History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 7

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER VII.

HIDALGO'S MARCH TOWARD THE CAPITAL.

1810.

Military Preparation of Venegas — Action of the Church and Inquisition — Hidalgo's Reply — He Abolishes Slavery — His Administrative Measures at Guanajuato — A Refractory Ayuntamiento — Hidalgo Establishes a Mint — Marches against Valladolid — Additional Reënforcements — Hidalgo's Treasury — The Insurgents Move toward Mexico — Trujillo Despatched to Oppose their Advance — Trujillo's Character — Iturbide's Biography — Trujillo's Movements — The Battle of Las Cruces — The Royalists Force their Way Out — Their Defeat Regarded as a Triumph — Alarm in the Capital — Another Sacred Banner — Hidalgo Perplexed.

When Viceroy Venegas discovered how rapidly the rebellion was spreading, as day after day intelligence came of Hidalgo's progress and the defection of provincial troops, he saw that the affair was of a more serious nature than he had supposed possible. Without any definite knowledge of the country and its inhabitants, he had not the experience of even a few months of quiet administration to enable him to gain an in sight into affairs. His position was a difficult one; but he applied himself with energy to the task of holding New Spain to its allegiance. The dispersal of the army concentrated by Iturrigaray now proved prejudicial to his purpose. Scattered as the troops were in provincial towns widely separated, it was not only a difficult matter to collect on the moment any considerable force, but an opportunity of spreading disaffection in the ranks had been afforded the insurgents, and the military were already widely infected with revolutionary sentiments. At this period there were no European troops in New Spain; and though at a later date Spanish forces were sent into the country, their number was always greatly exceeded by that of the native regiments. Thus the combatants on either side were sons of the soil; and it is necessary to bear this in mind in order to appreciate the critical position in which the viceroy found himself at the outbreak of the rebellion, as well as the political division which existed in the ranks of the oppressed portion of the population. The total number of men which Venegas could count upon did not exceed ten or twelve thousand, the ranks and lower-grade officers of which were drawn almost exclusively from the mestizos, mulattoes, and other castes, the Indian element being small, since that race was exempt from military service. These troops, composed of regiments of the line and the provincial militia, although commanded by Spanish-European chiefs, were officered to a great extent by creoles. It is not, therefore, a matter of surprise that the viceroy's anxiety was extreme, in view of the doubtful loyalty of the military and the smallness of their number; although in this latter respect less fear was entertained by reason of the excellence of their organization and arms.

The first measure adopted by Venegas was to establish at Querétaro a force sufficient for the protection of that city. For this purpose, he ordered the provincial dragoon regiment of Puebla to hasten to the capital by forced marches; and on the 26th of September the Mexican infantry regiment of la Corona, under the command of Manuel Flon, conde de la Cadena and intendente of Puebla, was despatched from Mexico for Querétaro. A battery of four cannon, under the direction of Colonel Ramon Diaz de Ortega, was sent with these troops, who were joined a few days afterward by the Mexican dragoons of the line and those lately arrived from Puebla, with two battalions of grenadiers, each seven companies strong. The grenadiers were commanded by José Jalon, an officer who had accompanied Venegas from Spain, the whole force being under the direction of Flon as commander-in-chief. In order to provide for the security of the capital, now almost without garrison, the infantry regiments of Puebla, Tres Villas, and Toluca were withdrawn from those towns, and two battalions formed from the crews of the frigate Atocha and other vessels at Vera Cruz, and placed under the command of the naval captain Rosendo Porlier.^[1] Several battalions also of the volunteers of Fernando VII. were again raised in the city;^[2] and Yermo, in his patriotic zeal for the mother country, equipped and maintained at his own expense five hundred cavalry men drawn from the laborers on his estates.^[3] More over, Colonel Diego García Conde was appointed comandante of Valladolid and sent thither without delay in company with Manuel Merino, the intendente of that province, and the conde de Rul, colonel of the provincial infantry. Meanwhile the comandantes Felix María Calleja and Roque Abarca, of San Luis Potosi and Guadalajara respectively, were getting their brigades into efficient condition.

But military operations were not the only means employed to crush the rebellion. Prices were put upon the heads of Hidalgo, Allende, and Aldama by the government;^[4] the church excommunicated them,^[5] adding the usual anathemas; the inquisition cited Hidalgo to appear before it, charging him with heresy and apostasy, and raking up old accusations brought against him ten years previously.^[6] From the pulpit he was described as a demon of impiety, a monster of bane; and the royal university of Mexico gloried in the fact that he had never acquired the degree of doctor in that institution!^[7]

Every means, in fact, which would tend to prejudice the cause of independence was employed. The bishops and the higher clergy issued exhortations to loyalty, representing, in the darkest colors, the object of the insurgents as selfish, and their intentions as impious. The archbishop published edicts and pastorals;^[8] politicians and officials, barristers, learned doctors of theology, and scribblers, heaped execrations on the authors of the revolution, and the press teemed with loyal productions in prose and doggerel verse, heaping abuse upon Hidalgo, and printed by permission of the supreme government.^[9] The viceroy issued proclamations, and denounced the rumors which prevailed of the cession of Mexico to France as groundless, attributing their origin to Hidalgo.^[10] At the same time, town officers, governors, and other authorities were urged to express their fidelity to Spain, and their detestation of the revolution; while in order to conciliate the Indians they were relieved from the payment of tribute,^[11] and measures taken for the improvement of their condition.

This action at first was not without effect, and the capital and many other cities remained loyal. The heaviest blow sustained by the revolutionists was that dealt by the church and inquisition. The awful denouncement of the leaders as heretics, their terrible punishment of greater excommunication, and the dread of the same appalling fate falling on them, working upon an ignorant and superstitious people, decided for a time the vacillating and deterred the disaffected. Hidalgo fully recognized that he had to fight with weapons other than those used on the battle-field; and some weeks later he caused to be published in Guadalajara, which had fallen into his power, a reply to the citation of the inquisition and its charges against him. In this proclamation he solemnly declares that he had never departed from the holy catholic faith; he rebuts the accusations of heresy by calling attention to flagrant contradictions in them;^[12] points out the evils with which the people of New Spain were oppressed, and calls on them to burst their bonds and establish a congress that shall dictate beneficent and discriminating laws suited to the several requirements of the different districts.

But other measures, also, were adopted by Hidalgo which inspired confidence in the uprightness of his motives, and afforded palpable illustrations of the benefits to be derived from independence. He ordered the emancipation of slaves, under penalty of death to their owners; he released Indians and persons of all castes from the payment of tributes;^[13] and on the 5th of December ordered the restoration of their lands to the Indians of the district of Guadalajara.^[14] By this policy Hidalgo succeeded in greatly counter acting the expedients to which his opponents resorted.

 

When some degree of order had been arrived at in Guanajuato, Hidalgo proceeded to make arrangements for the further progress of his enterprise. The more grievously wounded of the European prisoners were removed to the alhóndiga, where they were duly cared for; others were confined in the infantry barracks, while some few were allowed to return to their homes. At a later date all the European captives, including those brought from the different towns which the in surgents had passed through, were collected in the alhóndiga to the number of 247. Those who were allowed their liberty were, however, required to sign a written engagement not to take up arms against the independent cause, under penalty of death.^[15] Spanish ecclesiastics of both the secular and regular orders were also left free, and Hidalgo issued especial commands that they should in no way be molested.

Having secured for administrative expenses but a small proportion of the treasures deposited in the alhóndiga, he appropriated, as an unavoidable necessity, considerable sums belonging to private individuals.^[16] He next proceeded to organize the civil government of the province. Having summoned the ayuntamiento, he demanded to be recognized as captain-general of America, as had been done at Celaya, and stated that as it was his prerogative he should proceed at once to the appointment of alcaldes ordinaries. Thereupon he named José Miguel de Rivera Llorente and José María Hernandez Chico. A few days later he called an assembly of the ayuntamiento, the clergy, and principal citizens, for the purpose of appointing officers of the civil government. The ayuntamiento, however, was not well disposed to the new order of things; and when Hidalgo nominated the regidor Fernando Perez Marañon intendente, he declined the position, as also did the regidores José María Septiem, Pedro de Otero, and Martin Coronel. Hidalgo now became irritated, and when the regidores endeavored to explain that they could not reconcile ideas of independence with their oath of allegiance to Fernando VII., or the motto on his own standard, he angrily exclaimed: "There is no longer a Fernando VII.!"^[17] Finding the ayuntamiento thus intractable, without further delay Hidalgo appointed José Francisco Gomez, who had been adjutant major of the provincial infantry regiment of Valladolid, intendente of the province, with the rank of brigadier, Cárlos Montesdeoca his asesor ordinario, and Francisco Robledo promotor fiscal, giving them to understand that they must accept the appointments without demur.

