History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 24

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXIV.

 

HIS MOST SERENE HIGHNESS, THE DICTATOR

 

1853

Ceballos is Confirmed as President — Inefficient Measures — Suppression of the Congress — Plan of Arroyozarco — Resignation of Ceballos — Lombardini Succeeds — Nepotism and Corruption — Electoral Campaign — Victory of Santanists and Conservatives — Return of Santa Anna — His Ministry and Policy — A Centralized Administration Reconstruction of the Army and its Object — Favoritism, Espionage, and Persecution — A Few Redeeming Efforts — Death of Alaman, the Great Conservative Leader — Pomp and Arrogance of the Dictator — Orders and Titles — Visions of Empire.

The political situation was by no means improved by the resignation of Arista; for the troops gave signs of uneasiness, and no one knew what course they might take. Fortunately the commanding officers succeeded in controlling them. The chambers were summoned to signify their choice of a new ruler, and thought it prudent to introduce the least change possible, by sustaining as president ad interim Judge Ceballos, whose opposition to the late decree restricting the press had added to the laurels formerly gained by him as governor of Michoacan.^[1] He took the oath the same day, January 6, 1853, and proceeded to form a new cabinet. This was not an easy task in times so critical, for he objected to any decided change of policy, and sought rather a conciliatory middle course, in which few of the prominent men had any confidence. Finally, the war portfolio was accepted by General Blanco, a well-known conservative and Santanist; and those of relations and justice by J. A. de la Fuente and Lodron de Guevara, one a moderate liberal, the other bent on extraordinary powers for the executive, but both influenced by the former. J. M. Urdiqui took charge of the finance department.^[2]

After giving so strong a majority to the new president, the chambers could not wholly ignore his demand for aid. Nevertheless, it was not without pressure that they conceded to the executive extraordinary powers for a period of three months.^[3] The resignation of Arista was avowedly to promote a peaceful solution; and with this intent Ceballos had also been installed. He accordingly released the political prisoners, issued an amnesty for similar delinquents, and invited the governors to assist in obviating hostilities and arriving at an arrangement, to which end he countenanced for the time the tariff changes at the gulf ports.^[4] But these and other measures were stamped with a vagueness and irresolution that repelled confidence and gave strength to the revolution, which was rapidly spreading southward in Oajaca, and from Querétaro northward as far as Chihuahua. Indeed, the movement had assumed a force which temporizing or partial concessions could not bend. The chambers seemed to be imbued with the prevailing doubt, and relaxed their support, a large proportion of the members neglecting even to attend the sessions, and allowing the opposition free play in its hostility to the administration.

The only safety lay apparently in yielding to the swelling torrent by adopting the plan of Guadalajara, but in such a manner as to place the executive at its head if possible. On January 19th, accordingly, a bill was presented in the lower house for calling a national convention to frame a federal constitution, choose a president, and promote harmony.^[5] Great was the outcry among the deputies against this invitation to commit political suicide. Ceballos and his cabinet were denounced as traitors, threatened with a revocation of their extraordinary power, and even by arraignment.^[6] His reply was to dissolve the body,^[7] an act consummated with no little disorder. "Sovereign people! behold how a revolutionary government treats your representatives!" cried one of the ousted members; but the appeal evoked merely groans and derision. The senate received similar treatment. The two bodies thereupon met at a private house to proceed with the impeachment of Ceballos, and to elect a new president. Nineteen votes fell upon the able governor of Puebla, Múgica y Osorio, and he declining, Marcelino Castañeda, vice-president of the supreme court, accepted; but on passing to Puebla to be installed he failed to receive the necessary indorsement, and had to retreat.^[8] In order to stop such irregular and disturbing procedure, deputies and senators were dispersed and strictly forbidden to hold meetings.^[9]

Their last act was a bitter protest against the ungrateful Ceballos. Deceived by his stanch opposition to Arista's very slight attempt at arbitrariness, they had raised him to the presidency, and shown their confidence by intrusting him with the special power refused to the submissive Arista. And this was the return. The situation no doubt seemed to demand prompt measures, and Ceballos evidently took a prudent course in yielding to the popular plan, regardless of the representatives for whom he had been chosen to act; but the coup d'état served only to precipitate the inevitable revolution into a new channel. The ministers recognized their rashness and resigned, Blanco alone retaining office with a view to use his influence for private and party interests.^[10] The president was but a child at the mercy of the stronger party leaders surrounding him. Lombardini, a warm admirer of Santa Anna, declared openly for the plan of Guadalajara, while acknowledging the existing administration; and Uraga was invited by Blanco to a conference. In the belief that this manœuvre strengthened his position, Ceballos sought to avail himself thereof to obtain a loan; to which end a new tariff was projected, with due regard for the changes demanded by the gulf ports;^[11] but cautious capitalists were not to be so readily persuaded, at least by such a government. Its fall was retarded only by differences which still kept apart the leaders of the great movement,^[12] for most provinces had by this time tacitly or expressly adhered to it, different sections seeking merely to define its course, some for the maintenance of federalism, some for the revival of the bases of 1843, others for Santa Anna, and still others preferring to leave the decision to the convention. Even monarchists ventured amidst the confusion to raise their voice.

This state of affairs could not long remain unchanged. General Robles, late minister of war, who had been sent to take charge of the government troops lately operating against Guadalajara, retired into Guanajuato, and there came to an understanding with the powerful governor Ledo, a moderate liberal with conservative ties. Both thereupon agreed with Uraga upon a new plan, formally adopted at Arroyozarco, near Querétaro, on February 4th, whereby the latter was empowered to appoint a junta de notables, which had to elect a president with dictatorial power to act till a congress, called within a year, should issue a new constitution.^[13] This evident disregard for the federal bond and privileges, together with the determination to permit an aristocratic faction to impose a dictator upon the country, was sure to rouse no little feeling. So far, however, it was only a project for the consideration of the powers at Mexico, which after all held the key to the situation. Ceballos could gain nothing by the new plan, unless the selection of the junta was left to himself; and Uraga refusing to yield this all-important point, he virtuously declared against so glaring a distortion of the Jalisco programme. But the decision lay not with him. Blanco had surrendered his now useless portfolio, and sided with Lombardini, who in controlling the garrison held the position of arbiter. His leanings could not well be misinterpreted; yet it was absolutely necessary for success to court the sovereign states; and the Arroyozarco project was accordingly so modified as to leave to the legislatures, and where these lacked to the governors, the choice of the dictator, a significant clause being added, permitting votes to be cast for a citizen absent from the country — that is, Santa Anna.^[14]

