforms, speaks of a citizen, who having been absent for some time, on his return as he approached the city inquired of one whom he met on the road what news there was in Querétaro. 'Señor,' replied the man, 'Querétaro is no more Querétaro; some priests have come, and no longer are there fandangos as before; sadness prevails, no harp or guitar is heard; there is nothing but praying and preaching, so that the place has lost its mirth.' Id., 54-5. Consult also Arricivita, Cron. Seraf., 8-9, 34-5, 174-82, 201-6. The miraculous cross was removed from its original site in 1701 and placed in the crucero of the church of this convent, Espinosa, Cron. Apost., i. 19; Glorias de Quer., 39.
5. Oslo had previously proved himself a munificent benefactor by his liberal donations to numerous religious institutions, in several instances defraying the entire cost of the erection of chapels and convents. He was a captain of infantry, became alcalde mayor of Querétaro, and was finally ordained priest. He possessed a large fortune which he devoted to such purposes and charity. He died in Querétaro on the 11th of April, 1707, at the age of 73, 'y fué sepultado en la Santa Casa de Loreto, dentro de una caxa de hierro, mandando poner por epitafio solo estas breves palabras. Hæc requies mea.' Sigüenza y Góagara, Glorias de Quer., 19; Iglesias, Rel., 157-8.
6. Id., 95-171; Medina, Chron., S. Diego Mex., 254; Diario, Mex., 117.
7. Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., 271-3, 457-8. In 1740 the number of missions was 17, ten of which were founded by Franciscans and seven by Dominicans. Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnog., 260-1; Arricivita, Cron. Scrdf., 16971; Sigüenza y Góngara, Carta al Almir, MS., 10-11.
8. Querétaro, Ordenanza qué para la Division.
9. For an account of the festivities held in celebration of the completion of the aqueduct see Navarrete, Relac. Peregrin., no. i. 63-163.
10. Navarrete says: 'Esta Canñda es para Querétaro lo que Aranjuez para Madrid, Versallas para París, Frascati para Roma, y la Favorita para Viena.' Relac. Peregrin., 6.
11. A full account of these springs is given by Beaumont, Trat. de la Aqua Mineral. Mexico, 1772.
12. 'Goza el grande, raro y apreciable privilegio de que jamas se ha experimentado en ella temblor alguno de tierra.' Zelaa é Hidalgo, Glorias de Quer., 10.
13. Querétaro, Dos Palabras, 4-5; Diar. Mex., ii. 167.
14. Humboldt, Essai Pol, 666-9; Raso in Soc. Mex. Geog., iii. 198-9. In all the manufacturing industries 9,216 persons were employed, of whom 2,700 were women. In commercial and agricultural pursuits 2,234 persons were occupied. From this date to 1810 an increase in industries of one fifth is observable. Id., 200. In 1803 the population of the city was 50,000 souls. Its ayuntamiento was composed of a corregidor, two ordinary alcaldes, twelve regidores, two honorary regidores, a procurador, syndic, and escribano mayor y de cabildo. Glorias de Quer., 5-6.
15. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 9. At these conferences with Allende, Hidalgo continually and prophetically expressed his opinion that 'the authors of such enterprises never enjoyed the fruits of them.' Ib. Negrete, however, states that he went several times to Querétaro. 'Varios viajes aunque de una manera occulta, hizo a Querétaro Hidalgo, con el objeto de fomentar la revolucion. ' Hist. Mex. Sig. XIX., i. 83.
16. Copies of his baptismal certificate can be seen in Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 210-11, and in Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii., app. 75-6. Liceaga, ut sup. 15, 17, however, and Zamacois make the mistake of assigning 1769 as the year of his birth.
17. Ignacio had two brothers, Domingo and José María, the former dying before the revolution, the latter taking no part in it. Id., 355. There were also three sisters, Jossefa, Maríana, and Manuela. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 15-16.
18. 'Era un sugeto bien educado, insinuante y fino, de tal fuerza que detenía un toro por las hastas.' Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 290. See also Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 27. Pedro José Sotelo, an eye-witness, speaking of a bull fight in which Allende took part, says: 'En esta corrida toreó D. Ignacio Allende, y luchó con un toro, con cuya accion dejó admirados a los espectadores.' Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 322.