The captain-general now turned his attention to the organization and equipment of his army. The cavalry was quartered in the mining establishments which had been sacked, and for the future protection of which he appointed Pedro Mariño as overseer, charged with the care of them. Two additional infantry regiments were raised; one at Valenciana, of which he appointed Casimiro Chovell colonel,^[18] and the other in Guanajuato, the command of which Hidalgo gave to Bernardo Chico.^[19] These troops were armed only with lances, an attempt made to convert quicksilver flasks into hand-mortars having failed. Hidalgo also endeavored, with but partial success, not only to cast cannon, but to fabricate them of wood, both kinds proving unserviceable. Numerous were the military appointments made by revolutionary leaders, among which may be mentioned that of José María Liceaga as lieutenant-colonel of the last-named regiment,^[20] who played a prominent part during the course of the revolution. Although Hidalgo's treasury now contained more than half a million pesos, inconvenience arose because so much of it was in silver bars. The establishment of a mint was therefore necessary, and on the 5th of October the work of constructing the machinery and dies was commenced, José Maríano de Robles being made superintendent. The establishment was almost completed by the 25th of November, when the Spanish army under Calleja entered Guanajuato and took possession of it.^[21]

Hidalgo was fully informed of the preparations for the suppression of the rebellion which were being made by Calleja at San Luis Potosi,^[22] as well as of the measures that had been taken for the protection of Querétaro, and therefore decided, to march against Valladolid. On the 8th of October he sent forward a detachment of three thousand men under the command of Maríano Jimenez, whom he had made colonel, and on the 10th followed with the main body, leaving the European prisoners still in the alhóndiga under guard.^[23]

The reader will recollect that when the bishopric of Michoacan was established in 1536, Tzintzuntzan was elected as the cathedral town.^[24] In 1554, however, the episcopal seat was removed to Patzcuaro,^[25] whence it was finally transferred in 1580 to the city of Valladolid, in conformity with a bull issued by Pius V. in 1571.^[26] This city was originally founded by Cristóbal Olid in the valley of Guayangaréo, which name was bestowed upon the town and retained until 1540, when it was refounded and formally settled by Viceroy Mendoza, who changed the name to that of Valladolid in honor of his birthplace in Spain. For the purpose of insuring its stability and prosperity, Mendoza sent several noble Spanish families from Mexico to the revived settlement, and among the first settlers mention must be made of Juan de Villaseñor Cervantes, from whose family Iturbide was descended. In 1553 Charles V. ennobled the city and granted it a coat of arms.^[27] From the time of the removal of the episcopal seat to Valladolid the progress of the city was steady; and though not situated near any of the great commercial highways, its population so increased, owing to the general prosperity of the province, that at the beginning of the eighteenth century the number of families there was some five thousand. At this time Michoacan had become one of the largest and most important divisions of New Spain, its principal wealth being derived from its prolific soil, which yielded two crops annually.^[28] It was during this century that the

Arms Of Valladolid.		Arms Granted In 1553.

province underwent a great physical convulsion. In the department of Ario, in the southern portion of the territory, extends a vast plain of wonderful fruitfulness, occupied by rich plantations of cotton, indigo, and sugar-cane. Here was situated the hacienda of San Pedro de Jorullo, famous throughout Michoacan for its size, value, and productiveness. On this estate immense herds of cattle were raised, and extensive tracts planted with sugar-cane and indigo.^[29]

Toward the end of June 1759, the people on the hacienda were thrown into great alarm by the sound of subterranean rumblings and heavy, dull reports. Later these noises were accompanied by shocks of earthquake, which kept increasing in number and intensity. A prediction was current among the laborers that the hacienda would be destroyed by fire issuing from the bowels of the earth on San Miguel's day, and wild consternation now prevailed. In September great numbers of them abandoned their work and fled to the mountains for safety. Spiritual aid was sought, and on the 21st a novena of masses was commenced and confessions were heard. But these ceremonies were ineffectual to quell the subterranean thunderings, or allay the agitation of the Indians, who continued to take refuge on the neighboring heights. On the 29th, San Miguel's day, with fearful uproar the laboring earth burst open at about a mile from the buildings of the hacienda, belching forth flames and hurling burning rocks to prodigious heights through a dense cloud of ashes rendered lurid by volcanic fire. A new volcano had arisen. The ground to the extent of three or four square miles swelled up like a bladder, the centre of which burst, exhibiting a fiery abyss, surrounded by thousands of small cones or earth-bubbles.^[30] Into the chasms the waters of Cuitamba and San Pedro were precipitated, increasing the commotion. Deluges of hot mud were hurled over the surrounding land, while columns of flame blazed upward to such a height that they were visible at Pátzcuaro. The houses of Querétaro, distant more than forty-eight leagues in a straight line, were covered with ashes. The beautiful hacienda of Jorullo was destroyed, as well as other plantations, by the volcanic deposits of sand and mud and stones.^[31] Great numbers of live-stock perished, and hundreds of families were reduced to want. In the centre of the ovens six enormous masses were projected to the height of from 1,300 to 1,650 feet above the old level of the plain. The most elevated of these is the volcano of Jorullo.

The limits of Michoacan were not distinctly defined till 1787, when the intendencias were founded, previous to which time the political government had been invested in alcaldes mayores and corregidores, and governors.^[32] The extent of the ancient province was much larger than the state of the present day, since it comprised the territory of the modern state of Guerrero. Besides this reduction, minor variations have been made in its boundary lines, and its present area contains about 3,620 square leagues, its greatest length being 94 and its greatest width 66 leagues. On the south-west it is bounded by the Pacific, its coast line being thirty-nine leagues in length. Michoacan is abundantly watered by rivers abounding in fine fish of many varieties, from the quantity and excellence of which the state derives its name, which means in the Tarascan tongue the land of fish.^[33]

When the authorities at Valladolid became aware of the danger which threatened their city, they were greatly disturbed, the more so because they found themselves without a governor or military chief. They nevertheless made some show of preparations for defence, beginning to cast cannon and enlist soldiers under the direction of the bishop Abad y Queipo and the prebendado Agustin Ledos. News, however, presently arrived of the capture near Acámbaro of the intendente Merino, the comandante García Conde, and Colonel Rul by the guerrilla chief Luna,^[34] and this so disheartened them that, on the approach of Hidalgo, all thought of resistance was laid aside, and the bishop, most of the chapter, and many Europeans hastily left the capital and proceeded by different routes to Mexico.^[35]

In following the career of a great personage, we cannot but note how easily and naturally genius falls into any position, and adapts the man to the circumstances. So it was with Hidalgo: lately a humble priest, now at the head of a large army, fighting battles, making and unmaking rulers, and all with calmness and facility as if he had been accustomed to the work from his youth. Not that the cura was by any means a proficient soldier; on the contrary, he was no soldier at all, did not pretend to be one, and would have been filled with joy unbounded were there any other means at hand to secure his sacred cause. He was not even a cunning man of the world. He was not working for greatness of name or ambition, or for money or power. He would have his country move toward independence. The full glory of it he never expected to see. Yet he would do what he could; his life he would cheerfully give. Such was the quality of his greatness, patriotic, pure, amiable, ethereal, not crafty, not subtle, and not always the most successful.