Ceballos now recognized his own insignificance; and objecting to be made a cat's-paw for Santa Anna, he resigned, withdrawing the same day, February 7th, to his former position on the bench. And so ended the month's rule of the chief justice, which may be regarded as the closing link of the experimental chain begun by Herrera. Although less unselfish than the repentant Arista, it may be claimed that Ceballos endeavored to save for the liberals all that he could. His failure was due to causes beyond his control, yet promoted by a lack of discriminating foresight. Nevertheless, he marked his administration by two important measures, obtaining the weighty coöperation of the United States minister toward a new Tehuantepec interoceanic contract, which not only assisted to invalidate the claim of Garay's successors, but brought some money be claimed that Ceballos endeavored to to the treasury.^[15] The other act was an official recognition of civil marriages with foreigners, against which the church struggled as a dangerous infringement on its rights.^[16]

 

In accordance with a clause of the new plan, the generals who had assisted in framing it were to elect a successor in case Ceballos resigned. The choice lay presumably between Uraga, already spoken of for the presidency, and Lombardini; but none of those concerned favoring the former, Lombardini obtained the vote.^[17] As the depositary, and nothing more, of the executive power, he formed no cabinet, but attended to the different departments with the aid of existing subordinate officials.^[18] This was deplorable in several ways, for he possessed no ability whatsoever as statesman, and lacked also the common prudence and integrity for exercising the functions of his office.^[19] Moreover, not content with absolutely needful enactnents, he arrogated all the powers and privileges possible, as if to make the most of his brief tenure, and decided important questions with such precipitation as to cause no little additional trouble to the following government, besides loss to the nation, notably in the finance department. As it was, different states and parts adhered to different tariffs, with endless confusion and immense leakage in the revenue. The lease of mints to a foreign house was prolonged for a series of years at a ruinous rate;^[20] certain funds held in trust for the aborigines of the capital were squandered in dissipation;^[21] and comrades in arms and friends of the president were promoted and favored at the public expense in the most glaring manner, nearly a thousand military commissions alone being issued to a host of officers, retired or dismissed as superfluous or worthless by the late economic administrations. As may be imagined, the army was swelled in due proportion, mostly by ruthless impressment among the unfortunate Indians, on the plea of maintaining order and repelling invaders, but in reality to sustain the victors in their position and aims.^[22]

These operations passed comparatively unchallenged, partly from a disregard for Lombardini, who was looked upon as a mere locum tenens, and obeyed only when convenient, but chiefly from the all-absorbing party struggle throughout the country in connection with the presidential vote and its attendant hopes. All the states, with rare exception, were in the throes of revolution, resulting in gubernatorial and other changes in the leading sections, such as Mexico, Puebla, Oajaca, Michoacan, and even Guanajuato; while those around sympathized more or less, either by adopting the plan of Mexico or that of Jalisco. Conservatives and Santanists availed themselves of the excitement caused by the impending change to push their advantage, especially in weighty districts, well aware that the rest in their bewilderment, or from a natural inclination to stand on the winning side, would be apt to follow their example.^[23] The cry for the maintenance of federalism was lost in the turmoil. Santa Anna's patriotism and services during the war of 1846-7, although unsuccessful, and his subsequent voluntary return into exile, caused many to look upon him with favor as a reformed man, and his late stand for federalism inclined toward him a large proportion of this wide-spread though momentarily subordinate element. In the soldiers again he had always a strong support, owing to his care for their pay and comfort; and as the army was now rapid!y swelling under control of Lombardini's appointees, its influence on the struggle may readily be understood. His partisans used these means to the fullest extent. They pointed out the absolute need for a man of his recognized ability and energy to bring order out of the prevailing strife, which might otherwise degenerate into anarchy and dissolution, and to put a check on the savage raids in the north, and on the threatening invasions along both frontiers.

Under such circumstances, it was not surprising that the state votes, opened on the 17th of March as arranged, should declare for the wily hero of Vera Cruz by an overwhelming majority.^[24] And now for a rush to be foremost in bringing him the gratifying news.^[25] No less was the haste on his part; for before the official notification could reach him, he sent assurances that he was prepared to coöperate with leading men, and sacrifice himself for the good of the country, even so far as to retire again if this should seem advisable. At the same time he began to send his instructions to Lombardini, who obediently accepted the role of mouth-piece. He left in March the village of Turbaco, not far from Cartagena, where he had for some time been figuring as beneficent patron, and reached Vera Cruz on April 1st.^[26] It was a day appropriately significant of deluded hopes, cherished by the people no less than by the crowd of adherents and office-seekers, who jostled one another at the landing-place, eager to render homage to the dictator, and receive the boon of his passing glance. Among them were not only conservatives of all grades, but men of prominence from other parties, who stood prepared to barter principle and prestige for a patronizing smile.^[27]

His advance toward the capital was a triumphal march, past streaming banners and pealing bells, under imposing arches and floral wreaths, over abject deputations, and midst the boom of cannon and the cheers of a novelty-seeking multitude. And Santa Anna responded in turn with winning nods, and a most generous dispensation of promises, to which he lent support by a well-studied proclamation,^[28] and a modest refusal of the title of captain-general, which Lombardini obsequiously revived for his special benefit.^[29] No less pleasing was the impression produced by an amnesty for all political offences, which served to lull the fears of those on whom vengeance might fall. The illusion of the federalists was early disturbed, however, by an unsatisfactory reply to petitions in favor of their system; and among the conservatives only too many regretted the surrender of so much power to such a man. But they needed him, and he could not do without them.

Lúcas Alaman, as their leader, had taken the precaution to outline the policy desired by them, requiring above all protection against liberal encroachment upon the church as the only reliable bond between the people, with their antagonistic castes and races; also security for proprietors of landed estates — generally of enormous extent — against the progressive ideas now becoming prevalent. The masses were unfit to exercise the privilege of electors, and federation was an anarchical system for such a country, which needed a strong central control. Hence a new territorial division was desirable to assist in obliterating the semi-independent state organizations, and a strong army to maintain order, repress highway robbery, and check savage raids, a still larger reserve being formed from inexpensive militia troops. In addition to these more or less veiled suggestions, Alaman undertook to warn Santa Anna against schemers and speculators, flatterers and traitors, who might lead him with hasty measures into difficulties, perhaps to a speedy fall.^[30]

These insinuations against his wisdom and prudence, conveyed in a tone of superior knowledge and independent frankness, could hardly please the dictator, now once more surrounded by deferential courtiers and flatterers. They were presumptuous.^[31] But they came from the leader of a strong and indispensable party, whose aristocratic ideas conformed to his own ambitious views. He must, therefore, dissimulate a while till they could be safely snubbed. He even appointed Alaman prime minister, the other three portfolios being given to Teodosio Lares, Haro y Taimariz, and J. M. Tornel, for justice, finance, and war, respectively. Within a month two new departments were created for interior affairs: one termed gobernacion, and relieving especially Lares from the interior administration not closely connected with judicial and ecclesiastical matters; the other, known as fomento or improvements, embraced public works, trade, colonization, and cognate branches. They were intrusted to Diez de Bonilla and Velazquez de Leon, respectively.^[32] The composition was of the most pronounced Santanist conservative type. Tornel, who alone stood credited with federal sympathies, was above all devoted to his patron; and the leader Alaman bore so strong a reputation for Spanish leanings, monarchical tendencies, and aristocratic bias against the masses and their independence champions, as to be almost offensive to the people at large.^[33] Here, then, was already an infringement of the national will, which in the revolutionary plans demanded due respect for public opinion, and representation at least for the leading parties.