19. 'Habia merecido los elogios del virey Iturrigaray, principalmeute porque adiestrando este el exército acantonado en las maniobras y ardides de guerra aquel le sorprehendió en una noche con toda su guardia.' Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 290.
20. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 9.
21. A copy of the marriage document is supplied by Liceaga, ut sup. 211-12. 'Alaman,' Hist. Mej., i. 356, 'anade con su bondad acostumbrada, que era muy inclinado al juego, á las mujeres y á toda clase de disipaciones; pero no he encontrado hecho alguno que justifique estas aseveraciones.' Gallo, Hombres llust. Mex., iii. 351.
22. Liceaga on p. 18 gives a list of 22 of his principal associates.
23. Liceaga argues forcibly that the San Miguel meetings were organized prior to those held in Querétaro, and that Allende was the first promoter of the revolution. Adic. y Rectific., 21-7.
24. Mora makes no mention of this intention of mild treatment. Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 13.
25. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 348; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 160-1. Mora, however, states that 'San Miguel el Grande. . . se constituyó el centro y foco de la revoiucion.' Ut sup., 15.
26. Liceaga, ut sup., 19-20. Mora states, however, 'se fijó el dia 1 de octubre para hacer el pronuciamiento en Querétaro, Guanajuato, San Miguel, y otros lugares.' Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 16. Again from an official document in the national archives it is reported to the government that 'segun dijo Lanzagorta á Galvan, el proyecto debia tener efecto en todo Septiembre.' Zerecero, Disc. Civ., 21. Guerra gives November 1st as the date. Rev. N. Esp., i. 291. Hidalgo states that October 2d was the day finally appointed for the uprising. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 14.
27. Tradition affirms that Ana María was an orphan in the house of Gallaga, and that while waiting at table, on the occasion of Don Cristóbal's first visit, her grace and beauty won his heart. Gallo, Hombres Illust., iii. 240.
28. A copy of his baptismal registry will be found in Alaman, Hist, Mej., iii. app. 75. Documents establishing the place and date of his birth are supplied by Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 455-72.
29. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 351. Montaña, Caracter Polit. y Marcial, in a metrical fable published shortly after the battle of Aculco represents Hidalgo as a fox, and Allende as a serpent, leading their followers, 'una lucida tropa polla,' to destruction. The closing lines are:
    

    'Lector, si tu no entiendes
    Lo quo quiere decir la fabulilla:
    No importa: entenderálo la gabilla
    Que á los Hidalgos sigue y los Allendes.'

30. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 291. 'Los perdió al juego en Maravatio, al hacer el viaje á México para solicitarlo.' Alaman, ut sup., 352.
31. I have in my possession an original autograph letter of Hidalgo written while he was the cura of Colima. It is dated Colima, July 20, 1792, and signed 'Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla,' with his rúbrica affixed to the signature. It is addressed to the cura of the pueblo de Elagualulco, and relates to ecclesiastical formalities required to be observed with respect to the second marriage of an Indian named Pascual de los Santos with a free mulatto woman.
32. Guerra, loc. cit. Negrete says $8,000 or $9,000 'un año con otro.' He generously divided this stipend with a clergyman named Francisco Iglesias, whom he employed in assisting him in his clerical duties. Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX., I, 79.
33. This study attracted his attention while at the college of San Nicolás, of which he was appointed rector, 'y la desarrolló cuando fué cura en la villa de S. Felipe y congregacion de Dolores.' Bustamante. Cuadro Hist., i. 264.
34. Hidalgo knew French well, 'cosa bastante rara en aquel tiempo en especial entre los eclesiasticos.' Alaman, loc. cit.
35. 'Leia y tenia algunas obras literarias y politicas proibidas severamente por la inquisicion y desconocidas para el comun de los Mejicanos.' Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 8.
36. 'Poseido del abominable vicio de la luxuria.' Diaz Calvillo, Sermon (1811), 107.