On the 15th of October the van of the insurgents arrived at the suburbs of Valladolid without opposition; and on the 17th Hidalgo came up in person, the number of his forces now amounting to sixty thousand.^[36] His reception was not wholly to his liking; for al though a commission came out to meet him, and the bells sounded a welcome, when he found that the cathedral was closed on dismounting in front of it to render thanks for his successful entry, he was very indignant. Nor was his anger allayed when, the gates having been at last opened by the servants of the sacristy, he was received only by the chaplains of the choir, and the te deum was badly chanted to peals of the organ abominably played.^[37] He resented the slight by forthwith pronouncing vacant all the canonical seats except three.^[38]

On the departure of the bishop, the canon, conde de Sierra Gorda, had been left in charge of the mitre, and Hidalgo intimated to him that it would be well to remove the excommunication fulminated against himself and his followers by the fugitive prelate. The obsequious canon complied; the proclamation was taken from the doors of the churches, and circulars sent to the curas in the diocese, informing them that the leaders of the revolutionists had incurred no ecclesiastical censure, and instructing them to read to their flocks on a feast day the removal of the excommunication.^[39]

Before entering the city, Hidalgo had promised a commission sent out to receive him that rights of property should be respected, and during the entry no violence was attempted. But the taste for spoils among the natives once gratified was not easily controlled. Next day several Spanish houses were assaulted and sacked. Hard as it was to learn, a lesson of discipline must be given. Allende opened fire on his men. Several were killed and wounded; the crowds dispersed and the disorder was stopped.^[40] It had hardly ceased, however, before a more serious trouble occurred. The Indians, accustomed to simple diet, had given themselves up to gluttony and drunkenness, gorging themselves with sweetmeats and fruits, and pouring down spirituous liquors like water. The consequence was that a deadly sickness broke out, carrying off many in a few hours. The cry was raised that the aguardiente had been poisoned. Allende, by his presence of mind, however, suppressed the tumult. Drinking in the presence of the multitude a cup of the condemned liquor, he proved to the Indians that their fears were groundless.^[41]

At Valladolid Hidalgo's force was increased by the important addition of well armed and well disciplined troops. They consisted of the regiment of provincial infantry, the regiment of the Michoacan dragoons, more generally known by the name of the Pátzcuaro regiment, and eight companies of recruits lately raised and equipped by the bishop and chapter. Additional cannon were also added to his artillery, a means of warfare which the first leaders of the revolution regarded with too high an estimation, directing their principal attention to the casting of as many and as large pieces as possible. Experience taught them their mistake; for to unskilled gunners artillery was of little service.

Having concluded his military preparations, and placed José María Anzorena at the head of the government,^[42] Hidalgo, who had already decided to march against the capital without delay, left Valladolid on the 20th of October,^[43] taking with him nearly all the church funds, and those of private individuals deposited for security in the coffers of the cathedral. Besides these funds, which amounted to $200,000, he obtained other large sums from the residents of Valladolid. Aware that Calleja's preparations would soon be completed, Hidalgo hurried forward. At Acámbaro he held a review of his forces, now numbering 80,000, an unwieldy, disorderly mass, which

Hidalgo's March Against Mexico.

he divided into regiments of infantry and cavalry, each 1,000 strong. Here he was proclaimed generalisimo^[44] at a council of the chiefs, and he conferred on Allende the rank of captain-general; Aldama, Ballerza, Jimenez, and Joaquin Arias being appointed lieutenant-generals. From Acámbaro the generalísimo directed his march by way of Maravatío, Tepetongo, and Ixtlahuaca, and rapidly approached the capital.

When intelligence was received in Mexico of Hidalgo's coming, Venegas laid his plans to oppose him. He had already at his disposal forces amounting to 7,000 men,^[45] and despatched Lieutenant-colonel Torcuato Trujillo with a portion of them to watch Hidalgo's movements, and, if possible, arrest his advance.^[46] Trujillo had accompanied Venegas from Spain, and the viceroy, who as yet had but little confidence in Mexican commanders in spite of their protestations, deemed it prudent to place one of his own men at the head of so important an undertaking. It was not altogether a happy choice. Trujillo, indeed, was faithful enough; but he had one fault, he was a fool. Conceited, shallow-headed, he soon succeeded in exciting the profound disgust of all around him. As a man, his followers hated him; as a soldier, they held him in contempt. His conduct as a military commander was marked by cruelty and treachery. In after days the sound of his name did not ring pleasantly in the ears of the revolutionists.

There was at this time in the city of Mexico a young lieutenant, who had lately come from Valladolid flying before Hidalgo. His name was Agustin Iturbide. The first historical mention of him is found in the official journal of September 21, 1808,^[47] where he is commended for his zeal in offering support to the new government after the deposal of Iturrigaray. At this time he was a lieutenant of the provincial infantry regiment of Valladolid. He was born in that city on the 27th of September, 1783, his father, Joaquin de Iturbide, being a native of Pamplona, in the kingdom of Navarre. The families of both his father and mother, whose maiden name was Josefa de Aramburu, were distinguished. Agustin while a child narrowly escaped death by fire, being rescued almost miraculously from his burning home. His school education was limited, he having applied himself to the management of one of his father's haciendas when only fifteen years of age; at which time also he entered the regiment of provincial infantry of Valladolid as ensign, and henceforth adopted the military profession. In 1805 he espoused Doña Ana María Huarte, a creole of good family. He was present with his command at the military encampment at Jalapa, and in 1809 assisted in suppressing the premature attempt at revolution in his native city.

When Hidalgo took the field he invited Iturbide to join him, offering him the rank of lieutenant-general. The latter, however, refused;^[48] and when Hidalgo drew near Valladolid, Iturbide, seeing no prospect of a successful defence, repaired to the capital with seventy soldiers of his regiment who remained loyal to the service. When Trujillo was sent to oppose Hidalgo's advance, Iturbide obtained permission to accompany him, and thus he found himself afloat on his ambitious career.

 

Meanwhile the two armies approach, and one must give way before the other. But first it is destined that they fight. Trujillo, having arrived at Toluca,^[49] sent forward a detachment to occupy the bridge of Don Bernabé over the River Lerma and intermediate between Toluca and Ixtlahuaca whither Hidalgo had arrived. On the 27th the royalist leader moved forward his troops with the intention of attacking the insurgents at the latter place, distant nine leagues, but

Plan Of Battle-Field Of Las Cruces.

meeting his advance guard in full flight, and learning that Hidalgo was approaching with all his forces, he fell back to the small town of Lerrna, where he hoped to hold the enemy in check by barricading and defending the bridge. On the 28th, as no enemy appeared, Trujillo suspected that Hidalgo had directed his march to the bridge of Atengo, with the object of occupying the Santiago road and attacking the royalists in the rear, at the same time cutting off their retreat to the capital. He therefore sent a detachment to defend that point, and gave orders to the subdelegado of Santiago Tianguistengo to destroy the bridge. This order, however, was not carried out, and on the 29th Allende, with a large body of troops, forced the defenders from their position and gained the Santiago road.

Meanwhile Hidalgo with the rest of his forces marched toward Lerma; and Trujillo, as soon as he learned that the bridge of Atengo, had been lost, saw the necessity of retreating toward the capital, and accordingly withdrew to the mountain pass called the monte de las Cruces,^[50] leaving José de Mendívil with one of the two battalions of which the regiment of Tres Villas was composed, and Francisco Bringas with a troop of cavalry, to hold the Lerma bridge until the different sections of the army had united at las Cruces. At five o'clock in the afternoon, Mendívil, supported in the rear by Bringas, commenced his retreat, leaving only a small force under Captain Pino to defend the bridge; and so well did this officer perform his duty that he did not retire until late at night. The position to which Trujillo had withdrawn was a strong one, but it had the disadvantage of being commanded on the south by neighboring hills covered with forest, and by other heights on the north side of the Toluca road. Allende well knew the importance of the situation, and had made all haste to occupy it from the Santiago road; but Trujillo's march had been equally rapid, and the royalists gained the eminence first, anticipating, however, the insurgent force only by half an hour.