Lombardini made a formal surrender of authority April 20th, and died soon after.^[34] Two days later the new government issued its basis or programme for administration till a constitution could be framed. It defined to some extent the duties of the ministers,^[35] and of the projected council of states, whose twenty-one members were to form into committees corresponding to the ministerial departments.^[36] States and territories were to return to the limits and condition prevailing before the late revolution; and in order to facilitate the reorganization now entered upon, their legislative authorities must retire, leaving to the governors their functions until the projected constitution could be issued.^[37]

The unsettled state of affairs following the revolution, and the all-absorbing expectancy of coming events, offered every opportunity for thus quietly and at one stroke centralizing the administration. The financial system quickly conformed, yet the blow was mitigated by withholding a while the decree changing the states into actual departments, with some additions to their number.^[38] Even municipal bodies were abolished, save in leading towns,^[39] and subjected more than ever to rules from governors and to other restrictions, arid finally to appointment by the central authorities, which thus took from the people every semblance of political government, and intruded them selves also in other directions, inquiring, for instance, with suspicious zeal, into the conduct of school children, and requiring lawyers to qualify at the capital.^[40]

Everything was subordinated to the direction of the dictator, who indicated his will, and executed it through officials, from councillors, generals, and governors to prefects, sub-prefects, and clerks, selected mainly with regard to their loyalty to their patron, and partly from policy. Although ability and fitness were secondary considerations, they cannot be said to have been lacking; for adherents, as well as the men to be courted, belonged as a rule to the cultivated and ruling classes. The council of state included individuals who had nearly all achieved distinction in ecclesiastic, legislative, and gubernatorial branches.^[41] Governors and prefects were mostly military men, among whom Santa Anna knew better how to choose devoted followers fitted to carry out his imperious demands by virtue of their training and their control over troops.^[42] The distribution of foreign missions served less to reward the recipients than to remove to a safe distance certain persons of influence, such as Uraga, who was sent to Berlin, and Almonte to Washington.^[43]

The readiest means for according favor and rallying adherents round the government was to offer appointments in the army, which, to this end, must now be reorganized and increased to 91,500 men. This force was to consist of 26,500 permanent troops and the remainder of active militia, into which latter had to be merged all state militia, for better control by the central government.^[44] The dissolution of the popular militia system created much ill-feeling, manifested at Vera Cruz in open though futile revolt. Another cause for discontent lay in the commendable substitution of conscription for the cruel impressment, which had created serious injury to agriculture, interior traffic, and other branches, by driving the Indians into hiding. The superior mixed and white races had learned to regard them as the proper material for the rank and file, and made such opposition to filling the quota assigned to each department that local and general authorities had to close their eyes to the law and accept the contingent without questions, regardless of the tearful appeals from bereaved wives and orphaned children. As it was, the required number could not be obtained,^[45] despite the allurements offered in privileges, and in several instances glittering uniforms and larger pay, whereof the new grenadier guard presented a striking example. The reconstruction was based on the latest systems, and instructors were introduced from Europe,^[46] whence came also improved arms and cannon for the long-neglected fortresses, as well as ships, with which it was proposed to swell the navy to twelve vessels.^[47] In order to render the new army as reliable as possible for the aims of the dictator, commissions were not only freely distributed among his known adherents, but several measures were invented to get rid of suspected individuals. A decree was issued to rake up the conduct of officers during the war of 1846-7, and dismiss those who had neglected to fight or shown cowardice, while rewarding the brave and patriotic. The task was confided to a special council, which had also to remove inefficient officers;^[48] and it would ever have been commended for its regenerative spirit, had not the real motive soon become apparent in the unjust and arbitrary manner of staining honorable names, and ignoring incapacity and unworthiness when centred in favorites. Not content with all these steps for securing control, certain petty demonstrations were used as a pretence for issuing an outrageously strict law against conspirators,^[49] and establishing an extensive force of secret police, which penetrated even into the family circle. The flimsiest accusation and the barest suspicion sufficed to drag worthy citizens from their homes into prisons and exile.^[50] Others were subjected to the most annoying surveillance. Internal passports served to control movements in every direction, and a press law forbade under severe penalties the slightest unfavorable comment on political affairs, every journal having to furnish heavy bonds for good conduct. The introduction of arms was carefully restricted, and even their possession by private citizens. Thus both incentive to and means for outbreaks were to be diminished; but indignation found vent, nevertheless, especially among the friends of persecuted liberals like Degollado, Ocampo, Juarez, and Arista, the latter foremost in feeling the wrath of the new potentate. Juarez had acquired no small fame as model governor of Oajaca.^[51]

For a long time, however, the people at large were quieted by hopes of the coming reconstruction for which the dictator had been summoned, and by many undeniably good reforms introduced, although some of them proved in time to be mere showy enactments, or disguises for iniquitous schemes, as I have shown. The reorganization of the army, the restoration of fortresses, the introduction of superior armament and methods, had all their commendable features; and the army served also to increase security and order by checking brigandage, which of late years infested the roads in every direction.^[52] Education was fostered, if not among the masses, at least in higher circles; and if the clergy were courted with intolerant decrees against protestant agents and bibles, and even against publications in general, it was sought to purify the observance of feast-days; and a pleasing, although perhaps injudicious, concession was made to instruction and to the people by readmitting the Jesuits.^[53] But the most enduring benefit conferred by Santa Anna was the creation of the fomento ministry, which gave the greatest impulse so far to internal improvements, in opening roads and bridges, constructing telegraphs, taking steps for building railways and public works, in fostering agriculture and mining, promoting colonization, and reanimating trade.^[54] In this lay some atonement for the heavy increase of taxation demanded by a costly military government, with its many reorganization plans.

