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History of Mexico (Bancroft) (1886)
by Hubert Howe Bancroft
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2932585History of Mexico (Bancroft) — Chapter 221886Hubert Howe Bancroft
​

CHAPTER XXII

WAR OF RACES.

1849-1851.

Race Feeling — Condition of the Indian Population — Hostilities in the Sierra Gorda — A Projected Northern Republic — Border Raids — Scalp — hunting — The War in Yucatan — Attitude of British Settlers in Belize — The Bacalar Expedition — Selling Prisoners into Foreign Slavery — Dissensions among the Rebels — Inefficient Campaign Plans — of Micheltorena and Vega — Revolutionary Movements in the Southern States — Agitation for Religious Tolerance — Presidential Election — Obstacles to Reform — Character and Services of Herrera

Race feeling forms a potent element in Mexican politics. The overthrow of Spanish supremacy re moved the strongest of the irritating causes, and with a prudent, equable national policy the rest might have followed; but they were kept alive and given a new direction by that chronic evil, party strife, which with reprehensible recklessness hesitated at nothing to gain the object in view. After the achievement of independence, there remained practically only two races in the country, the aborigines, including by sympathy and other links a proportion of the lower castes, and the higher mestizos, the ruling, stirring race, embracing mixtures of all degrees, as well as those claiming to be pure whites, vanity on one side and policy on the other being 1 motives for the union. Religion had been a soothing bond that kept them all together, assuaging among the oppressed the bitterness caused by oppression; but of late it had been loosened by the more cultivated classes, in a manner that could not fail ​to affect the rest. Another bond lay in the mestizos themselves, as the outcome of them and others; and although this connected very feebly with a number of unmixed tribes in different directions, which in their isolation dreamed of ancient glories and inherited

Sierra Gorda campaign.

rights, and brooded over the wrongs inflicted by aggressive factions and administrations, yet it was one that must grow stronger and broader by the process of natural absorption. It may seem strange, however, that this slow growth was not interrupted in a marked ​manner by the Indians, with their aggravated causes for discontent; with their number, exceeding that of all the other races; and with their many opportunities for outbreaks, midst civil wars and faction bids. Fortunately, the patient, long-suffering disposition of the aborigines, and above all their division into distinct tribes and nations, with different interests and sympathies, proved a barrier to any general and disastrous uprising.

Local movements have taken place, however, and although generally merged during the republican era in party strife, several were distinctly Indian revolutions, such as those in the Mizteca country. The late war of invasion gave opportunity and impulse to others, as we have seen. The futile though threatening pronunciamiento of Marquez for Santa Anna in February 1849, with a portion of the government troops engaged in subduing the rebellious Indians of Sierra Gorda, is claimed to have occurred at the turning-point in this campaign. The mountaineers certainly took advantage of the diversion to capture Rio Verde and several villages. The leader, Quiros, moreover, chose to ignore a convention lately arranged,[1] as 1not sufficiently favorable to his ambitious views. Thus pressed, the governor appealed for aid to the adjoining states, and with the 2,000 additional men obtained, took such effective steps that the revolution was suppressed by October, Quiros being captured and executed.[2]

Several hundred of his most active followers were exiled to different frontier colonies, there to vent their ​turbulence in repelling the more savage invaders from beyond the border, and to help in counteracting the intrigues of certain cliques which still labored to form an independent republic of the northern states.[3] This project had no hopes of success, partly owing to the need of assistance from the southern provinces against their great affliction, Indian raids. Operations of local troops and flying corps availed little against the fleet and wily Apaches and their confrères, equipped as they were with superior arms, provided by avaricious traders, and colonies and missions could make but slow impression.[4] Under such circumstances it seemed pardonable for the provincial authorities in their desperate strait to listen to the proposal of a company of adventurers from the United States. which offered to kill hostile Indians at two hundred dollars each.[5] Journals of the southern states not so afflicted naturally became the medium for a loud cry against the 'blood contract,' alleging, among other reasons, that it left the door open for numerous abuses, such as robbery, spoliation, and attacks on friendly Indian villages, which might stir up civil war. It was argued in answer that no other effective means existed, ​and that the retaliation, publicly announced, was no worse than the methods of the foe, which lay constantly on the watch for stealthy descents on exposed settlements, leaving smoking ruins and bereaved families to mark their visits. Not long after, San Luis Potosí arranged a coalition between the suffering states for joint action against the savages, supported by a common fund and a certain proportion of troops.[6]

The most distinct war of races was that waging at this time in Yucatan. The reoccupation of Valladolid