At eight o'clock on the morning of the 30th, the action commenced by light skirmishing between the royalist cavalry and guerrilla bands in advance of the main body of insurgents. Opportunely for Trujillo, he received at this time a reënforcernent of two cannon, with an escort of fifty Spanish volunteers, under Captain Antonio Bringas, and 330 mounted lancers from the haciendas of Yermo and José María Manzano,^[51] the whole force being placed under the command of Juan Bautista de Uztariz, a lieutenant of the royal navy. About eleven o'clock the attacking column of the insurgents, with the artillery in front, came in sight on the road from Toluca. It consisted of the infantry provincial regiment of Valladolid, the Celaya companies, and the Guanajuato battalion, which were flanked by the provincial dragoons of Pátzcuaro and la Reina, the rear being brought up by the dragoons of el Principe—a force in itself greatly superior to that of Trujillo, but which being without efficient officers had already lost much of its discipline. These were preceded on the front and flanks by crowds of ill-armed Indians, and numerous bands of horsemen, who streamed along the Toluca road or wound round the sides of the hills wherever the ground was practicable for horses. Trujillo now made preparations to receive the coming attack. His two field-pieces were placed in position so as to enfilade the road and adjacent ground, and were hidden from sight with branches of trees, in order to increase the confidence of the enemy. The cavalry was ordered to fall back upon the line without engaging in action, and the fifty volunteers lately arrived, with the lancers of Yermo commanded by Captain Antonio Bringas, supported by two companies of the Tres Villas regiment under the command of Lieutenant Ramon Reyes, were placed in ambush on a wooded height at some distance from the left flank. Trujillo commanded the centre in person, occupying the level summit which over looks the pass, and on which was planted one of the field-pieces, while Mendívil with the other occupied the front, covering the main approach.

Hidalgo had left the formation of the plan of battle to Allende, and that officer made preparations to surround Trujillo while the main attack was being made in front. For this purpose strong detachments of the better armed Indians, both of foot and horse, were sent by long detours to take possession of various heights commanding Trujillo's flanks, and a force of 3,000 foot and horse was despatched to occupy the road to Mexico in the rear of the enemy. Moreover, a select body of 1,200 of the best disciplined men of all arms was thrown out on the right flank, and took up a position out of range of Trujillo's artillery, and opposite to the place where Bringas was ambushed. The command of the infantry was given to Juan Aldama and Luis Malo, and that of the artillery to Maríano Jimenez, while Allende himself commanded the cavalry.^[52]

At eleven o'clock the attacking column, preceded by the four pieces of artillery already mentioned, approached within close range. Trujillo now opened fire with grape and canister from his masked batteries with such deadly effect upon the crowded masses in front, that they were soon thrown into confusion and driven back, causing some disturbance to the disciplined troops. These, however, held their ground, and replied with their artillery, while a brisk fire was maintained all along the fronts, with no little loss on both sides, the insurgents suffering most. Trujillo, perceiving that he could hold the enemy's centre in check, now ordered Bringas to engage their right wing, and sent a detachment of three companies of the Tres Villas infantry under the command of Iturbide to occupy an almost inaccessible height covered with pine trees, at a considerable distance on his right flank.

Bringas now charged with great impetuosity, and engaged with the 1,200 picked men opposed to him. The contest was long and fierce, but eventually terminated in favor of the insurgents. These, encouraged by the bravery and example of Aldama and Malo, who commanded in person in that part of the field, maintained their ground with unflinching firmness, in spite of the heavy loss inflicted by the loyalists; but it was not until Bringas fell mortally wounded that they succeeded in repulsing his troops.^[53] Nor was Trujillo more successful in his manoeuvre on the right. Allende also had marked the importance of the position which Iturbide had been sent to occupy, and, unnoticed by the royalists, had already proceeded in person with 300 of the infantry and one piece of artillery to take possession of it, approaching unseen in a direction opposite to Iturbide's line of march. When the royalist officer had pushed forward half way up to the summit, he suddenly came in contact with Allende's force, and a brisk engagement followed, which resulted in the repulse of Allende. The disaster sustained by Bringas, however, and the exposure to the enemy of Trujillo's manœuvre by this skirmish, caused the royalist leader to recall Iturbide. Where upon the insurgents rallied and took possession of the height.^[54]

Trujillo's position was now hopelessly exposed; in fact, he was completely surrounded. On his right the piece of artillery planted by Allende on the abandoned height was in a position to enfilade his ranks; a large force of the enemy lay between him and the capital; on his left was Aldama now strongly reënforced, and with two pieces of artillery mounted in a commanding position; while in front Mendívil was not only himself severely wounded, but many of his most efficient men were slain or hors de combat, and his artillery ammunition was exhausted.^[55] It was now about three o'clock in the afternoon, and the insurgents had pushed on down the heights on Trujillo's left so near that the combatants were at speaking distance. At this juncture the royalist leader perpetrates an act which places him before the world for ever in his true character of villain, and enshrouds his memory with lasting infamy. The insurgents, masters of the position as they feel themselves to be, invite the royalist troops to join their cause; and so favorably are their proposals regarded by some of Trujillo's officers, that they induce him no less than three times to hold a parley with the enemy in front of his line of infantry. Hostilities, meanwhile, have ceased. Friendly and specious are the words which Trujillo uses, and at each conference the insurgents, gathering in crowded ranks about their spokesman, draw nearer and nearer. At the third parley he has enticed the unsuspecting revolutionists close up to his bayonets; then he throws off the mask and orders his men to fire.^[56] The volley which follows stretches more than sixty victims to his perfidy dead upon the ground.^[57]

This treacherous act infuriated the insurgents, and the battle was renewed with increased vigor. Trujillo, however, maintained his position until half-past five in the evening, when, having lost one third of his force in killed and wounded, among whom were many of his best officers, his ammunition, moreover, being wellnigh exhausted, he decided to force his way through the enemy in his rear. His position was indeed no longer tenable. His ranks were being decimated by the insurgents' artillery, his troops, worn out with fatigue, were without provisions; while numbers of the enemy were hastening to reënforce those who were waiting to intercept his retreat. Abandoning his cannon, therefore, he put himself at the head of two companies of the Tres Villas regiment, and followed by the remainder of his forces in closed columns, successfully fought his way way out, and arrived at Cuajimalpa with some little loss. Here he was compelled to make a stand in order to repel a body of cavalry which was harassing his march and tampering with his men. This effected, with the loss of some killed on the part of the insurgents, he pursued his way unmolested to Santa Fé, where he took up quarters for the night, and on the following day entered the capital.^[58] Then, having no one to dispute him, he made his defeat appear a victory; and a medal was struck off in commemoration of his glorious achievements, and the success of the royal arms.^[59] Although Hidalgo thus remained master of the field, his victory had been dearly bought. The Indians were terror-stricken over the dreadful slaughter which had been inflicted upon them by the fire of the artillery, the deadly effect of which they had witnessed for the first time;^[60] while the disciplined troops were dismayed at the long resistance which so small a force had been able to make against such overwhelming numbers. Thus on the following morning the insurgent army, instead of being flushed with victory, were despondent; and Hidalgo when he arrived at Cuajimalpa halted, although Allende urgently pressed upon him the necessity of marching upon Mexico at once.^[61]

The capital was filled with foreboding. From the time intelligence arrived of Hidalgo's departure from Valladolid, fear had fallen on the people. And now when Trujillo returned with but a remnant of his force, notwithstanding his braggadocio, many gave up all hope. Guanajuato had fallen; Valladolid had surrendered; it was Mexico's turn next! Treasures and jewelry were carefully concealed or confided to the sacred protection of convents. Women sought asylum in nunneries; and the city, which for years had been free from popular outbreak, presented a scene of confusion and panic. Even Venegas, taking into consideration the numbers of the enemy, the distant

position of Calleja, and the want of spirit observable in his own troops, at first meditated flight to Vera Cruz. The earnest appeals of the Spaniards and royalists, however, induced him to change his mind, and take measures for the defence of the city.^[62] Such forces as he had were placed on the causeway of la Piedad and the paseo de Bucareli. Cannon were planted at Chapultepec,^[63] and troops of cavalry detached to watch the movements of the enemy. Internal defence was intrusted to the regiment of the Comercio, the city squadron, and some newly levied bodies of patriots.^[64] When the news of Trujillo's failure reached the capital, Venegas had immediately despatched a courier to Calleja, ordering him to hasten by forced marches to the defence of the capital. He also sent instructions to Captain Rosendo Porlier, directing him to unite the crews of the vessels at Vera Cruz, and march them up the country to his aid.