By decree of May 14th the revenue was centralized, the government assuming control of all property and general contributions hitherto belonging to the states and territories.^[55] This brought the estimated income to fully $17,000,000,^[56] less $3,500,000 set aside for special purposes. The expenses were proportionately large, and those who had so long been talking about the economy of a centralized administration became less confident. The estimated expenditure was placed at $11,500,000, without counting a heavy additional sum required for reorganizing the military department, and a sum of $17,000,000 for covering the interest of the interior and foreign debts, partly overdue, and for meeting certain advantageous conventions.^[57] The deficit could be covered only by a loan, and as this was not obtainable on reasonable terms, save by offering unexceptionable security, Haro proposed the hypothecation of church property. The clergy understood the government policy too well to admit this or any other encroachment, however glowing the promises for compensation. They raised such opposition that the minister resigned.^[58] And now affairs were allowed to drift into disorder and oppression. Haro had begun well by economizing in several ways, stopping extra allowances, annulling many of Lombardini's orders, and promoting honesty and zeal with medals and advancement as well as by inspection; but this fell into neglect, and taxes and contributions increased fast and furiously to meet the increasing demands, until trade and industries, just about to revive, were again thrust back into a languishing condition. Even windows were taxed in a manner to threaten a change in architecture. Debts remained unpaid, the frontier was neglected, ruinous contracts and privileges were conceded, and disorder reigned supreme within the treasury, owing partly to inefficient methods, and partly to the x The demands of creditors were x staved off: those of the Spanish by means of a most unfavorable convention, which, being objected to by later governments, brought war clouds upon the country, as will be seen;^[59] and so with the French claims. pressure for means.

 

The credit as well as the blame, for the opening measures at least, of the dictatorship are due to Lúcas Alaman, one of the most prominent minds of Mexico, distinguished as the prime minister of its first republican administration, and subsequently as the leader of the conservative party. He contributed in a marked degree, in different public capacities, to shape the destinies of the nation: now as benefactor in checking the unbridled projects of visionaries and schemers, and in promoting material advancement; anon, unfortunately, in urging partisans to fierce strife, and in arraying selfish opposition to the dearest interests of the people.

Of an aristocratic family, reared amidst the exclusiveness of the colonial régime, he had imbibed ideas wholly antagonistic to the great majority, by which and for which the independence had been achieved. And travel only tended to confirm the ancestral predilection for the old-world glories of Spain. He refused to court the populace, holding with haughty assumption of superiority to the path marked out by his prejudices. This tone pervaded also his transactions in general, wherein he acted with an unimpeachable integrity that scorned to take advantage of his official opportunities, and found support in a simple, unostentatious life, and an unobtrusive piety. Yet beneath this lofty rectitude lurked a cold reserve that repelled friendship, and a diplomatic calculation that did not scruple at any means for the accomplishment of a seemingly good partisan object. His mind and prominent traits stand reflected in his writings, with their depth of thought, their clear and unaffected style, and with their lurking satire and marked party bias.^[60] Through him flowed both good and evil for Mexico; yet in all he undoubtedly aimed with true conviction for the best, and to him this centred in an autocratic government, which, with the aid of the educated and wealthy classes, including the clergy, should hold the masses in tutelage. His faults were rather of his race and class than of himself, and his countrymen can afford to forget them in admiring him as the foremost patron in his time of their arts and industries, as a distinguished historian, and as one of their greatest statesmen.^[61]

His death, which occurred on June 2, 1853, while he was still unfolding his plans for reconstructing the government, proved a serious blow to his party; for his moral energy and determination presented the only formidable check to the ambitious designs of the dictator, and reminded him of his obligations to those who had installed him. The restraint was further loosened by the demise shortly after of J. M. Tornel y Mendibil, the war minister, a man of erudition and experience; and although a devoted Santanist, he was swayed to some extent by federalist ideas.^[62] And now Santa Anna gave freer reins to his actions, with the coöperation of more pliant ministerial creatures, headed by Diez y Bonilla.^[63] He moved to Tacubaya immediately after Alaman's death, and lived there in regal state, with imposing pageantry and guards of honor in glittering uniforms. The palace, with its dazzling interior of tapestried and mirrored walls, costly furniture and statuary, and alcoves decked in choice flowers, became the frequent scene of balls and soirées; and here congregated the beauty, wealth, and influence of the country, forming a veritable court of sycophants and hangers-on, bending to his every whim.

It pleased him, this homage, and he deigned to recognize it by exerting his sovereign powers to adorn his courtiers with a fringe of nobility. He restored the Guadalupe order of Iturbide's ephemeral empire, an act explained to boorish republicans as required to perpetuate the glories of the independence, to reward merit, and add prestige to the government.^[64] He even condescended in the distribution to recognize the services of the mouldering Iturbide, Guerrero, and O'Donojú, while crushing Hidalgo, Morelos, and the rest with contemptuous disregard. Unfortunately, at the first public display of the order, as the members paraded in all their glittering insignia before the gaping masses, these, unable to grasp the solemn import of things esoteric, profaned the occasion by dubbing them huehuenches, a nickname passed round with boisterous hilarity, that found a persistent echo throughout the country. Even among the higher classes were men who manifested equal lack of appreciation. Chief Justice Ceballos, who after resigning the presidency had returned to the supreme bench, was honored by an offer of the third-class order. Either the degree was below his expectations, or he was sincere in declaring that his republican convictions opposed its acceptance; for he declined, as did his associate, Castañeda. Such unheard of independence in the midst of fawning adulation stung Santa Anna; and contrary to his stipulations and oaths, he ordered them both to be dismissed in the face of general though suppressed disapproval.^[65]

These and other puerilities were indulged in, regardless of the low condition of the treasury, and much time was wasted in discussing questions of social precedence and color of liveries, while depression and misery stalked abroad. Cholera was adding its horrors in the central provinces; locusts ravaged the eastern; both frontiers stood menaced by bands of invaders; and in the north neglected presidios and colonies were left to struggle with insufficient means against savage raiders; while the newly raised armies wallowed in ease in the interior cities, there massed to sustain autocratic measures and hush murmurings. And well they did their work; for the several efforts made to shake off the yoke were promptly suppressed, notably in Guanajuato, Yucatan, and Vera Cruz.^[66] The severe decrees against conspirators were applied with greater zeal than ever, and one prominent man after another who might prove dangerous to the government was sent into exile or cast into a dungeon, the only redeeming feature being a comparatively small number of executions.^[67]

The main object of the late revolution was to restore order, and convoke in due time a congress to frame a constitution. This implied a probable change of executive, and with curtailment of power, by no means palatable to Santa Anna; and as he had never yet allowed anything to interfere with his will so long as he possessed the means to enforce it, he was not likely to do so now in the face of such trifling objections as public rights and wishes, or such shadowy obstacles as promises and oaths. Nevertheless, he manifested a strange scruple, considering that he had been all along violating personal guarantees, judicial sanctity, amnesties, and constitutional bases. Instead of taking the easy method of unceremoniously ignoring objections, he had recourse to the circuitous form of letting his emissaries stir up a pronunciamiento in that hot-bed, Guadalajara, on November 17th, condemning the limited term assigned by former plans for reconstructing the government and restoring order. In truth, the Guadalupe order alone, with its newly created aristocracy, so indispensable to an aspiring country, demanded deep consideration of new liveries and fresh rules of precedence, lest a mere knight should peradventure throw the social structure out of gear, and disturb equanimities by taking the pas before a commander. Hence it was declared that the term should be prolonged at the pleasure of the present illustrious chief.