Yucatan

and that of Tihosuco by white men were the culminating achievements in the campaign of 1848, which secured to them the supremacy and the possession of the gulf coast of the peninsula. The Indians had been driven back into the forests and deserts, and could claim absolute is way only in the region south, or rather southeast, of the great central cordillera, where their three great leaders, Florentine Chan, Cecilio Chí, and ​Jacinto Pat, divided the power, in the east, centre, and south respectively. The white men proposed to follow up the advantage by harassing the foe, carrying the war into their midst, and affirming the progress made by pushing the cantonments farther and farther, obtaining prisoners, and compressing the revolution within ever-narrowing limits. This plan met with a certain degree of success in the Valladolid region;[7] but below, round Tihosuco, greater resistance was encountered, and the Indians turned the tables by laying siege to this town, and Saban, one of the new cantonments, maintaining it obstinately for months, despite the efforts for relief,[8] and encouraging their comrades in the north to firmer resistance, so much so that they ventured to attack Valladolid itself. West of the central campaign ground extended the mountainous district of Chenes, within a dozen leagues of Campeche, where the rebels still held forth,[9] almost in the midst of the cultured settlers. Stirred by comrades driven from the eastern fields, they became so daring as to provoke Campeche to special expeditions against them; but although the troops generally overcame all resistance, the foe proceeded only to reoccupy their ground, and maintain a harassing guerrilla conflict from the fastnesses.

For the southern canıpaign, centring round Bacalar, a double aim was proposed. This region bordered on Belize, occupied by the British under treaties of 1783 and 1786 for purposes of trade alone, yet gradually came to be regarded as a colonial possession.[10] ​Not content with encroaching on territory and resources, the traders here did not scruple to provide the rebels with arms, ammunition, and other effects. Indeed, all their war supplies came from this source, and were paid for by spoils from the northern settlements, and partly by dye-woods and other products. Yucatan had protested against this infringement of treaty, and obtained satisfactory assurances; but the capture by the Indians, in the spring of 1848, of Bacalar, the great entrepôt for trade in this direction, tended to a disregard of promises, and traffic in war stores and other effects increased, with the assistance of imposing flotillas and caravans, which conveyed the merchandise to secret depôts throughout the peninsula. Mexico joined in protesting before the British minister, who merely referred the matter to England, where again it passed through the usual dilatory channels, affording the colonial authorities an additional excuse for countenancing not only contraband trade, but actual coöperation with the rebels.[11]

It was proposed by the Yucatec government to reоccupy Bacalar and cut off this pernicious traffic, which tended to sustain the revolution, creating at the same time a diversion by so promising a movement in the rear. Colonel Cetina accordingly left Sisal in April 1849 with 800 men by steamer, and obtained possession of the town, which he fortified, and began to take steps for suppressing illicit commerce. Pat proved equal to the emergency, however. Incited by the blow at their main source of revenue, 4,000 of his followers obeyed the summons to rise against the invaders. Bacalar was closely invested, and although Cetina held out well, his operations were so circumscribed as to extend to little beyond defence. Malarial fever and desertion crippled him, and a relief ​expedition of 800 men from Saban had to return with the loss of over half its force.[12]

The campaign which opened so auspiciously with the turn of the year had been practically a failure. The white men had not been able to hold more than a portion of the ground occupied, and the drain of a long war was beginning to be felt. There were over 16,000 men in the field,[13] including 2,000 friendly Indians, besides local defenders and garrisons; and toward their support and equipment the republic had in 1848 contributed only $150,000. Yucatan itself had a revenue of less than half a million, and could devote only a proportion to war purposes. It was evident, therefore, that no funds could be spared for pay. Indeed, the troops were nearly all volunteers, receiving from any surplus on hand an occasional gratuity.[14] Provisions were obtained chiefly on credit, and later from camps and farms of rebels, most of the expeditions henceforth being to forage. The revenue was mortgaged, and declined under the neglect of agriculture and other industries, and the smallness of the personal contribution tax, formerly so productive. Under this pressure the popular Governor Barbachano conceived the idea of utilizing the numerous prisoners taken during the war. He had obtained the passage of a decree expelling from the country for ten years all Indians who were captured or failed to submit, on the ground that the government could not ​support them.[15] Soon after came an offer from Cuba of twenty-five pesos for any prisoner surrendered for service on plantations and elsewhere. The government accepted the bid, while seeking to protect the victims to a certain extent under the formality of contracts for their term of service, pay, and treatment.[16] The first batch consigned to this servitude numbered more than three hundred. At Habana the Mexican consul inquired into the case, however, and the federal government, in April 1849, issued a decree against such consignments. The Yucatecs advanced humanitarian reasons in defence, alleging that servitude even more severe must be preferable to starvation or to death, to which marauding rebels were amenable. The contract fee was but a fair compensation for a small portion of the ill inflicted by the prisoners. This argument prevailed, and the traffic was limited only by the number of captives obtainable. In order to affirm her control in the province, the republic insisted on a proportion of the federal revenue, offering instead a monthly allowance of $16,000;[17] but the effort of the agent to collect it roused such serious opposition[18] that it had to be modified, with loss of the subsidy, however.

At the time of the greatest dejection among the white men in the autumn of 1849, they were relieved by a change of tactics on the part of their opponents, who raised the siege of Tihosuco and Saban, abated their vigilance in the south, and fell back mainly on ​the defensive. The cause lay in dissensions due to the assassination of the leader Chí,[19] and the unwise act of Pat in imposing a contribution for obtaining war material. Of what avail a rebellion directed chiefly against taxation, if this had to come after all? The Indians did not choose to consider that they had been driven from the raiding grounds that supplied the spoils for purchasing arms, and they readily listened to the appeal of his rivals against him. He fled, but was overtaken by them and killed,[20] leaving to Chan, the eastern leader, the control, which was shared to some extent, however, with his lieutenants Pec and Poot.