37. Consult Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 78, et seq. Afterward the inquisition continued the charges with additional ones, and proceeded against Hidalgo with every severity, publishing a memorable edict on the 13th of October, 1810. In it heresy, blasphemy, and profession of the doctrines of Luther were charged. On the score of morality it contains this extraordinary accusation: 'Teneis por inocente y licita la polucion y fornicacion, como efecto necesario y consiguiente al mecanismo de la naturaleza, por cuyo error habeis sido tan libertino, que hicisteis pacto con vuestra manceba de que os buscase mugeres para fornicar, y que para lo mismo le buscariais a ella hombres, asegurandola que no hay infierno, ni Jesucristo.' Dispos. Varias, iii. f. 152. Consult also Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 60-1. This author considers that the early inaction of the inquisition was partly due to the fact that Bishop Abad y Queipo, in matters of opinion, was somewhat implicated with Hidalgo. The fact that these charges were brought against an excommunicated and rebel priest renders them unworthy serious consideration.
38. For minute particulars consult extracts from documents in the Mexican archives supplied by Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 286-97.
39. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 18-9. Alaman states that he was playing at cards in the house of Camuñez, the major of his corps, when he received the advice from Guanajuato. Hist. Mej., i. 373. Riaño's action with regard to Hidalgo was probably influenced by friendship, as the cura was a frequent visitor at his house. See Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iii. 42.
40. Such is Alaman's account of the discovery of the plot. Hist. Mej., i. 361-6. Guerra says: 'Pero abortó el plan por la confesion en el articulo de la muerte del Canónigo de Valladolid Iturriaga, cómplice en la conspiracion, al cura de Querétaro Gil.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 292. Bustamante states simply that an ecclesiastic denounced the plot at 10 o'clock of the night of the 14th of September. Cuadro Hist., i. 31. Liceaga considers it probable that Arias first gave information. Adiciones y Rectif., 43. Consult also Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 52-58, for copies of documents addressed to the audiencia on the 11th of September; and the same author, Discurso Civic., 19-25, for information conveyed to the capital from August 11th to the above named date. Ochoa, on the 10th and 11th of September, sent despatches to Aguirre and the viceroy informing them of the meditated revolution, and forwarded a list of the principal persons concerned in it. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 64-8.
41. Alaman says that Dominguez locked the entrance gates of the house on his departure, and that Doña Joséfa signalled to Ignacio Perez, the prison alcalde, whose room was immediately beneath her recámara, by tapping thrice on the floor. Perez, being an ardent supporter of the revolution, considered the intelligence which she communicated through the wicket-grating so important that he undertook to convey the message himself. Not finding Allende at San Miguel, where he arrived at daylight on the 15th, he sought Aldama and informed him of what was taking place. Hist. Mej., i. 368-9. Liceaga states on the authority of a manuscript that two messengers, Francisco Lopez and Francisco Anaya, were also sent by the corregidora, the former alone arriving at the destination, and as late as five in the evening of the 15th. That Allende, however, should have already left for Dolores on the arrival of Perez, being informed of danger by the intercepted order for his arrest, he considers not probable, since his inactivity under the circumstances for 24 hours would be inexplicable. Moreover, citizens of San Miguel affirmed that he was in that town on the morning of the 15th, attending with his troops a religious ceremony, and was seen there as late as 5 o'clock in the afternoon. From the evidence, therefore, this author concludes that Hidalgo and Allende acted immediately upon receipt of the news from Querétaro, and did not waste a day in indecision. Adiciones y Rectific., 44-5. Liceaga's conclusion is proved to be correct by the statements of Sotelo, a participator in the proceedings. He asserts that Allende arrived at Dolores at ten on the night of the 15th of September. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 322.
42. 'Pero aquel contestó de una manera desabrida, diciendo que se veia en aquel compromiso por haberse fiado de quienes no debiera y que ya tenia tomado su partido.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 309.
43. 'La manana de 15 al 16 una faccion de europeos regentados por el alcalde ordinario D. Juan Ochoa, y como trescientos soldados del regimiento de Celaya, auxiliados por García Rebollo, sorprendieron al Lic. Dominguez. ' Bustamante, Cuadro Hist., i. 31.
44. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 74-5.
45. Bustamante states that her daughters were not allowed to speak with the servants who attended on her. Cuadro Hist., i. 32.
46. Throughout this war the Mexican people, Creoles, Indians, and mestizos, are often called 'Americanos,' and sometimes 'gente del pais.'