Moreover, it had been the custom to address the president as 'excelentísimo'; but while this was doubtless good enough for Santa Anna's predecessors, it seemed outrageous presumption to place such a man on the same level, and he a self-created grand master. Most serene highness' was, therefore, suggested as more fitting. Certain loyal wise-heads of Puebla thought this insufficient, and wished to add 'mariscal general,' 'grand admiral,' 'grand elector,' and other grand things, to which others chimed in, 'for life.' In its despair at being thus forestalled, the army wildly proclaimed him 'savior of Mexico,' although to many this savored rather of the remote and airy celestial than of the tangible and imposing mundane. The capital atoned for its lack of promptness by indorsing all and everything, and the rabble, that a few days before heaped ridicule upon the grand master, now filled the streets with their 'vivas,' with special intonation of the prestige-wreathed title of captain-general.

The climax was capped, however, by a few scattered villages which proclaimed him emperor. The empire idea was not confined to one class, as we have already seen; and it found a certain support among those who, since the late war of invasion, began to think of a Hispano-American confederacy. Some, despairing even of autonomy midst the continued strife of factions, demanded in addition a protectorate, preferably under Spain.^[68] Alaman had lately stood at the head of those who advocated monarchy as the only promising means for imparting stability to the government, and confidence on the part of foreign powers; but they deemed the prestige of a European prince essential to the project, and had been sounding the western powers regarding a member of the Spanish royal family. Alaman's successor continued negotiations till the fall of the ministry at Madrid caused them to be suspended, for the time at least,^[69] greatly to the delight of Santa Anna, who naturally objected to an interloper, and looked only too longingly at a sceptre for himself. But the rocket flight of Iturbide's empire had struck a warning chill among native aspirants, and the quack and cackle of the aforesaid villages found no reverberating echo to redeem their feebleness, yet they served by the contrast to make other proclamations seem less excessive and ridiculous. This was a great gain in itself, and Santa Anna could bide his time. In the agitation for things of such importance as the government of the country, it was not expected that common people should do aught else than swell the refrain; for had not governors and officials been appointed by superior wisdom to speak and act for them? Unlike the irresolute and bewildered masses, often guided by ridiculous notions of liberty and equality, these well-drilled pupils of the master could interpret the slightest wink of superior policy, and knew their duty even in so far as to impress upon the duller brains of subordinates and civilians of prominence the prudence of following example, and that promptly. The result was an overwhelming indorsement of the new plan of Guadalajara, couched in the most earnest and even supplicating terms. Santa Anna felt moved by such devotion, such popular tribute to his greatness; but duty and principle should alone be his guides. Then came expostulations and entreaties. The country would assuredly fall into anarchy and ruin unless he retained the firm control. This was irrefutable. He would sacrifice himself for its good. Accordingly, on December 16, 1853, he issued a decree prolonging the dictatorship indefinitely, and bestowing upon himself the title 'most serene highness.' ^[70] This was generously supplemented by an amnesty to political exiles within the country, although not till the most dangerous had been sent out, and till arrangements had been made to keep others under close espionage. Still further shone Santa Anna's self-abnegation in declining for a second time the office of captain-general as well as the other titles, and he magnanimously refused to swell the burdens of the people by accepting the increased pay of $60,000, for there were not lacking subservient finance ministers always at hand to give preference to his modest wants.^[71]

 

 