Before his death, Pat had despondently sought British mediation for terminating the war, and his successors advocated the project with a view to obtain the shelter of a protectorate.[21] Pat's appeal succeeded, and the superintendent of Belize[22] met the rebel representatives in November 1849, to arrange a basis for negotiations. They insisted on being accorded independence, with a concession of the territory lying east of a line drawn from Bacalar northward to the gulf.[23] The government very naturally refused to entertain the terms, and availed itself of the disposition for peace to send clergymen to the different districts with persuasive inducements. A number of chiefs did yield; but the majority held out,[24] on the ground ​that the desired stay of raiding expeditions was not granted. The white men would not lose so promising an opportunity to gain advantage over the vacillating and divided natives, and to obtain much needed supplies for their troops.[25]

General Micheltorena, of California fame, who arrived in February 1850, to take charge of the campaign on behalf of the republic, approved of the close pressure applied by expeditions, henceforth accompanied by priestly peace commissioners — palm and sword combined; but he strove to produce more harmonious and effective action by concentrating the forces into two divisions only.[26] The advantage was not maintained, however, for the success of certain parties, the relief of Bacalar, and the advancement of a few cantonments were counterbalanced by a renewal of the war spirit among the irritated natives, who surprised Tekax and other places, resumed siege operations at Bacalar and towns to the north, and undertook more determined raids beyond the lines.[27] Unity and cooperation were promoted by founding a more central capital or headquarters near Ascension Bay, named Chan Santa Cruz, the latter in allusion to three crosses, to which interested leaders ascribed a sacred origin. [28] Micheltorena became so discouraged at the changing prospects and the neglect of Mexico that he resigned.[29]

​He was replaced in May 1851 by General Vega, who recognized that the actual method of hemming in the natives by pushing cantonments had passed its limits, owing to the lack of sufficient resources in the country still unsubdued, and the necessity for letting a large proportion of the starving troops return to attend to their long-neglected farming and other pursuits. He accordingly reorganized the men on the new Mexican system, into guardia móvil and sedentaria, and reduced the occupation along the front to the leading cantonments, where the móvil militia would be relieved at intervals by the sedentaria, which remained at home ready for any call.[30] Vega established his headquarters at Peto, whence he directed occasional expeditions to distract the enemy and gather supplies and prisoners. The natives retaliated in different ways, partly by falling upon the reduced garrisons; and so the contest dropped into a prolonged desultory warfare, wherein several quieted districts joined, notably the eastern, encouraged by the decreased efficiency and activity of their opponents.[31] At the same time party spirit began to add to the disorder in the gulf settlements, the main factions being that of Barbachano, the popular governor, who so stoutly upheld the rights of the peninsula against Mexico; and of Mendez, who sought to strengthen himself by appealing to the military chiefs and other federal adherents, and ​succeeded in 1851 in obtaining for his party a nearly equal representation in the congress; but in the following year his rivals again obtained a decisive majority.[32]

The disorders in Yucatan and Sierra Gorda affected tumultuous spirits elsewhere, which were encouraged by the weakness of the government, as displayed in coping with these troubles. Chiapas had been greatly disturbed by a faction hostile to the local government, and which sustained itself for a long time, despite several defeats, with aid from Guatemala and from the adjoining state of Tabasco. The overthrow here in 1850 of an aspiring partisan of Sentmanat named Beltran[33] only caused the rise of others, notably Moreti.[34] He stood in league with Melendez, who for a year held the Tehuantepec Isthmus in alarm, advocating partly its separation from Oajaca.[35] The repression of both entailed trouble and expense to all the adjoining states, even to the borders of Guerrero and Puebla, where a native leader, Juan Clara, had given new energy to the lingering mountaineer revolt, which began several years back at Chilapa, and gave occasion for numerous local pronunciamientos by ​Santanists, discontented soldiers, and others. Clara's submission in May 1851 restored tranquillity for a time.[36]

This was greatly promoted by steps taken in connection with the Tehuantepec canal project. In 1850 a convention with the United States was projected, stipulating that the government should open the isthmus of Tehuantepec to interoceanic traffic, and protect those who might arrange with Mexico to construct there a canal or railroad.[37] A clause permitting the United States to send troops to guard the construction roused a cry of alarm, even from persons friendly to the executive; and led to the rejection of the convention, and to the annulment of a concession for such work made to Garay in 1842, and subsequently extended, and transferred successively to English and United States companies. This action, based on the assumed illegality of the governments conferring the grant, and its extension, a common feature of Mexican political instability, afforded a certain ground for complaint; and seeing a prospect for a handsome indemnity, the American grantees chose to make so loud a demonstration through the press and before the authorities at Washington that Mexico took alarm.[38] Showy preparations were even made ​by the company to send men to Tehuantepec, and in view of the recent movements of filibusters from the United States to Cuba, it was thought prudent to take precautions against a possible landing. The headquarters of the comandancia general of Vera Cruz were moved to Acayucan in the autumn of 1851; the national guard of the adjoining states was enlisted and ordered to be in readiness; arms were distributed and four vessels stationed off the Goazacoalco.[39] While all this proved to be needless for the purpose intended, it served to prevent any formidable revolutionary movement. A measure expected to have a soothing effect on the somewhat turbulent Mescala region was the formation of the present state of Guerrero, so named in honor of the great patriot leader.[40]