To inspire the fainting hearts of the people with some confidence, Venegas caused the sacred image of los Remedies^[65] to be conveyed from its shrine to the cathedral. These were the days of signs and wonders, be it remembered, and this was a time of great tribulation. The viceroy was ready to act, and was well up in his part. Betaking himself to the cathedral, he threw himself upon his knees, and devoutly addressing the image, meanwhile invoking its aid, Venegas placed in its hands his viceregal staff of office, and solemnly hailed it as lady captain-general of the army. The religious fervor of the assembled multitude was unrestrained, and tears of thankfulness from a thousand eyes watered the cathedral floor.^[66] The presence of this protecting image greatly allayed the panic, while the soldiery, confident of victory with the queen of heaven on their side, begged for medals stamped with her likeness.^[67] The royalists, after the example of Hidalgo, erected a sacred banner, which bore the venerated form of Nuestra Señora de los Remedios. Thus on the future battle-fields during the war of independence, opposing armies fought under emblems of the same divine interceder for mercy before the heavenly throne.

The excitement and apprehension on the 31st of October was intense throughout the city, and every cloud of dust seen on the road from Toluca was thought to presage the coming of the foe. But the day passed and no enemy appeared. Hidalgo remained inactive, and on the following day sent commissioners with an official communication to the viceroy. Having arrived at Chapultepec, the envoys sent the despatch to Venegas, who was near by, but he peremptorily refused any answer; and in language by no means refined ordered the commissioners to take their departure immediately, under pain of being shot.^[68] Hidalgo's position was now becoming serious.^[69] Up to this time his success had been brilliant. Forced prematurely into action, into the promulgation and defence of long-cherished principles, his people had gathered round him, and after that a large army had come to his support. They were unlettered, untrained, but they were trustful. Thousands of them had already laid down their lives for their country; thousands more were ready to die rather than relinquish their hope of liberty. Here were many, but why were there not more? Why were the men of America so slow to move in this matter? Here was the priceless boon held out to them; why would they not stretch forth their hand and take it? True, fifty thousand had come forward—eighty thousand; but why do not they all come—five hundred thousand, five millions—why do not they come and be free? Oh, base apathy, offspring of iron bound ignorance!

He had sent agents into the capital, and to the neighboring towns, to stir up the people and make them ashamed of their bonds. Not hearing from them, he had sent others, and these found the first fallen away from the cause. Some of his emissaries had been captured.^[70] Evidently the country here about was not ripe for revolt. His warmest adherents a little distance away from him became cold. He had no helper, no one with whom to share his heavy load of responsibility. Allende was a good man, a brave soldier, a faithful adherent; but he was nothing more than a fighting man, and like fighting men frequently, he was inclined at times to be rash and reckless, and then to be angry if checked.

The capital city was the tempting prize, the city of Montezuma, of Córtes, a city classic in the annals of America; and it was so near. But he well knew that he was in no condition to march on Mexico. He has been blamed for his three days of inactivity here; he has been called too slow, too careful, too fearful, a dreamer and no soldier, and, when advised, too obstinate; some think Allende should have had supreme command. It is easy to criticise. A man must be judged according to means and conditions. His associates urged that the inhabitants would arise and assist them. Some had so arisen, it is true, but there were few hopes held out thus far from the direction of the capital, and these very officers, who were loudest in their desire to advance, railed most contemptuously of all against Hidalgo's rabble army, as worse than none. In the capital were men, money, arms, and ammunition; even if they had few soldiers just then, the whole city would fight before they would see it sacked. He had few real soldiers, few men who could be relied upon; he had few and poor arms, and his store of ammunition was wellnigh exhausted. He was still further dis couraged by the contents of a despatch intercepted by his followers. It was the duplicate of Venegas' instructions to Calleja to hasten to his support. He was now fearful of being caught between two opposing armies. In vain Allende advocated an immediate advance on the city. Hidalgo, with cooler and truer judgment, knew that it would not do. Better find more soldiers, drill his men, and practise for a time on a less formidable foe; and so after lingering another day at Cuajimalpa, Hidalgo moved away.^[71]

 

 