1. His adopted state, for he belonged originally to Durango, where he was born in 1811. His creditable service in congress won for him in May 1852 the presidency of the supreme court, and consequently the nearest claim to the chief magistracy. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 407, with portrait and auto graph. The representatives of 16 states gave him their vote, including Vera Cruz and the federal district. Riva Palacio obtained half the vote of Mexico, and that of Tamaulipas. Oajaca gave her favorite Almonte half the vote, and so did Puebla to Gov. Múgica, while Guerrero declared for its chieftain Álvarez. Méx., Legisl., Mej., 1853, 3, 5.
2. Blanco had supported the leasing of mints and the restriction of the press. Fuente was an educated but inexperienced Coahuilan and Guevara was old and devoid of energy. Riva Palacio and Yañez declined to join, and Ceballos could not agree with T. Lares and Lopez Pimentel, who insisted upon a complete reaction.
3. On condition of not changing the form of government or existing treaties, nor deciding in ecclesiastic affairs, private property, and privileges of state or federal supreme powers. See acts of congress, Jan. 9th-11th, etc., in Arch. Mex., Actas, i. 488-97, 520-2; Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, 5-6.
4. Among the measures proposed were: equalization of tariff reforms, recognition of the newly risen authorities in certain states, restitution of officials unjustly removed by Arista, and above all an accord with the revolutionary element. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1853, 7-11.
5. It was to meet at Mexico, on June 15th, for a year, and investigate the management of the actual government.
6. The bill was placed before the grand jury with instructions, and Arroyo, the temporary successor of Fuente, was summoned to answer on the 20th for infringing the constitution. Ceballos ignored the call upon him. The supreme court had already been appealed to concerning the revocation.
7. By generals Marin and Noriega, both devoted Arista men.
8. The Puebla legislature demanded of him the additional authorization of the senate, and this having meanwhile been dispersed, none could be obtained. See correspondence between Castañeda and Múgica. Universal, Jan. 23, 1853. Múgica was a merchant of moderate tendencies.
9. Decree of Jan. 21st. Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, 7-8, 23-4; Id., Col. Ley. Fund., 307. Their protest, in Universal, Jan. 21, 1853, Siglo XIX., and other journals. Their proceedings are recorded in Arch. Méx., Actas, ii. 3, and passim. Ceballos explained in a proclamation that his only motives were to stay civil war, by calling a new national representation to suggest the means for harmonious readjustment. The garrison announced its approval of his course.
10. Fuente had taken the alarm already on the 18th, Guevara and Urquidi following his example on the 20th and 21st. Correspondence with Uraga in Suarez y Navarro, Santa-Anna Burlándose, 148 et seq.
11. Export duty was reduced to four per cent, circulation to two per cent, and in most other respects the reformed tariff of 1849 was to be followed. Army reforms were also proposed, and a temperate prudence was shown in letting officials retain their position, even when not in accord with the new plans.
12. Oajaca had changed her governor, and had approved the dissolution of congress. Bravo and Alvarez held aloof. Vera Cruz had declared for Santa Anna, under Uraga's leadership, and part of Puebla united with her, while other sections declared for the new movement, Tlascala proclaiming itself a state. The division in San Luis Potosí had been amicably settled by dissolving the legislature, and installing Adame as governor in place of the assassinated Reyes, the plan of Jalisco being thereupon indorsed, as well as in Querétaro and Morelia. At Ixtlahuacan, General Carmona had declared for centralism. See Universal, Jan. 1853, passim; Español, id.; Siglo XIX., id.
13. He was to be army, clergy, and industrial classes were to be represented, each by one person, and the states and territories each by two persons of standing. This plan was signed by Uraga and Robles, and had to be submitted to Ceballos. Suarez y Navarro ascribes its main features to J. Palomar, as the medium between Uraga, Alaman, and others. Santa-Anna Burlándose, 130-6, 140-4, etc.; but he admits that the real motives are unknown. Universal, Feb. 8, 1853; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 300-3.
14. As soon as order and organization had been introduced by the new executive-the glaring term of dictator being excluded — orders should be issued, and within a year, for the election of the constitutional convention, in accordance with art. 4 of the Jalisco plan. The dictatorial executive should be assisted in its task by a council of state of its own choosing. Ceballos should, on March 17th, open the votes for this executive, and retain office till it could be installed; if he declined, the generals of the divisions might elect a successor. Text in Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 307-11.
15. An immediate payment of $300,000 was to be followed by a similar amount in monthly instalments of $30,000. Although essentially British, the company was headed by Col Sloo of the U. S. The other claimants were not sparing of abuse, to judge by such publications as The Grant to Col Sloo, 1, etc.; Hargous' Memorial, 1-7, dated April 183; Tehuan. Canal, Col., pts 8-9. See also Tehuan., Dictámen Comp. Guan., 1-20.
16. A Frenchman had attracted persecution for marrying before his consul. Ceballos gave him a small indemnity, and offered to arrange a convention for recognizing such marriages. Rivera is not friendly to Ceballos for aiding to overthrow federal institutions. 'El corto tiempo que gobernó fué una leccion útil para los gobernantes que conspiran.' Gob. de Méx., ii. 418.
17. Of Uraga and Robles. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1853, 60-1. See Universal of Feb. 8–9, 1853, and other journals on the change. The choice was due to the mutual jealousies of Uraga and Robles; for the latter was also supposed to have aspirations. Lombardini availed himself of this feeling, while pretending to disclaim personal aims, and prudently casting his vote beyond the circle of the three electors upon Lares, a prominent conservative. Robles' disgust appears to gleam in his defence, issued a few days later, El Comandante à sus Conciud., 1-50, with the usual substantiating documents. Ledo had cause for a similar strain in the disregard shown for him by Uraga and Robles, at whose disappointment he rejoiced. Espos., 66, etc.; Pap. Var., cxcix. pts 8-9. Lombardini's commissioners also came out in a Manifiesto que dirigen los Comis. por la Guarnicion, 1-24. Manuel María Lombardini was a native of the capital, where he was born in 1802. He joined the independents in 1821 as cadet, after which he retired into private life till the yorkino struggle brought him into this party. He rose slowly, till Santa Anna and his relative, Valencia, took him in charge and made him in 1840 a brigadier, and as such he behaved well during the war of 1846-7. His sympathies for Santa Anna and the plan of Jalisco provoked persecution from Arista. Rivera regards him more as a parade officer, with sufficient patriotism to check ambition. Gob. de Méx., ii. 421.
18. Names in Romero, Mem., 1049-50. Suarez y Navarro, Santa-Anna Burlándose, 193-6, relates that Baranda and Gen. Basadre obtained from the first an influence which Uraga strove hard to dispel. He succeeded, in fact, in obtaining permission to form a cabinet, including Alaman. This choice was so strenuously opposed that a new list was formed, embracing Baranda, Elguero, Bonilla, and Uraga, for relations, justice, finance, and war, respectively. Additional influence was now brought to bear, and the project fell, Uraga being mollified with the mission to Spain and a heavy allowance for expenses. The proposed ministers are given in Español, Mar. 9, 1853, etc.