The chambers held two extra sessions during 1849 to forward[41] the reorganization efforts of the government, but the discussion of projects for reforming the constitution produced little result. The question of religious tolerance came up as usual to rouse a heated argument in the journals,[42] the conservatives ​maintaining that the admission of other creeds into a country so thoroughly catholic would prove a dangerous germ of discord. Sympathy evoked by recent political movements against the vatican tended to lend an overwhelming support to this view. Public prayers were ordered in behalf of the persecuted pontiff, the chambers voted him a gift of $25,000 from the scanty funds of the treasury, and the president wrote to offer him an asylum in Mexico.[43]

During the latter half of 1850, the nation was absorbed mainly by the struggle for the presidency, to take place in the following January. Among the candidates were General Arista, the minister of war and the leading spirit of the administration; Gomez Pedraza, who had figured as liberal president in 1831; Luis de la Rosa, boon companion of the federal champion Farías, and who had gained great popularity as governor of Zacatecas; Nicolás Bravo, the patriot. with strong conservative principles; General Almonte, well known as former holder of the war portfolio, and who in course of time had become thoroughly imbued with conservative ideas; and Santa Anna, whose cause was by no means weak.[44] Arista, who had gained the reputation of promoting most of the strong and national measures under the actual ​administration, was evidently the favorite among the people; and as his decided control of the government gave him an advantage, the opposition turned their efforts chiefly against him. The conservatives had special cause for dislike in his arbitrary interference with the municipal elections in the capital, resulting in the removal of the conservative monarchical ayuntamiento of 1849, the introduction of a law whereby the longstanding control of the local authorities in the elections was taken from them, and the consequent installation for 1851 of a strongly liberal body.[45] They did not hesitate to bring forward the most absurd charges to create prejudice, even to accuse him of instigating the murder of a prominent citizen.[46] All ​this availed little, however, for he secured the election.[47]

So ended the rule of Herrera. He was eminently a man of peace, with aims suited for the period of reaction following the excitement and calamities of 1846 -7, during which the people at large, sadder and for a time wiser, became intent mainly on rest and recuperation. The result was a gratifying revival of prosperity. Abundant harvests were reported from every quarter; the yield of the mines increased rapidly, and also the export lists, giving impulse to manufactures and traffic. A step was taken toward railway[48] and telegraph construction, the first wires under such auspices making connection between Mexico and Puebla in 1851.[49] Buildings rose, home comforts spread, and art, science, and literature began to flourish in a degree hitherto unparalleled, under the leadership of poets, dramatists, and thinkers like Carpio, Pesado, Galvan, the Lacunzas, Prieto, and Payno. This evidence of growing prosperity received an appropriate display in the first industrial exhibition held in the country, in imitation of European efforts. It was opened November 1, 1849, under the auspices of the municipal authorities at Mexico; and although limited for this occasion to horticultural products, including flowers, fruit, and vegetables, sweetmeats, and certain classes of plastic art, it proved highly successful, and beneficial in its effect. Unfortunately civil war and other troubles ​interfered with the proposed annual renewal of the enterprise.[50]

The preceding observations apply especially to the central provinces, comprising the greater part of the population, yet the north and south are not altogether an exception, although here the war of races on the one side, and the devastating ravages of wild Indians on the other, spread a great blight. There were also the common afflictions attending the inroad of cholera in 1850,[51] and the agitation of parties blind to everything but their own ambitious purposes. Their dissension and strife extended to the congress itself, obstructing, neutralizing, defeating every effort to aid the government in its all-important task of reorganization and reform. Against such indifference and opposition, even the best of men could not have succeeded, much less the somewhat incongruous and experimental body under Herrera, varied during a period of two years and a half by sixteen different changes in the finance ministry, and eight in those of relations and justice. Herrera was a man of proverbial honor and rectitude, well meaning, and full of beneficent projects; but he lacked energy and firmness to carry them out, and not having sufficient discernment to select and retain the most fitting advisers, he yielded too readily to more positive minds like Arista's, which were intent rather on their own aims, or unable to cope with the task undertaken. Nevertheless, when we ​consider the exceptionally trying circumstances under which he was called to power, attempting to bring order out of chaos with insufficient means and against harassing opposition, his administration ranks among the most acceptable, judging by the reforms introduced and the prosperity unfolded, even though several of the leading tasks of reorganization remained unaccomplished. If no positive admiration followed him to his retreat at Tacubaya, neither did ill-will. He lived in a seclusion, forced upon him to some extent by maladies, to which he succumbed in February 1854, leaving an enviable record as one of the most upright and unselfish of rulers.[52]