47. Bustamente regards this exhibition of authority with great contempt. He ironically represents Aguirre as suggesting, 'que en el caso, lo que convenia hacer, seria mandar al alcalde de crimen D. Juan Collado á Querétaro con un escribano y algunos porquerones,' and adds that the viceroy accepted the advice and Collado the office, the latter appointing José María Moya his escribano, and 'corchete mayor á D. Antonio Acuña que en Mexico desempeñaba la plaza de capitan de sala.' Ib.
48. Venegas disapproved Collado's action and removed him from the audiencia. Id., 36. Dominguez was a man of great literary ability and acquirements. As a magistrate, both his talents and integrity were justly appreciated by the public. Having occupied in the Mexican capital an official position of importance and trust with regard to both public and private business of the viceroy, his strict attention to his duties and his fidelity gained him the favor of Marquina, who appointed him to the corregimiento of Querétaro, an office so important and lucrative that it was regarded as equal to an intendencia. The salary was 4,000 pesos, and other sources of income amounted to as much more. Under the administration of Iturrigaray, Dominguez was instructed to reform the abuses which existed in the cloth factories at Querétaro. The system under which these were conducted reduced a large proportion of the operatives to actual slavery—a pecuniary advance making them subject to thraldom remorselessly exacted by their employers. Dominguez effected the necessary reforms, and drew upon him self the enmity of the owners, who were mostly Europeans. Nevertheless, his public conduct, and the faithfulness with which he managed the large estate and fortune left in his charge by Doña Joséfa Vergara for beneficent purposes, won for him the regard of the inhabitants of Querétaro. Zamacois attributes the easy acquittal of Dominguez either to policy on the part of Collado, who considered it might be prudent to show generosity when the revolution had already commenced, or to the pressure of a threat expressed by the Indian inhabitants of the Cañada that they would rise in revolt if the corregidor were not released. Hist. Mej., vi. 324. That the corregidor was enabled to maintain bis position at such a crisis speaks loudly to his credit as possessing a strong hold on the regards of both parties—or as a consummate political craftsman.
49. Guerra states that Allende 'conoció su peligro por este murmurio público, ó tal vez, por que su mismo gefe Canal le avisó de la orden que habia recibido de Mexico para prenderle.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 292. As 'este murmurio' has reference to the arrest of Dominguez on the night of the 15th, Guerra is in error, since Allende was at that time on his way to Dolores.
50. This is the statement of Sotelo, an eye-witness. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 322. Alaman gives a different account, derived from statements made at the trials of Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and others. He states that Allende went to Dolores on the 14th, and that the news of the arrests at Querétaro was brought by Aldama, who only arrived at Dolores at two o'clock in the morning of the 16th; that the cura was roused from his bed, and exclaimed: 'Gentlemen, we are lost; the only resource left is to seize gachupines.' Hist. Mej., i. 373-4. In view of the narration of Sotelo, who was present on the occasion, and taking into consideration the statements made in the trials, I follow Sotelo's version.
51. Accounts differ as to their number. Sotelo gives a list of twenty-one names, without including any of the leaders and others whose names were not known. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 330. Negrete supplies a list of 43 names, only two of which appear in that of Sotelo. Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX., i. 134-5. The number in all must have been far in excess of that given by many Mexican historians, the smallness of which is incompatible with the success attained. Alaman states that Hidalgo, supported by his brother Maríano, José Santos Villa, Allende, Aldama, and ten armed men whom he retained in his house, 15 in all, proceeded to execute the design of seizing the Spanish residents. Hist. Mej., i. 375. Liceaga maintains that there were only ten engaged in the undertaking. Rectific. y Adic., 53. Mora, who incorrectly mentions Abasolo as being present, as also does Negrete in his list, says: 'Con diez hombres pues, de los cuales cinco eran forzados, se procedió a prender los Españoles del lugar.' Mej. y sus Rev., 20. Guerra's statement that Allende left San Miguel with 50 soldiers of his company on the 13th of September for Dolores, and increased his force to 800 men on his march by de claring that he was going to liberate the corregidor Dominguez, is utterly at variance with facts.
52. Liceaga disputes this fact, but the evidence is conclusive. Consult Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 17, 40; ii. 323.
53. On page 55 of his Adic. y Rectific., Liceaga gives a list of 13 names of Spaniards made prisoners. Bustamante states that only seven were seized. Cuad. Hist., i. 22. Alaman says the number was seventeen. Hist. Mej., i. 376-7.