19. 'Uno de los hombres públicos de ménos capacidad,' etc., observes Arrangoiz broadly, Méj., ii. 328; and others concur, although modifying their judgment by calling him an honorable man.
20. The loss, says Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 427, being nearly five millions, while the government obtained only $200,000.
21. Cadena, Espos., 1-28; Pap. Var., cxcvi. pt 13; Galvez, Ante la Prim. Sala, 1-58.
22. Near the capital were to be massed 12,000 men under Carrera. Corona was made comandante general of Mexico, and Ampudia received a prominent position. A large preference payment to M. Mosso, Lombardini's intimate, was widely criticised.
23. Remote states could especially be counted upon to follow the central ones, and movements in accordance did take place in most of them. Thus Zacatecas, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon acknowledged the plan of Mexico, the latter agitating at the same time for free-trade. Chihuahua, Sinaloa, and neighbors joined the victors in due time, Sonora and Lower California remaining comparatively quiet, as did Guerrero under the direction of Álvarez, who declared that he would yield to the majority. The gubernatorial changes in Mexico, Michoacan, Oajaca, Puebla, and Guanajuato were in favor of the new order, to which Querétaro and San Luis Potosí also adhered. Petty provinces like Colima and Tlascala bent for the sake of autonomy, and even Yucatan and Tabasco declared for the plan of Jalisco; while Vera Cruz, followed by Tampico, pronounced for Santa Anna, but with a federal system. Suarez y Navarro seeks to take great credit for his share as government commissioner in influencing the turn in Mexico, Puebla, and other districts. Santa-Anna Burlándose, 197 et seq. In Siglo XIX., Mar. 11-14, 1853, and other journals, may be found documents on negotiations with states.
24. Of 18 against 3 for Uraga, and 1 each for Ceballos and Trias, the favorite governor of Chihuahua. Zacatecas, Colima, and Aguascalientes voted for Uraga, Nuevo Leon for Ceballos, and Puebla held aloof. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 329-30. See analysis, in Universal, Mar. 18, etc., 1853, Español, and other journals. Oliva de la Paz of Aguascalientes was foremost in hailing the victor as savior, etc.
25. Governor Serrano of Vera Cruz had undertaken to anticipate the result by sending congratulations nearly a month in advance, and his recall had been carried by Gen. Escobar and others long before. Domenech, Hist. du Mex., ii. 248.
26. In the English packet boat Avon, with his family. Two sons had preceded him.
27. Among representative men were a body of five, headed by Gen. García, to announce the election to the presidency; Alaman representing the ecclesiastic cabildo; Haro and Bonilla the municipality of the capital; Uraga and others to offer the welcome of their respective states; and a deputation to instruct Santa Anna regarding the condition of affairs, selected with calculated prudence mainly from moderate liberals. Suarez y Navarro, Santa-Anna Burlándose, 226 et seq., seeks to parade his influence in this connection.
28. Text in Universal, Apr. 6, 183. Prepared by B. Vivó, not as Miranda declares in his Manif, by Haro, for his as well as others submitted were declined.
29. By decree of April 11th, Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1853, 183-4, with a pay of $12,000, and an elaborate uniform. decree of March 12th permitted him to wear any of his cherished foreign decorations. Id., 100. Specimen of congratulatory addresses in Morelia, Repres., 1853, 1-21.
30. The celebrated letter of Alaman may be consulted in Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 334-40, reproduced from the draught given by Rafael, editor of the Universal. It appeared carlier in less authentic form, as in Gac. Guat., Nov. 16, 1855; Cent. Amer. Pap., i., etc. Santa Anna was also urged not to perform the usual retreats to his remote country-seat, to the inconvenience of officials and the peril of administrative affairs. Other party suggestions are given in Santa-Anna, Espos. al Prest., 1-20; Manif. á ta Nacion, 1-8; Dictador confundiendo los Partidos, 1-24; Pap. Var., cc. pt 5; Gutierrez, Carta., pt 2.
31. Suarez y Navarro relates that he was privately consulted about the letter, and condemned it as revealing lack of ability, etc. Santa-Anna Burlándose, 238-50 et seq.
32. The latter appointed on April 26th, the other on May 13th. Méx., Co. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, 23, 66, 70-2, etc. Elguero declined the fomento portfolio. The later federal president Lerdo de Tejada joined the department as under-secretary, or oficial mayor, and Suarez y Navarro retained a similar post under Tornel. See also Universal, Apr. 21, 1853, Español, Siglo XIX., etc., of the same tine. Suarez y Navarro again parades his assumed importance during the formation of this cabinet. Esteva and Ramon Pacheco were first proposed for the departments of treasury and justice, and Bocanegra and Baranda for gobernacion and fomento; but Alaman's selection had greater weight, except in Tornel's case. Suarez y Navarro thereupon casts reflections on Alaman for stooping to accept office from the man he had abused in his Historia de Méjico, and relates that Lares expressed himself honored to accept even the lowest office to 'servir á una persona como V. E.' Bur., 257, 264, 287-8. He himself is proud to serve in an humbler sphere. Yet not long after he tires of the insignificant role to which he is relegated, and turns upon his ei-devant patron at the first safe opportunity, first in the Siglo XIX., from which he reprints articles under the title of El General Santa-Anna Burlándose, Mex., 1856, 1-291. The little volume forms a good specimen of the political pamphlets and treatises which abound in Mexico. They spring generally from disappointed men, who seek in print to repeat the parried thrust and parade in borrowed plumage; men as ready to intone hosannas to the victor as to turn upon him the moment he totters. The text presents, midst its ill-natured purposes, several admirable characteristics of the national literature, such as choice and varied language, and a forensic stamp that not only imparts dignity of tone but impresses the purport. With most of these pamphleteers, however, sentences are evolved with less regard for order and sense than high-sounding declamation. Lack of depth is disguised by empty invocations to liberty and rambling floridity, well calculated to rouse shallow sympathies; while innumerable italics, indices, asterisks, and exclamations direct attention to the points aimed at, and which might otherwise escape notice. Pungent epithets of varied and reiterated form supply the place of satire. Well aware of the little credence accorded to such publications, and perhaps to his own statements, Suarez y Navarro frankly declares that as he does not expect to be believed, on his mere assurance, he will base it wholly on documents appended. He thereupon proceeds to magnify his insignificance and color his attitude, till he becomes aglow with admiration of his own cleverness of verbal manipulation. Opposing facts are either swept away with imperious dashes of shallow sophistry, or made to disappear by the very impetuosity of his glibness. Indeed, before reaching the middle of his several arguments, premises, clew, and conclusions alike are lost to sight, left to stray or to be lost in the jungle of glaring contradictions. But Suarez y Navarro is a soldier: he looks not behind. He keeps bravely onward, evidently deluding himself with the belief that the main point has been gained by mystifying the reader, and impressing him with the idea that midst the haze looms some portentous blot which must entomb the opponents — the tyrant Santa Anna and his crew — and relieve by contrast, at least, the brightness of his own sacrificed zeal and ability.