1. These troops caused general disgust by their uncleanliness and want of soldierly deportment, and especially by their obscene and blasphemous language. The contrast between them and the provincial troops was marked. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 35; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 387.
2. Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 838-40; Diario Mex., xiii. 390-2.
3. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 165. José María Manzano also supplied from his haciendas horsemen to the number of fifty. Ib.
4. Viceroy Venegas, by proclamation of September 27th, offered a reward of 10,000 pesos for the capture or death of these leaders. Dispos. Varias, ii. f. 5; Gaz. de Mex., 1810, 796-7. At a later date this sum was offered for the head of any one of them; and Guerra states that money and arms were advanced to a gambling officer who engaged to assassinate Hidalgo, 'pues este lo recibiria sin recelo como que era su compadre.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 301-2; Dispos. Varias, ii. f. 8.
5. Manuel Abad y Queipo, bishop elect of Michoacan, published his excommunication by edict of September 24th. Abasolo was also included in it. The excommunicated were declared to be 'sacrilegos, perjuros, y que han incurrido en la excomunion mayor del Canon, Siquis suadente Diabolo.' All who aided or succored them were threatened with the same punishment of greater excommunication. The validity of this excommunication was questioned by many, on the ground that Queipo had not yet been consecrated bishop. In order to terminate these doubts, Archbishop Lizana y Beaumont ratified it by edict of the 11th of October following. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 52-8, supplies a copy of these edicts. Guerra maintains that Queipo had no power to excommunicate. Hist. Rev. N. Esp., L 311-16. The bishops of Puebla and Guadalajara also fulminated excommunications. Zerecero, Hem. Rev, Mex., 64-5.
6. Dispos. Varias, iii. fol. 152; vi. fol. 59; Diario de Mex., xiii. 425-7. The edict of the inquisition was issued on the 13th of October.
7. The rector of the university addressed an official communication to the viceroy, requesting him to make public the fact that Hidalgo's name did not appear in any of the books in which were registered the higher degrees conferred on its members. The request was made because the title of doctor was being constantly given to Hidalgo in the papers and public sheets of the day. Id., 386-7. According to the citation of the inquisition, the cura of Dolores entertained a supreme contempt for the university faculty, which he regarded as a body of ignoramuses, 'y finalmente, que sois tan soberbio que decis, que no os habeis graduado de Dr en esta universidad, por ser su claustro una quadrilla de ignorantes.'
8. Consult Id., 433-6; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 100-4, 167-9; Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 7; Lizana y Beaumont, Exhortacion, . . . Mex. 1810; Id., Carta GratuL, Mex. 1810; Queipo, Edict. Instruct., Sep. 30, 1810; Id., Edict., Oct. 8, 1810; Leon, El cura. . . a sus fieles habit. , Querétaro, 1810; Mendizábal, Sermon, Mex. 1810. de Cristo, ex-Cristiano, ex-Americano, ex-Hombre, y Generalísimo Capataz de Salteadores y Asesinos.' Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 62595. Out of the innumerable publications issued during the first months of the revolution, I refer to the few following, anonymous and otherwise, all bearing the date of 1810: San Salvador, Reflex. Pat. Am.; Id., Mem. Crist. Pol; Id., Carta de un padre á sus hijos; Calvillo, Discurso sobre los males, etc.; García y García, Prosper. Union; Comoto, Discurso Patri.; Belderrain, Exhort. In struct.; Campo y Rivas, Manif. Filant.; Monterde, Proclamaque el Intendente, etc.; Rivera, Manif.; Exhort. Diputac. Cortes; Montaña, Reflex. Alborotos; Mex. Alocuc. Real Col. Abogados; Exhort. Col. Abogados; Criollo Sensible, Proc.; Proclama (signed L. B. J. G.); Exhort. Patriot. Am.; Centinela contra los Seductores. Among such expressions of loyalty, I find an appeal made to Hidalgo by one of his fellow-collegians in the Real y Primitivo Colegio de San Nicolás Obispo de Valladolid. It is signed Dr Blas Abadiano y Jasso. After briefly calling to mind Hidalgo's collegiate success, the high reputation he had acquired, and his preferments to the benefices of San Felipe and Dolores, the writer brings to notice his backsliding from the church, and indorses the action of the inquisition. 'Ah y con quanta razon el Santo Tribunal de la Inquisicion os ha declarado por herege formal! pues esta es una prueba nada equivoca de que pretendeis apagar la luz del Evangelio.' He then points out the irreparable harm done by Hidalgo, and implores him to cast aside his apostasy and rely upon the mercy of the inquisition. Carta de un Concolega á Don Miguel Hidalgo.
9. Consult a series of letters written by a Mexican doctor, as a specimen of the style of abuse. They are thus addressed to Hidalgo: 'Carta primera De un Dr Mexicano al Br. D. Miguel Hidalgo Costilla, ex-Curade Dolores, ex-Sacerdote
10. Venegas, Manifesto, 27 Oct. 1810.
11. The order for the remission of tribute had been issued by the regency on the 20th of May preceding, negroes and mulattoes being included with Indians. Venegas published it on the 5th of October. Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 6-, Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 173, 180-1; Negrete, Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX., i. 195-205. The proclamation was published in the Spanish and Aztec languages. Hernandez y Dávalos. Col. Doc., ii. 137-41.
12. 'Se me acusa de que niego la existencia del infierno, y un poco antes se me hace cargo de haber asentado que algun pontífice de los canonizados por santo está en este lugar. ¿Como, pues, concordar que un pontifice está en el infierno, negando la existencia de este.' And again: 'Se me imputa tambien el haber negado la autenticidad de los sagrados libros, y se me acusa de seguir los perversos dogmas de Lutero: si Lutero deduce sus errores de los libros que cree inspirados por Dios, ¿cómo el que niega esta inspiracion sostendrá los suyos deducidos de los mismos libros que tiene por fabulosos? Del mismo modo son todas las acusaciones.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 439. This writer obtained an original copy of this document from the licentiate Maríano Otero, who assured him that it was one of very few which had been saved in the town of Tizapam in Jalisco. Hidalgo's reply was so convincing that the inquisition felt compelled to issue another edict in defense of the glaring contradictions contained in the first. In this it was stated that although the heresies imputed to Hidalgo were contradictory in themselves, they had not been developed in him at the same time, but in distinct epochs. Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 65. By the detractors of Hidalgo, his defence of his reputation is regarded as the admission of weakness. It was, however, a political necessity. Personally he cared nothing either for the inquisition or the bishops, but he well knew their power over the people, and it was in the highest degree important to refute their statements, especially as in August 1808 the inquisition had condemned as heretical the principle of the sovereignty of the people. Copy of edict in Diario de Mex., ix. 271-3, 275.
13. See Ansorena's proclamation at Valladolid Oct. 19, 1810, issued in compliance with Hidalgo's orders. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 169-70. On the 29th of Nov. Hidalgo published a decree commanding the manumission of slaves within ten days. This was confirmed by another of the 16th of Dec. Both these documents exist in the collection of Hernandez y Dávalos; copies of them are to be found in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2a ep., iii. 54-6. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 88, finds fault with Hidalgo for abolishing slavery without compensation to the owners. Alfredo Chavero remarks that Alaman considered the question in a financial point of view, like the abolition of a tobacco privilege, whereas Hidalgo only regarded the emancipation of his brethren. Soc. Mex. Geog., ut sup., 56.
14. Copy of order is supplied in Mex. Refut. Art. de Fondo, 26
15. A distinction was made between Spaniards who had offered resistance in the alhóndiga and those who had remained in their houses, the latter being allowed to remain at liberty under the condition mentioned in the text. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 124-5.
16. From the house of Bernabé Bustamante he took 40,000 pesos which had been concealed in the water-cistern, the secretion of which a faithless servant revealed. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 442.
17. Guan., Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 37. According to the same authority, the standard bore the words: 'Viva la Religion, viva Fernando VII., y viva la América.'
18. Chovell was the superintendent of the Valenciana mine. Alaman, ut sup., 446.
19. Son of a European of the same name, 'único de las familias respetables de Guanajuato que tomó parte en la revolucion.' Ib.
20. This Liceaga was a cousin of the author of the Adic. y Rectific., already frequently quoted. Their Christian and surnames being-the same has caused some confusion. See note 2 on pages 131-3 of Liceaga 's work.
21. The artisans displayed great skill in the construction of the machinery and implements and in the engraving of the dies. These were so perfect as to rival those in the mint at Mexico. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 47; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 448-9.
22. Much alarm was caused in Guanajuato Oct. 2d by the report that Calleja was marching on the city, and had already arrived at Valenciana. Hidalgo sent out troops to verify the statement, Aldama going to San Miguel and Celaya, but the report proved false. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 127-9; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 47-8; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 449-50.
23. Hidalgo's route lay through the valley of Santiago and Acámbaro.
24. See Hist. Mex., ii. 392, this series. Tzintzuntzan is Tarascan for humming-bird, a name which the town derived from the great numbers found in the vicinity, the capture of which and the use of the plumage in ornamenting mosaic and hieroglyphical designs constituted an important occupation of the inhabitants. Romero, Notic. Mich., 78.
25. N. Esp. Brev. Res., MS., ii. 247. Romero states that the removal took place in 1540. Notic. Mich., 71. Patzcuaro, before the conquest, was a suburban ward of Tzintzuntzan, and became the pleasure resort of the Michoacan monarchs who built their court there. According to some linguists, the meaning of the word is 'the place of joy.' Ib.
26. N. Esp. Brev. Res., MS., ii. 247.
27. Ib.; Villaseñor, Teat., ii. 8-9; Gonzalez Dávila, Teat. Ecles., i. 107; Romero, Notic. Mich., 40. In Gonzalez Dávila, page 136, is given a wood-cut of the arms. The shield, which is surrounded by a crown, is divided in three parts, two occupying the upper portion and the third the lower. In each division is the representation of a crowned king holding a sceptre in his right hand, the left being extended with the palm open. The field is surrounded by a scrolled border. The arms first granted in 1553 were different. They consisted of a plain unornamented shield, surmounted by a crown and divided horizontally. In the upper half is a lake with a peñol in the centre, on the summit of which stands a church of St Peter. Three smaller eminences rise from the lake at the base. In the lower half is a representation of the cathedral, which was dedicated to San Salvador. Id, 110. The three kings according to Romero were intended to represent Cárlos V., his brother Maximiliano, and Philip II.
28. It is related that a farmer named Francisco de Torres harvested on one occasion 600 fanegas of wheat in return for four fanegas sown, or 150 fold. Santos Cron., ii. 400-7.
29. The possessor of this magnificent estate was J. Andrés de Pimentel, a citizen and regidor of Pátzcuaro, according to an official report of the occurrence in Soc. Max. Geog., 2a ep., ii. 561.
30. Called by the natives hornitos, or ovens. Humboldt visited the scene of this catastrophe in 1803, and found that the thermometer when inserted into crevices in these ovens rose to 202º. For his account of the occurrence, see Páatzcuaro Essai Pol, 248-54.
31. The value of the buildings and working establishments on the hacienda de Jorullo were alone valued at $150,000. Soc. Mex. Geog., 2a ep., ii. 563.
32. Gonzalez Dávila, Teat. Ecles., i. 107. The first governor of the province was Colonel Martin Reinoso, who arrived from Spain in December 1755. Castro, Diario, 193. Juan Antonio de Riaño y Bárcena was the first intendente. Cedulario, MS., iii. f. 2.
33. Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. Jesus, 212; Romero Notic. Mich., 33.
34. For an account of their capture, see García Conde, Informe, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 208. It was during this period that the guerrilleros sprung into existence in Mexico. Bold and lawless men, when Hidalgo's army became dispersed, carried on hostilities against the royalists independently, yet they rendered important services for the revolutionists during the whole course of the war, and many of their leaders were conspicuous for their heroism and noble qualities. Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 109-11.
35. The asesor, José Alonso de Teran, with many others, was detained at Huétamo by the cura, who roused the people of the town. They were sent back to Valladolid and delivered up to Hidalgo.
36. According to Bustamante. Mora, however, places the number at 40,000. Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 68. Hidalgo had with him two bronze cannon and two wooden ones.
37. For these particulars and antecedent events, consult Canon Betancourt's report in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iii. 406 et seq., and the manifesto of the ayuntamiento of Valladolid, in Id., v. 86-7.
38. According to Betancourt, those of the conde de Sierra Gorda, Gomez Limon, and his own, 'porque fue al Parlamento.' The ayuntamiento states that Hidalgo said, 'daré por vacantes todas las prebendas por la impolitica con que se ha portado el Cabildo en mi recibimiento.' Ib., and Id., iii. 411.
39. The conde de Sierra Gorda exculpated himself to the viceroy by declaring that he had acted under compulsion, 'desdiciéndose de lo que habia ejecutado con prudencia, imputándolo á coaccion, terror y violencia.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 72; Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 166-7, 313-4.
40. Ansorena, Defensa, 10. Bustamante makes the assertion that the artilleryman fired without orders, killing and wounding 14 of the Indians. Cuad. Hist., i. 75.
41. Betancourt narrates that dining with Hidalgo he was compelled by Allende to drink a glass of the liquor supposed to be poisoned. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iii. 413-14.
42. Anzorena, as the sequel will show, proved himself a stanch partisan of the revolutionists.
43. This is the date given positively by Betancourt. Bustamante gives the 19th of Oct. as the day of Hidalgo's departure.
44. Garcia Conde, Informe, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 270-1. Hidalgo's uniform was a blue coat with red cuffs and collar bordered with gold and silver galloon, his shoulder belt being of black velvet similarly bordered. Suspended from his neck he wore a large gold medal bearing the image of the virgin of Guadalupe. The uniform of Allende consisted of a jacket of blue cloth with red cuffs and collar, the seams being covered with silver galloon. Around each shoulder was a silver cord with pendent button. The lieutenant-general's uniforms were distinguished from his by having only one shoulder cord, that on the right. Ib.; Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i 305-6; Resum. Hist. Insurr. N. Esp., 8.
45. Bustamante says the force consisted of the infantry regiment of New Spain, a battalion of infantry of Mexico, another called the Cuahutitlan battalion, a battalion del fijo de México, the provincial militia regiment of Puebla, the city bakers' dragoons, two infantry battalions of merchants, three of the patriots of Fernando VII., a section of artillery, in addition to the veteran artillery, a troop of cavalry of the patriots, the militia infantry regiment of Toluca, and the Tulancingo, and various other pickets—in all 7,000 men. Cuad. Hist., i. 76.
46. The forces placed under Trujillo's command were the infantry regiment of Tres Villas, which had lately arrived, a battalion of the provincial militia of Mexico, and a portion of the dragoons of Spain. These were afterward reenforced by 50 volunteers with two cannon, commanded by Juan Bautista de Ustariz, a lieutenant of the navy, and about 330 men drawn from the haciendas of Yermo and a Mexican named Manzano. Authors differ as to the total number. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 475, states that it barely reached 1,400; the author of Insurrec. Resum. Hist., 9, makes it amount to 2,000; Mora, Mex. y sus Rev., iv. 73, raises it to 2, 500; while Torrente, Hist. Rev. Hisp. Am., i. 151, places the number at about 1,200. Guerra makes it 1,500. Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 325. Negrete considers that the number may be safely estimated at 2,500. Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX., i. 354.
47. Gaz. de Mex., xv. 702.
48. Hidalgo sent this invitation while he was approaching Valladolid, according to Iturbide in his manifiesto. Alaman points out that this evidence refutes Rocafuerte's statement—published in his pamphlet directed against Iturbide under the title of El Pigmalion Americano—that he declined to take part in the revolution because he could not obtain the same grade as in the royalist army. Hist. Mej., i. 463.
49.  