  1. ↑ Although the government meekly conferred upon him the command at Xichú, with the rank of major, and a guard of 100 men paid by the former. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 368; Мéх., Меm. Min. Guer., 1850, 7.
  2. ↑ And his second, Ramirez, falling mortally wounded. Their followers were included under the general amnesty of April 12th, yet 478 prisoners were sent away to remain under supervision as colonists in different northern frontier states. See Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1849, 82, 292-3; Arrillaga, Recop., April 1849, 131-2; 1849-50, 161-2. For aid granted, Méc., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1848, 458. Other details in Monitor Rep., Dec. 22, 1848, etc.; Sonorense, Dec. 1, 1848, etc.; Heraldo, Dec. 11, 1848, etc.; Correo Nac., Jan. 3, 1849, etc.; Сent. Am. Pарers, v. 302; Меx., Меm., v. doc. 4.
  3. ↑ The commandant at Matamoros reported in June 1849 that a conspiracy had been discovered, emanating from refugees at Brownsville, and proposing to start the movement. Their manifesto, which bears a strong resemblance in its opening to that issued by the U. S. in 1776, declared the seven northern states independent of Mexico, on the ground of corrupt administration and political changes, oppressive exactions by usurping rulers and their disorderly armies, forcible encroachments on the church and faith and personal 1roperty and rights, and disregard for the interests and sufferings of the northern states. The nine articles may be consulted among other places in Universal, July 10, 1849; Cent. Am. Papers, v. 43, etc.
  4. ↑ For plans and manœuvres to check the invasion, see Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 487-8; Arrillaga, Recop., 1849, 125-6; Id., Recop. Ley., Dec. y Circ., 123-31; U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 31, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 1, pt ii. 18-67; Monitor Rep., Aug. 8, 1849, etc.; and for comprehensive account, Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this series; Castañeda, Plan Defensa, 1-27; Pinart Coll.
  5. ↑ With $50 more for warrior prisoners, and $150 for boys and girls under 14, $50 less if dead, and right to all spoils taken from the Indians, the leader of the party being responsible for all effects taken from or damage done to peaceful inhabitants. República, July 4, 1849; El Toro, June 5, 1849. The legislature of Chihuahua approved the proposal, although hesitating at the bid for killing women. Durango adopted substantially the same measure, while preferring to give original owners of recovered stock the privilege tɔ redeem it at $3 for horses and $3 for mules. Dur., Registro Ofic., June 25, 1843, et seq.
  6. ↑ Méx. Informe Comis. Pesquis., 1874, 81, etc.; Mex., Border Com., 337-40; Pap. Var., cxcix. pt 5.
  7. ↑ Where Col Mendez, by the end of January 1849, gained four villages, and established two cantons at Chemax and Tikuch. In the following months the garrisons were extended to Yalcobá, and an expedition from Tizimia made a successful march toward Chancenote, bringing back more than 300 prisoners. Boletin Ofic. for these months, passim.
  8. ↑ Saban lay south of Ichmul, and the other cantonment, Chikinçonot, north. The siege of Tihosuco began in Jan. 1849. Globo, March 1, 1849.
  9. ↑ Round Hopelchen, Bolonchenticul, etc.
  10. ↑ The forcible entry into the district of the Yucatan governor, O'Neill, in 1798, and his defeat, led the colonists to regard their occupation as affirmed by conquest; but by convention of 1802 the right was not sustained. The treaty of commerce between Mexico and England in 1826 confirmed the privileges held under the treaties with Spain; and although the clause was vague, the vain effort made ten years later by the court of St James to obtain a transfer of Spanish territorial claims shows that the occupation was not accepted as unequivocal. Méx., Mem. Min. Rel., 1879; Peniche, Hist. Rel. Belice, 5 et seq.
  11. ↑ Меx., Меm. Мin. Rel., 1850, 8-9.
  12. ↑ In May-June 1849. It was overwhelmed by the Indians, and had to find its way back in detachments. The besiegers exhibited the most reckless bravery in pushing their works and making their assaults, usually by night. At one time there were over 200 of the garrison on the sick-list, and food failing, desertion increased. In order to check the growing discontent, Cetina one day called on the men in favor of retreat to step forward. Half a dozen did so, only to be shot, according to Baqueiro, Ensayo, ii. cap. vi. Even a lieut-col was shot for being in secret understanding with the rebels. See also Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 159; Universal, June 9, 16, etc., 1849.
  13. ↑ 'Trece mil cuatrocientos hombres componen las fuerzas que ha levantado el Estado.' Méx., Mem. Min. Guer., 1850, 1.
  14. ↑ From the subsequent monthly allowance granted by Mexico, privates received $1 each and the rest in proportion, to $30 for the col; but this was not often given.
  15. ↑ Decree of Nov. 6, 1848. Aznar. Coll., iii. 240. For details concerning the state revenue and resources, see Yuc., Mem. Gob., 1849, with appended docs.
  16. ↑ The term was for 10 years, with a compensation to the men of $2 a month, 2 cotton dresses a year, and certain weekly allowance of maize and meat. The women and children received much less.