54. During the morning a message was sent to Maríano Abasolo, inviting him to join the cause, which he did without hesitation, according to Sotelo's statement. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 323.
55. Long live our lady of Guadalupe, perish the bad government, perish the Spaniards!
56. An implement for cutting grass, sugar-cane, brush, etc., in the shape of a broadsword without hilt, and sometimes slightly curved, the sharpened edge being in that case on the convex curve.
57. Mora, Mej. y sus. Rev., iv. 21. Negrete states that Hidalgo marched ontof Dolores with only about 80 men, which number as he advanced was increased to 300. Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 19-20. Sotelo says: 'Mirando que ya se contaba con un numero considerable de gente adicta, resolvió organizarla en forma de tropa.' Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 323.
58. Alaman states that Hidalgo took it from the sacristy and raised it on a lance in order to support his enterprise by the religious devotion which his followers entertained for the sacred emblem. This is refuted by Liceaga, who explains that one of the insurgents procured a copy of the picture from 'Doña Ramona N. que vivía alli como otras, con el nombre de beatas,' and that it was hoisted upon a clothes-pole. The enthusiasm it roused caused the leaders to adopt it as a banner. Adic. y Rectific., 58. Zamacois supports Alaman's statement on the strength of Hidalgo's declaration. Hist. Mex., vi. 253; Hernadez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 13.
59. Other banners with a like design were in time procured and borne along in all parts of Hidalgo's army. 'Ami existe en poder del hi jo del denodado insurgente Victor Resales, el diseno original de la primera bandera de Hidalgo que tenia la forma de un estandarte, que fue hecho con uno de los palios de la parroquia de Dolores, y sobre el cual se puso un escudo muy parecido ai adoptado despues de la independencia y era de papel negro recortado.' Gallo, Hombres Ilust., 272.
60. Authors differ with regard to this statement. Mora asserts that the authorities were completely surprised, and knew nothing of the movement until Hidalgo was at their door; but Liceaga more reasonably affirms that news of what had taken place in Dolores reached San Miguel early. I have accepted his version as being the more probable. He gives a list of the principal Spanish residents in San Miguel. Adic. y Rectific., 58-60.
61. Colonel Canal, if he did not actually favor the movement, was indifferent. He had, however, been succeeded in the command by Camuñez that morning. Liceaga, ut sup., 61.
62. According to Torrente, Hist. Rev., i. 143, not-even creoles' houses were spared. 'Se lanzaron como lobos rabiosos contra todos los europeos i contra sus propiedades, sin perdonar á sus mismos compatriotas.'
63. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 65-7.
64. The other members were, Padre Manuel Castilblanque, Felipe Gonzalez, Miguel Vallejo, Domingo Unzaga, and Vicente Umaran. The administration of the aduana and of the tobacco monopoly was given to Antonio Agaton de Lartiendo, and that of the post-office to Francisco Rebelo. Id., 68.
65. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., 22. Maríano Hidalgo, brother of the cura, was appointed treasurer. One dollar a day was paid a cavalryman and half that sum to a foot-soldier. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 381.
66. At this last place he made captive the cura, who was a European. Gaz. de Mex., 1810, 811.
67. The captive Spaniards had been brought with them, surrounded by the dragoons of the queen's regiment. The following is a translation of the document, a copy of which is to be found in Alaman, Hint. Mej., i. app. 50-1: 'We have approached this city with the object of securing the persons of all the European Spaniards. If they surrender at discretion, their persons will be treated with humanity; but if on the contrary resistance should be made, and the order to fire upon us be given, they will be treated with a corresponding rigor. May God protect your honors many years. Field of battle, September 19, 1810. Miguel Hidalgo, Ignacio Allende. P. S. The moment that the order is given to open fire upon our troops, the seventy-eight Europeans whom we have in our power will be beheaded. Hidalgo, Allende. Sres. del Ayuntamiento de Celaya.'
68. Alaman states that he was the coachman of Manuel Gomez Linares, and denies Abasolo's statement during his trial that the man first fired at the insurgent troops, Id., 384. This incident is not accepted by some authors. Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 24.