    Explanation of the plan.
    A. Infantry of the royal army.
    B. Infantry of the insurgents.
    C. Cavalry of royal army.
    D. Cavalry of the insurgents.
    E. Royal troops on the march.
    F. Insurgent troops on the march.

50. So called because of the numerous crosses erected there to mark the places where travellers had been murdered by bandits; that hill being a favorite resort of robbers.
51. The stanch loyalist Gabriel Yermo, who had displayed such tact in the deposal of Iturrigaray, supplied at his own cost 400 lancers from his haciendas, while his brother Juan Antonio furnished 100 more. These troops were known by the name of the negros de Yermo, and did good service during the war. Of these lancers 279 were sent to Trujillo, according to Yermo's statement of services rendered, Rev. N. Esp. Verdad. Orig., no. ii. 56-7, although Trujillo in his official report to the viceroy states that there were only 150. Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 923.
52. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 139. According to Mora, Allende thought the undisciplined masses should not take part in the general action, but should be posted as rear-guards to the different divisions, where they might prove of service as occasion offered. The Indians, however, were offended at being so placed, and Hidalgo insisted that Allende should assign to them places in the front. Though Allende represented strongly the danger of so doing, Hidalgo so pressed the matter that Allende was obliged to yield. Mex. y sus Rev., iv. 27. Mora's statements, however, must be taken with allowance.
53. Bringas after being wounded was lifted upon his horse, and with great intrepidity still encouraged his men, effecting his retreat in good order. Trujillo, in Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 925. He died on the 3d of Nov. in the city of Mexico, and was honored by command of the viceroy with a magnificent funeral. A few days after a creole officer died of the wounds he had received, and was buried without display. As Bringas was a Spaniard, this was not unnoticed, and the viceroy was satirized by the following epigram:  
    ¿Bringas era gachupin?
     Su entierro fué un S. Quintin.
    ¿No era americano?
     Su entierro fué liso y llaño.
    
    

      Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 482.