  17. ↑ 'Un situado de diez y seis mil pesos.' Méx., Mem. Min. Rel., 1850, 12. Yucatec authorities reduce it to $15,000.
  18. ↑ In June 1850 the jefe político at Tiximin pronounced for separation, but the attempt was promptly suppressed. Méx., Mem. Min. Guer., 1850, 9. A contract for provisions was vainly objected to by the agent as infringing the tariff. The subsidy, granted in August 1849, was stopped within less than six months. In March 1850 the town of Cármen was almost totally destroyed by fire, with a loss estimated at $3,000,033.
  19. ↑ By a lover of his wife, his own secretary, who played the role of an ascetic to further his designs.
  20. ↑ Patria, Sept.-Oct. 1849, passim.
  21. ↑ Venancio Pec even proposed a journey to England for the purpose, but the means collected for the trip were lost during a raid.
  22. ↑ Charles St John Fancourt, who in 1854 published at London a History of Yucatan, covering a portion of the colonial period.
  23. ↑ The cause of war lay in the violation of promises by the Yucatec government, offering exemption from taxes in return for their aid against Mexican invaders, yet imposing the most onerous and unequal contributions. They could never again rely on the promises of the Yucatecs; and rather than submit to their taxes or control, they would emigrate. Their proposal to be governed by the superintendent of Belize, Fancourt could not entertain. He prevailed on them to reduce their territorial claim and allow whites to reside among them. Cent. Amer. Papers, v. 80; Nic., Cor. Ist., Jan. 16, 1850.
  24. ↑ In a rambling proposal of Jan. 24, 1850, signed by Chan, Pec, Novelo, and Secretary Gil, at Cruzehen, it is required that the Spanish troops, as they are called, stay their expeditions in order to give the Indians time to consult. Reproduced in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., viii. 359-64.
  25. ↑ Mendez made a raid toward Chan's headquarters at Cruzchen, and brought back 150 loads of maize, 20 prisoners, and 140 submitted natives. Patria, Feb. 25, 1850, ct seq.; also Fenix, etc.
  26. ↑ Under Col Eulogio Rosado, commanding in the south-east, and Gen. Cadenas, commanding in the north-west.
  27. ↑ Méx., Mem. Min. Guer., 1851, 11-12. The most brilliant operation during the year was O'Horan's march in June-July 1850 across the peninsula to Bacalar and back, bringing 218 prisoners and tokens from 117 killed. Baqueiro, Ensayo, ii. cap. vi.; Fenix, nos 128-9. Bacalar had been relieved in April, when nearly lost.
  28. ↑ It lay eight leagues east from the bay. The foundation was fostered by J. M. Barrera, a rising man, who here discovered the indispensable spring, so prized in this arid country, and obtained the assistance of a priest who was a ventriloquist. Baqueiro, loc. cit. It became the object of repeated attacks and fell several times, but grew, nevertheless, to become the chief town.
  29. ↑ He promised to subdue the rebels within four months if a million of pesos were placed at his disposal. This was out of the question, a loan of $70,000 alone being offered by the peninsular people.
  30. ↑ The móvil was divided into three divisions, under Cadenas, Rosado, and Molas, with a reserve under Llergo. Siglo XIX., no. 156 et seq. Kampocolché was the most advance cantonment.
  31. ↑ The priests who attended the expeditions only lost influence. Zamacois indulges in a panegyric on their persuasion and zeal. Hist. Mej., xiii. 335-70. The district of Chichanjá, west of Belize, yielded to mediation from the corregidor at Peten, but were soon roused again by Barrera. In 1835 three formidable expeditions left for the east under Col Ruz, for the centre and Chenes districts under O'Horan and others, and for the south under Vega himself, who alone achieved anything important. He took Chan Santa Cruz, Feb. 24ch, relieved Bacalar, and returned to Peto by the end of April. In June Bacalar was again relieved, and Chan Santa Cruz taken once more, involving the fall of Pec. For details, see Universal, Feb.-Oct. 185%; and following: Siglo XIX.; Id., Progreso, June 13, 1850, etc.; Cent. Amer. Papers, ii. 39 et seq.; v. 302; Guat., Gac., Aug. 23, 1810, etc.; Baqueiro, Ensayo, ii. cap. vi., etc.; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., iv. 206 et seq.; Barbachano, Mem. Yuc., 148 et seq.; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 140 etc.
  32. ↑ Notably in the almost unanimous reëlection of Barbachano for governor. In 1850 the electoral college appeared so unfavorable to the Mendez faction that they formed a separate college and sent 12 deputies of their own to Mexico. The chambers chose to ignore both elections. In 1851 the Barbachano electors numbered 5, the Mendez 3, while 2 were independent, and 2 friends of Vega, with leanings to Mendez.
  33. ↑ This aspirant was Beltran, seconded by a Spaniard named Olave. Beltran held in 1848 the ascendancy for a time, capturing Governor Maldonado of Chiapas, but in 1850 he was taken and shot. Maldonado, Informe, 1-14; Universal, Nov. 25, Dec. 12, 1849, Jan. 29, June 26, 1850; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 52, 135; Heraldo, Dec. 20. 1848; Correo Nac., Dec. 14, 19, 1848.
  34. ↑ He rose in the southern part of Vera Cruz in April 1851, and although his force was dispersed within a month, he broke forth anew.