69. Mora says: 'La señal de posesion que se dió al vecindario fué una descarga general de todas las armas de fuego verificada en la plaza, y que fué el toque de llamamiento para el destrozo y el saqueo.' Max. y sus Rev., iv. 26.
70. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 288; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i. 10.
71. Id., ii. 107, 109. See his summons to surrender, addressed to the intendente of Guanajuato, in Alaman, ut sup., 421. Mora comments on the absurdity of this title. True, it smacks somewhat of worldly vanity; but after all, I do not see why it is not as good as another. Mex. y sus Rev., iv. 27. Two companies of the Celaya regiment, which had failed to unite with the troops that retired to Querétaro, joined the insurgents.
72. Maríano Abasolo was at this time 27 years of age. He was a native of Dolores, and the son of a wealthy Spaniard who left him a large fortune, which was still further increased by marriage with the heiress Doña María Manuela Taboada. At his trial, some months later, he deposed that he had not been connected with the revolt previous to the grito de Dolores. The influence of Hidalgo, and his friendship for Allende, being a captain in the same regiment with him, appear to have induced him to join their cause. His sergeant, José Antonio Martinez, afterward executed in Mexico, declared that Abasolo commanded him to deliver up to Hidalgo the arms in the barracks at San Miguel. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 356-7; Dicc. Univ. Hist., i. 12-13.
73. Alaman states that Arias was always regarded with suspicion by the insurgent leaders, while Zamacois affirms that he was received by Hidalgo with delight, and repudiates the charge brought against Arias of having given information about the revolt. Hist. Mej., vi. 292.
74. Camargo did not sympathize with the movement; and he advised the viceroy of the circumstances, protesting his fidelity. Venegas ordered him to remain in the position, with the full consent of the government. The insurgents in Celaya, however, discovered this sicle-play, and Camargo escaped to Querétaro, pursued by a troop of cavalry. The exertion and agitation threw him into a fever, and he died a few days afterward. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 100. Liceaga obtained his information from Abasolo's family, which was intimate with Camargo.
75. See Hidalgo's letter, Doc. 3, in Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 212. Alaman erroneously states that the municipality conferred the rank of captain-general upon Hidalgo. Liceaga corrects this mistake. The municipality had no power to appoint military commanders: it was by the proclamation of his troops that Hidalgo was made captain-general.
76. Additional authorities consulted for the preceding chapters are: Bustamante, Defensa, 27; Cuad. Hist., i. 1-11, 33, and iv. 40, 87-111, 138-40; Campañas de Callejè, 1-8; Martirologio, 4; Medidas Pacification, MS., ii. 45-59; Mem. p^a. la Hist. Mex., MS., i. 47-9; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i., passim; Disertacion, iii., ap. 86-7; Zavala, Rev. Mex., passim; Torrente, R. Hisp.-Am., i. 58-64; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., passim; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., i., passim; also ii. 5-42, and v. 60-3, 837-38, 853-60; Cancelada, Verdad Sabida, passim; Conducta Iturrigaray, 27-135; Tel. Mex., 415-20; Ruina de la N. Espan., passim; Gaz. Mex., xi.-xvi., passim; Diar. Mex., i. 91-2; iv. 65; also v. 149, 533; vi.