54. Liceaga attempts to show that Iturbide did not engage with the enemy; but due weight must be given to Trujillo's own statement. 'Se encontraron con los enemigos que subian y rompieron el fuego contra ellos, rechazandolos;' and after recounting the repulse of Bringas, clearly explains the reason of Iturbide's recall. 'Las demás compañias de mi derecha se volvieron à replegar á la linea, pues el gran número de enemigos y lo dilatado del cerro, hacia entrasen hasta mi centro, por lo que me vi en la precision de reconcentrar mi linea en el pequeño plano que hay sobre el camino real á donde tenia colocado un cañon giratorio.' Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 924-5.
55. Mendívil defended his post with exemplary bravery, and after his field piece was no longer of service, held his ground with the infantry under his command. His wounds were so serious that it was long before he recovered. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 80.
56. His own words are: 'Los acerque hasta bien inmediato de mis bayonetas, y recogiendo el teniente coronel D. Juan Antonio Lopez un estandarte de N. S. de Guadalupe que venia en las sacrílegas manos de estos infames, mandè la voz de fuego à la infanteria que tenia.' Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 926.
57. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 82. According to Liceaga, a kind of armistice had been established, during which Aldama and Jimenez sent in proposals to the native-born soldiers and officers to join the independent cause, at the same time guaranteeing the lives of Trujillo and the Spaniards who were with him. Whether this was done with the approbation of Allende or not the author does not know. Adic. y Rectlfic., 140. Trujillo, as is sometimes the case with base natures, instead of seeing anything disgraceful in his act, glories in it. It was, however, severely condemned even in the Semanario Patriotico de Cádiz, no. 45, of Feb. 14, 1811, in the following words: 'Hacer fuego sobre estos rebeldes al tiempo de estar parlamentando con ellos, . . .ni fué justo, ni honesto, ni político.' The defence urged is that the insurgents were not sincere in their offers, which were made only for the purpose of hemming in the royalists, which is pure subterfuge. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 348-9.
58. Bustamante states that Trujillo's retreat was conducted in the greatest disorder as far as Cuajimalpa, and that thence 'escapó como pudo en dispersion para Mexico,' Cuad. Hist., 82; that Trujillo entered the capital with only 51 soldiers, 'resto único de toda la fuerza que sacó de esta capital;' and intimates that the regiment of Tres Villas had almost ceased to exist. Mora also asserts that the greater portion of the soldiers deserted on the retreat, so that when Trujillo left Santa Fé he had little over 40 men. Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 81. Now, although it is probable that some of his men deserted, since he himself mentions that attempts were made to seduce them from their allegiance while retreating, it is not possible that the retreat was conducted in disorder; had such been the case, none would have escaped, much less the wounded, who were brought to Mexico, as Alaman reasonably observes. But the author who advances the most incredible conjectures as to what was probably Trujillo's ability as commander and his deportment in the field is the licenciado Don Anastasio Zerecero. He gravely relates that Trujillo, after having given the order to fire upon those with whom he was holding parley, disappeared disguised, as it was said, in the habit of a friar and hastened to Santa Fé; and then, because Trujillo, in his report dated Nov. 6th.—that is, seven days after the battle—says that he cannot state the exact loss sustained, and because, moreover, he admits that he was the first to leave the field, Zerecero comes to the conclusion that everything tends to justify the opinion that Trujillo fled at the very first, and did not even see the battle, writing his official despatch from the account supplied him by Iturbide. The same author asserts that Trujillo had 3,000 troops, only 500 of which returned to Mexico. Mem. Rev. Mex., 86-7, 107-8. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., 330, states that 200 royalists escaped to the capital. Though a coxcomb, a liar, and a villain, Trujillo was no coward on the field of battle. Negrete reasonably concludes that the viceroy and Trujillo were of accord that it would not be safe in the excited state of the community to publish at once the official account of the action, which had been reported as a victory; when, however, the insurgents had retreated, there was no danger in doing so. Hist. Mex. Sig. XIX., i. 361-2, 364.
59. The medal was presented on the 3d of Feb., 1811, on which date the viceroy issued a proclamation in praise of the gallant conduct of the regiment of Tres Villas, and tells them to assume Monte de las Cruces! as their future battle-cry. 'Os remito,' he says, 'los escudos de distincion que merecisteis el dia 30 de octubre por vuestra brillante conducta en el monte de las Cruces . . . que el monte de las Cruces sea vuestro grito guerrero en el momento de vuestros futures combates, y la voz que os conduzca à la victoria.' Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 123-4. It bore the names of Trujillo, Bringas, and Mendívil. Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 330.
60. Trujillo estimated the number of insurgents killed and wounded at 2,000; Liceaga says that on the two sides more than 4,000 were killed: ‘Se calcula haber quedado en el campo, mas de cuatro mil cadáveres de uno y otro bando, siendo sin comparacion mayor el numero de los que pertenecian á los invasores.' Adic. y Rectific., 148. Again, Diego García Conde in his report to the viceroy after his release from captivity states that the loss to the insurgents in killed, wounded, and deserters was more than 20,000. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., ii. 273. For more than five years after the engagement, on either side of the pass of Monte de las Cruces, both on the ascent and descent, for the distance of over a league, great heaps of human bones could be seen piled underneath the trees. Zerecero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 109.
61. The difference of opinion which not unfrequently occurred between these leaders terminated in unfriendly relations. Speaking of this dispute, Bustamante says: 'Desde esta época comenzó (Allende) á desabrirse con él (Hidalgo) desazon que se aumentó cada dia mas, y que terminó con la desgracia personal de entrambos gefes.' Cuad. Hist., i. 87.
62. Negrete, Hist. Mil. Sig. XIX., 357, 363; Zerecero, Rev. Hex., 88-9.
63. Venegas' dispositions in a military point of view were extremely bad, and placed his troops in a position where it was impossible for them to manœuvre. Bustamante states that on the 39th, in company with a military friend, he visited the encampment, and that the officer pointed out to him the want of military skill displayed by Venegas in thus placing his troops. ‘Muy luego me hizo notar la ignorancia del que lo habia situado en aquel punto.' Cuad. Hist., i. 78.
64. Alaman, basing his estimation on the enumeration of available forces given by Bustamante—see note 45, this chapter—calculates that there were only 2,000 efficient troops. But he does not include those stationed in the interior of the city, which he considers to have been of little use. Hist. Mej., i. 485.
65. This image belonged in the sanctuary of Totoltepec; and on several occasions had been conveyed to the capital, during which visits miraculous powers had been displayed. It was greatly venerated, as we know. Calvillo, Sermon. 69-106.
66. Mora, Max. y sus Rev., iv. 84. Calvillo gives a detailed account of the way in which the image was brought from Totoltepec. It being the viceroy's design to have it introduced secretly into the city, he sent a carriage for it; but the Indians in the neighborhood of the shrine became aware of the intention to remove their adored protectress, and assembled in great crowds with demonstrations of sorrow. With much persuasion they were calmed, and then in their veneration accompanied the carriage to the capital, causing no little apprehension to those who were conducting the image, that they would be mistaken for Hidalgo's army and fired on. Id., 115-22.
67. A private individual, whose name Calvillo does not mention, distributed 5,930 such medals among the officers and soldiers of the line regiments of New Spain, the provincial regiments of Mexico, Toluca, Quautitlan, Tres Villas, and Tulancingo, and the city squadron. Id., 121-2.
68. Luli, Refutac., 11. This writer states that the contemptuous bearing of Venegas increased the hatred of tyranny. With regard to the language of the viceroy, Bustamante, in describing it, expresses himself in his usual rancorous way: 'Se desató en palabrotas tan groseras y torpes, que no estarian bien ni en la boca de un grumete ó carromatero despechado.' Cuad. Hist., i.
69. The envoys were General Jimenez, Abasolo, Montemayor, and another insurgent officer.
70. Centeno was one of those captured, and was hanged in Mexico in February following.
71. Herewith I give fuller reference to authorities on this early epoch of Mexican independence: Diar. Mex., ii. 167, v. 217, 228, vi. 117, ix. 326, 371-4, 632, x. 451-5, 485-8, 497-8, 508, xi. 80, 86, 125-7. 199-200, 681-3, xii. 120, 271-2. 288, 403-92, 511-55, 602-94, xiii. 13-70, 245-7, 272, 300-386, 414-16, 629-31, 689-90; Gaz. Mex., 1810, i. 39-114, 210-91, 313-84, 404-39, 530, 717-801, 871-3, 906-54, 1088; Id., 1811, ii. 13-254, 274-393; Id., 1789, iii. 18-397; Id., 1790, iv. 9-25, 120-89, 245-6, 313-81, 425-33; Id., 1792, v. 9-10, 81, 261-2, 341-2; Id., 1794, vi. 1-2, 313, 341-2, 442; Id., 1795, vii. 17-18, 153-4; Id., 1796-7, viii. 10, 51, 85, 109-90, 238-301, 365-81; Id., 1798, ix. 1-51, 138-86, 329; Id., 1800-1, x. 2, 49-209, 235, 242, 329-30, 369; Id., 1802-3, xi. 2, 9, 105-194, 220-6, 285-350; Id., 1804-5, xii. 17-81, 153-63, 230-54, 317, 342-4; xiii. 638, 656-9, 779; Id., 1806, xiv. 47, 56; Id., 1807, xv. 363, 416, 623-6, 699, 707-40, 1010-12; Id., 1807, xvi. passim; Disposiciones Varias, i. 134-44, ii. 2-10, iii. 153, vi. 58, 60; Cortes, Diario, 1810-11, i. y ii. 10, 12-13, 24-5, 45, vii. 7, 1812, xiv. 205-9; Diario Congreso, ii. no. 31, 460-1, 465-8; 470-3, vi. no. 143, 2804-5; Col. Doc., i. 40-1; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 258-72, Calle, Mem. y Not., 77; Hernan. y Dáv., Col. Doc., i. 9-14, 17, 39-40, 455-72, ii. 63-84, 92-4, 107-11, 110-25, 142-57, 172-92, 207-14, 244, 276-91, 320-30, 387-402, 593-4, 695-739, iii. 905-11, vi. 35; Espinosa, Chron., 12-259, 286-308, 320-1, 530-4; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 12-20, 30-6, 44-5, iv. 35-136, 308; Mem. Hist. Hex., MS., iii. 42; Matirologio, 44-5, in Soc. Alex. Geog., vii. 535-8; Defensa, 15-16; Gonzales Dávila, Teat. Ecles., i. 108; Gomez, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. 2, vii. 434-5; Beaumont, Tratado Agua. Min., passim; Crón. Mich., iv. 541-84; Alegre, Hist. Comp., ii. 163, iii. 242-3, 284-0; Arevalo, Compend., 109, 149, 198-9, 253-5; Arricivita, Crón. Seraf., 38-9, 109-71, 245-312, 317-20, 431-49, 579-82; Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 246-7, ii. 666-7,669; Tablets Estadís., MS., 42-3; Guerra, Rev. N. España, i. 138-56, 187-95, 209-13, 253, 288-329, ii. 564-778; Iglesias, Ed., 154-63, 245-64; Calvillo, Sermon., 107-14; Liceaga, Adic. y Rect., 2-187, 212-18; Medina, Chron. S. 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