  35. ↑ Melendez first rose at Juchitan with less defined plans, although directed mainly against the governor of Tehuantepec department, Echavarria. The separation cry was intended to bring him greater support, but failed, and in Jan. 1851 he submitted on favorable terms. The government hesitating to confirm them, he fled, and kept the district in fear of another outbreak. petty revolt at Tehuantepec itself in Dec. 1851, Moreti's operations, and a futile rising at Comitan in June against Chiapas' governor, were all sympathetic movements. Details are given in Méx., Mem. Min. Guer., 1851, 5-6, 9-12; 1832, 9-16, 32; Universal, 1849-51, passim; Siglo XIX., id.
  36. ↑ Méx., Mem. Min. Guer., 1851, 5, 10; 1852, 8. Among sympathetic local movements were a Santanist rising at Cocula, and a militia meeting at Cuautla, in October 1850, based on land claims. The murder of Gen. Rea, at Ayutla, in the same month, ascribed partly to his Spanish origin, aroused great excitement. Monitor Rep., Jan. 4, 1851, etc.; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 210.
  37. ↑ There are 13 articles. By the 3d and 4th the U. S. have the right to send troops for protecting the constructors, if required by Mexico, or in case of interrupted relations. Art. 8 stipulates that the toll and contributions on Americans are not to exceed those levied on Mexicans. Mexican products pay rates one fifth less. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1850, 152-7. This was signed in June 1850 by the minister Pedraza and Letcher, and approved by the governments at Mexico and Washington, but rejected by an act of the Mexican congress in April 1852.
  38. ↑ For a history of the grant and its vicissitudes, see Tehuan., Account of, London, 1846, 1-128, with maps; Id., Observ. Communic. between Atlantic and Pacific, N. Y., 1848, 1-50, with several plans and maps; Ramirez, Mem. Diferenc., 109-230; Mex., Rept. Tehuan. Com., 1-12. Statements prepared by the grantees in Burwell, Mem., 1-36, with maps; Tehuan., Controversy, Review, 1-63. Mexican replies, Garay, Privilegio, Mem. Instruct., 1-39, translated in Garay, Privilege, Mem., 1-44; also Id., Statement, Mex., 1852, and a number of minor memorials and statements in Barnard's Tehuan., app. 277-81, etc.; Tehuan. Canal, 1846-53, a collection, and other sources to be quoted in a later special chapter on the subject, from U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 32, Ses. 1, Sen. 92, 1-177, x., etc.
  39. ↑ The government was permitted to dispose of 3,000 militia, and a considcrable force of regulars moved to the scene. Captain Miron was made chief of the sotavento region, under Comandante General Marin. Méx., Mem. Min. Guer., 1852, 19-22.
  40. ↑ After whom was also named his native town of Tixtla. It was formed of the districts of Acapulco, Chilapa, and Tasco, taken from Mexico; Tlapa, taken from Puebla; and Coyuca, taken from Michoacan. Decree signed at Mexico, May 15, 1849. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1849, 90-100. The addition of Coyuca was promoted by the pronunciamiento of Pinzon shortly before, advocating this step. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 151. The formation was mainly due to the efforts of Bravo and Álvarez. See their appeals to other states for confirmation. Universal, June 3), 1849; Economista, May 30, 1849. S. Mex. Geog. Bolet., ix. 268; Pinart Coll., no. 1022. Rio de las Balsas formed the Michoacan boundary. Conditions accompanying the decrec of confirmation in Arrillaga, Recop., 1849-53, 31-2, 143-8; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 559-60, 623-4, 647-8. A proposal to unite Coahuila and Nuevo Len led to a local dispute with the governor of the former state, and to what was called unwarranted interference by the president. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 371.
  41. ↑ Concerning their sessions, prorogations, etc., see Méa., Legisl. Mej., 1849, 68-9, 118, 129-30, 326-7; Arrillaga, Recop., Apr. 1849, 117; 1849-50, 63, 63, 73. 95-6, 195, 267; Universal, Globo, and other journals.
  42. ↑ The Iris and Eco del Comercio warmly advocated tolerance, while the Universal headed another number, and the clergy threw a flood of petitions against it, notably by women. There was one from Orizaba containing the signatures of 1,200 females.
  43. ↑ By letter dated Feb. 12, 1849, Méx., Mem. Min. Just., 1850, 40-1; text reproduced in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xiii. 266-8. Decree of March 16, 1843, ordering a gift and three days' prayer. Arrillaga, Recop., 1849, 113. The pope replied by holding out a vain hope for a Mexican cardinal and by conferring decorations on Herrera and those who had joined him in offering aid. Arista took a decided stand against tolerance. Derecho Intern. Mex., i. 626-57, shows the friendly relations with Rome. Cent. Amer. Papers, iii. 166; Guad., Consulto del Cabildo, 1-89, on encyclical letter regarding immaculate conception. Concerning constitutional reforms, projects from the north, San Luis Potosí, Constit., proyecto, Reforma, 1848, 1-29; 1850, 1-46.
  44. ↑ Arista was supported notably by the Monitor Republicano; Pedraza by the influential Siglo XIX.; Rosa by the Demócrata; Bravo by the well-known Universal; Almonte by Linterna de Diógenes. Santa Anna counted on La Palanca and Huracan, the latter favoring also Iturbide, while the Tribuno and Oposicion advocated Farias and Bernardo Couto respectively.