-ix., passim; xi. 119-20, 350, and xii. 185-6, 219; Cedulario, MS., iv. 25; Guerra, Rev. de N. Mex., i., passim; Mayer, Mex. Azt., i. 127-281; Mora, Mex. y Sus Rev., i. 284-8; iii. 193-369; iv. 10-17; Rev. N. Ep. Censura, passim; Consejos, passim; Breves Reflex, passim; Fisiologia Cosa Pub., 35-6; Rosa, Discurso, 11; Lizarza, Discurso Vind. Iturrigaray, passim; Queipo, Canon. Peniten., passim; Col. Escritos, 70-131; Lull, Refutation, 21; Rev. Verdad. Orig., no. i. 67-84; no. ii., passim; Lizana y Beaumont, Cart. Past., passim; Pradt, Hist. Revol. Espan., 40-1; Pretensiones Anglo-Amer., 2; Noriega, Vindication, passim; Urrutia Jacobo, Voto, passim; Represent, al Virey, no. i. 6; no. ii. 5-8; Frost, Pict. Hist. Mex., 149; Indicador, iii. 221-73; Calvillo, Oration, passim; Entrada, Representation, passim; Fernandez, Engaños que á los Insurgentes, passim; Lastarria, La America, passim; Lafond, Voyage autour du Monde, i. 217-24; Galiano, Hist. Espana, vi. 337-8; Gonzalez, Hist. Est. Aguascal, 496; Guiridi y Alcocer, Sermones, passim; Presas Juicio Impartial, passim; Kottenkamp, Unabhangig., 1-45; Kennedy, Texas, i. 270-1; Rev. N. España, passim; Perez, Proclama, passim; Orizava, Ocurr., MS., 1-3; Michelena, Relacion, ii. 7; Martinez, Rev. Mex., i. 215-17; Mofras, Exploration de Oregon, i. 1-38; Modern Travels, Mex. and Guat., i. 101-2; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., no. v. 362-4; Las Clases Prod. Guadalaj., Sept. 15, 1878, 3; Mosaico Mex., ii. 462; Mendibil, Resumen, 1-6, 93; Mex. Album, Fotog., i. 14-15; Mex. Scraps, ii. 60; Lacunza, Discursos, xxxvi. 535; Arrangóiz, Mej., i., passim; Hidalgo, Biog. Cura, 30-1; Humboldt, Essai Pol, ii. 17-25; Cortés, Ofic, iv. 204-05, 215-18; Diar. Senado, ii., 79, 948-9; Foote, Texas, i 92-4; Edinburgh Review xiii. 277-311, 345-53; xv. 164-82; Democ. review, i. 268-9; Zamacois, Hist. Mex., vi., passim; viii app. 761, 768-9; ix. 864-5; x. 1335-84, 1422-8; xi. 649; Dublan y Lozano, Ley Mex., i. 326-7; Duvernois, Franzö. Interven. Mex., 18-21; Domenech, Hist. Mex., i. 312-13; ii. 11-12; Disposic. Varias, i. 135; Natl. Dem. Quart. Review, 1860, 232-3; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 592,900-11; app. i. 103-5; Cavo, Tres Siglos, viii. 225-64, 268; Conder, Mex. and Guat. 100-1; Brit. Quart. Review, vii. 242-8; Branciforte, Instruccion, MS., Amigo del Pueb., ii., no. 7, 206-24, 236-55; no. 8, 236-55; Annals Congress, 1806-7, 913-26; Amer. State Pap., ii. 596-695, 798-804; xii. 1-327, 388-434; Amer. Register, i. 71-3; ii. 79-83; Bib. Mex. Trat., i. 496; Beulluch, Mex., i. xx.-xxxv.; Campillo, Manifesto, 7; Carbro, Proclama, passim; Chevalier, Exped. Mex., 4-5, 17-40; Mexique, 331-8; Chateaubriand, Congress de Ver., ii. 230-43; Carson, State Register; Calvo, Annales Hist., vi. 11-34; Yucatan, Diccion. Hist., i. 295; Young, Hist. Mex., 73; Walton's Exposé, app. 7-10; Ward, Mex., vi. 155-6; Veracruzano, i. 76-7; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mej., 3; Stricker, Bibliothek, 36-40; Squier, Travels C. A., ii. 371-5; Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. 62-7, 566-75; Salo, Diar. Ofic., 5; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 212; Rivera, Gob., i. 127-8; Hist. Jalapa, i. 198-268; Revilla, Dice. Univer., v. 429; Mayer, MS., no. 11, passim; Quarty. Review, vii. 248-9, 257; xvii. 530-40; xxx. 171-2; Portilla, Expana en Mex., 117-98; Pike, Explor. Travels, 370-1, 386-436; Pinkerton, Mod. Geog., iii. 159-60, 174-6; Quinoñes, Descripcion, passim; Palafox, Iturriqaray, 21-2; Campillo, Exhortacion, passim; Tapia, Exhortacion, passim; Perez, Orar. Funeb., nos. ii. and iii., passim; Robertson, Reminiscences, 1-45; Robinson, Mex., 11-29; Iturrigaray, i. 18-20; Rev. des Deux Mondes, 1862, 516-32; Ordenes Corona, MS., iii'. 141, 155; v. 60, 128.