  45. ↑ By decree of Nov. 6, 1850. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1850, 214-15. The ayuntamiento elected for July 1849 included such men as Alaman, the aged minister, now favoring a stable monarchy, Vasquez de Leon, and Arrangoiz, later strong pillars of Maximilian. The proceedings of Arista at the close of 1849, to stay their control of the ensuing election, created some disorder and mobbing, and led to the resignation of the body, after a protest against the meddling of the government. The minister of justice also retired, and was replaced by Senator Castañeda on Dec. 7th. The preceding ayuntamientos of 1847 and 1848 successively declined the invitation to assume the management, and petitions poured in against it, as well as abuse from journals. Instance, Universal, Aug. 30, 1849, and subsequent dates; Globo, Dec. 2, 1849, etc.; La Muerte, Tio Nonilla, and others. The editor of the latter sheet, a Spaniard, was banished as obnoxious to peace. The rest were protected by the existing liberty of press. The electors chosen by the government commissioners failed to reach the necessary numbers, and Anaya, the governor of the district, resigning, Col Azcárate succeeded him, to assume also control of municipal affairs. Finally congress decreed the installation of the body ruling in 1848, which held possession from Sept. till Jan. 1, 1851, when the newly elected liberal regidores entered. Decrees concerning the successive elections and changes are in Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1849, 113-15, 131-3; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1850, 5, 206–-8, 213-14, 243-4. For charges against ministry for meddling, see Arango y Escandon, Acusacion, 1-12; Mex. Pamphlets, iii. pt vi. Review of district affairs in Méx., Mem. Min. Rel., 1851, 36-43, ap. no. 7. Observations by Governor of State Arizcorreta in Respuesta, 3; Dispos. Varias, v. 67; Pap. Var., cciii. pt v. 4. Riva Palacio succeeded Arizcorreta in 1849 as governor of the state of Mexico. Alaman, Apunt. Biog., 40-1.
  46. ↑ Cañedo, deputy from Jalisco, although the thieves who, assisted by a servant, had done the deed were quickly caught and convicted, yet the execution was delayed for a time. See charges in Universal, Mar. 31, 1850, and Huracan, based on a supposed fear by Arista of documents in Cañedo's possession. On July 27, 1850, the Universal headed a number of journals in a formal protest against Arista's candidature, as the outcome of intrigue, not of party nomination, urged merely by organs of the minister, who paid them from the public treasury. He had failed to aid in defending Mexico against the late invaders, and broken faith with all parties, surrounded himself with adventurers, and disturbed public peace to gain his own ends. His election would only produce revolution. See also Garay, Defensa, 1-64; Miscel., xii. pt 4.
  47. ↑ Out of 19 legislative votes Arista obtained 13, Almonte 3, Rosa 2, and Pedraza 1. The announcement took place in the lower house on Jan. 8. The votes of Jalisco, Querétaro, and Coahuila were challenged; those of the latter state were alone rejected. See Universal, Jan. 10, 1831, and other journals, as above. Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 316, writes as if Almonte had a good prospect of gaining the seat by congressional election.
  48. ↑ By decree of May 8, 1849, the government was authorized to contract for a railway from Vera Čruz to the Pacific by way of Mexico. Arrillaga, Recop., 1849-50, 39-42.
  49. ↑ At the close of October the first message was sent. The credit of this work is due to a Spaniard, Juan de la Granja, who obtained the privilege to construct lines. Several laws were issued to protect them. Derecho Intern. Mex., iii. 969-70; Méx., Mem. Fomento, 1866, 92-3, doc. 47, etc.
  50. ↑ The project adds another to the many laudable efforts of the able Lúcas Alaman, at this time president of the abused conservative monarchical ayuntamiento of the capital. So eagerly was it received by the people that 379 objects were sent in the first day. Alaman accordingly formed a Junta de Fomento de las Exposiciones, and prepared to open the second fair in May 1850, when the cholera came to stop the preparations. His death and later wars proved additional checks. For reports of the exhibition, see Monitor Rep., Oct. 31, 1849, et seq.; Tio Nonilla, Nov. 5, etc., with awards; also Cortina's review, in Discurso Cient., pt. xiii. 1-12; and Arrangoiz', Méj., ii, ap. 7-16, as one of the committee.
  51. ↑ The deaths from which were estimated by Oct. at 14,000. Precautionary decrees had been issued as early as Jan. 1849. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1849, 6. Round Fresnillo a failure of crops gave rise to outbreaks among the afflicted, Variedades Jurisp., i. 286-305, and Mexico suffered in March 1850 from a heavy fire. Rivera, Mex. Pint., ii. 271-2.
  52. ↑ His extreme poverty confirmed his proverbial integrity, 'dejando solamente á sus hijos un nombre inmaculado y á sus conciudadanos el ejemplo de verdaderas virtudes.' Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 377. The Diario Oficial, Feb. 12, 1854, alone sought to please Santa Anna by sneering at his military ability. He was buried unostentatiously at San Fernando.
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