    More dignified is the defence of his fellow-actor, Muñoz Ledo, Esposicion, Mex., 1853, 1-84, and ap. 1-34. Chagrined at being circumvented by more astute jugglers, who snatched the bone of contention, he assumes the attitude of injured innocence and patriotic martyrdom. Unfortunately for himself he does not check his flow at the proper moment, but allows the reader to recover from his bewilderment, and discover in the superfluous ramble this poverty of disguise and weakness of plea.

33. Rivera speaks of his prohibition principles, and terms Lares a federal seceder. Gob. de Méx., ii. 432; Id., Hist. Jalapa, iv. 341-2, 395-6.
34. While holding the position of comandante general of the federal district. He succumbed to a pulmonary disease, Dec. 22, 1853. Few noticed either his retirement or death, all attention being devoted by foes and flatterers to Santa Anna. The inaugural ceremonies of April 20th are given in Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1853, 188-92; Arch. Mex., Actas, ii. 320-4; Universal, Apr. 20, 1853, and subsequent dates, and other journals, with addresses, etc. He took the oath to conform to the plans of Jalisco and of Mexico.
35. Here fixed at five. A procurador general was to be appointed for protecting the interests of the treasury.
36. Internal regulations for the council, issued on June 17th, embrace the methods of consultation in joint session, etc. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 530-3.
37. Aguascalientes alone was exempt from returning to former conditions. For text of basis, see Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 311-15; Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, 5-8.
38. Decree dated Sept. 21st. Id., 87-8. In course of the year Aguascalientes was rewarded by separation into a distinct department; Sierra Gorda was made a territory; likewise Isla del Carmen in Yucatan, the better to control the turbulent peninsula and Tehuantepec, in view of the importance acquired by the proposed interoceanic route and the turmoils in this region. For limits, capitals, etc., see Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 427, 709-10, 796, 811, vii. 61-2; Soc. Max. Geog. Bolet., iii. 445; National, July 15, Dec. 23, 1853, etc. There was also a change in the federal district, and a vain appeal from Huasteca. Comments in Azárate, Reseña, 1-15.
39. The seats of governors and prefects. Description of uniforms to be used by them in council and at ceremonies, with rules for sea-ports, in Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, 76, 232-3, 340.
40. General Diaz, Biog., MS., 68-9, suffered in common with other provincials from this restriction.
41. Among them the president, Bishop Munguía of Michoacan, who had given no small impulse to the revolution, and achieved a literary reputation by his voluminous theologic writings, whereof the Obras Literarias alone exist in three series on my shelves. Also the influential Governor Múgica of Puebla, the ex-ministers Esteva and Cuevas, and Agustin de Iturbide. List in Arch. Hex., Actas, ii. 314-16; Méx. . Legisl. Mej., 1853, 34-9, 88-9. supplementary and honorary members were added, embracing the archbishop and other dignitaries. They were entitled 'excellencies,' and given a staff of office.
42. Generals Blancarte, Yañez, Escobar, Blanco, Corona de la Vega, Heredia, Betancourt, Ormachea, Ampudia, and Mora were rewarded respectively with the governments of Lower California, Sinaloa, Tabasco, Oajaca, Vera Cruz, Yucatan, Durango, Tlascala, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Zacatecas. Rebolledo died before he could accept the place subsequently given to Blancarte. The latter is said to have been first offered Guanajuato, but declined out of modesty. Blanco had special orders to watch Guerrero, wherein Alvarez was soon induced to resign, whereupon Gen. Moreno stepped forward to hold control for the dictator.
43. Uraga felt bitterly this exile, and the comparatively insignificant post accorded him in lieu of the Spanish mission. He had the presumption to regard himself as the most indispensable man in Mexico at the time. See letters reproduced in Domenech, Hist. du Mex., ii. 2!7-51. Both he and Almonte were possible candidates for the presidency. Pacheco, at first proposed for the cabinet, was sent to France. General Robles took a strong attitude, and was allowed to go into voluntary exile. For comments on these and other missions, see Eco de España, July 30, Sept. 24, Oct. 1, 1853, etc.; also Español, Feb. 19th, Apr. 23d, 27th, etc.; Universal, and other newspapers; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 226-8, 381, 396, 403-5, 434; Losada, Cuestion, 17. Rules for diplomatic service in Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1853, 71-80.
44. The proportions of permanent troops were 15,816 infantry, 3,948 cavalry, 5,325 artillery, 1,264 engineers, besides medical corps, etc. Of the militia, 51,968 were infantry, 12,286 cavalry, and 692 artillery.
45. A conscription decree of March 15, 1854, places the total army at only 16,000 permanent troops and 30,000 active militia.
46. Santa Anna even proposed to engage three regiments of Swiss soldiers, partly for checking mutinies, as shown by letters in Méx., Hist. Rev., 1833, 55, ap. iii.-v., although he has denied it. The lack of money appears to have assisted in defeating the project. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 501, 523, notes the arrival of Prussian teachers.
47. Six for each coast. Regulations for navy, admiralty court, etc., in Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Ord., 1854, vi. 31-4, 41-6. In 1854 there were two barks and two schooners in the Pacific, in bad order, with about 170 men. Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., vii. 331-2. Military colonies were fostered, by decrees at least, Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1853, 86-7; Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Ord., 1853, iv. 210-11, and a decided impulse was given to the military college for providing devoted and efficient officers. Id., iv. 220-5, vi. 1-27; Méx., Regl. Col. Mil., 1854, 1-30. A military conference society was to develop the actual officers. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1833, 463-7. The army had the preference in receiving pay. The conscription of 91,499 was based on a population of 7,661,520, for six years' service. Of the state militia, married men and family supporters were exempt from entering the new militia. Méx., Decreto Reemplazar Ejército, 1854, 1-26; Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, iv. 378, v. 10-11, 163-4, 232-76; 1854, vi. 148-71, vii. 142-3. Indians were declared exempt by paying poll tax, etc. Regulations for grenadiers, body-guard, lancers, and medical corps, in Id., 1833, iv. 17-19, 29-33, 376-7, v. 519-20; 1854, vii. 15-22. Further regulations, general and special, in Id., 1853-4, iii.-vii., passim. Arch. Mex., Actas, ii. 30-392, passim; Id., Col. Ley. y Dec., i. 400-1; ii. 179; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1853-4, passim; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. and beginning of vii. The pay-rates, in Zambrano, Tarifa Sueldos Mil., 1-239, allow $15 to infantry soldiers, $1 less to active militia, $15 to cavalrymen, $16 to artillerists, and $21 to grenadiers and lancers. Méx., Anales Min. Fomento, i. 705–6. Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 433-6, 460-4, comments on the preceding condition of army; Tempsky, Mitla, 85-90, on dress and appearance; Fossey, Mex., 494-5, on cruel impressments; and Santa Anna, Á sus Compat., 9, etc., claims credit for his reformatory efforts. Pap. Var., xxvi. pt 9, lvi. pt 5, xciii. pt 3. Regulations issued after Sept. 1847 were anulled.
48. Rules for this Junta de Calificacion. Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, iv. 19-26.
49. Of August, involving confiscation and trial by court-martial. Its numerous articles permitted the most arbitrary measures. Id., 372-5. Decrees against guerrillas and invaders. Id., 19, 49, 304; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 382-3.
50. Over 500 persons were exiled to interior and foreign parts, besides 'los echados á presidio,' etc. Méx., Hist. Rev. 1853-55, 11.
51. After lingering for some time in the dungeons of Ulúa, he was sent off, without means, to suffer privations in the United States. Juarez, Biog., 1617; Baz Vida Juarez, 77 et seq.
52. Robbers were subjected to military laws. Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, iii. 78-80, v. 25-6. It was also sought to improve the administration of justice. Id., iii. 86-7, iv. 202-4, 213, 403, v. 8, 1116. Comments on security and judicial reforms, Universal, June 5-6, 1853; Gac. Salv., Nov. 11, 25, 1853; Cent. Am. Pap., iv. Earlier projects, in Distrito Fed., Proyecto, 1-60; Nombram, de Min, Sup. Corte, 1-20.
53. The vatican was courted, and two new sees were projected. The mission of the apostolic delegate Clementi is explained in Garza, Opúsculo sobre Silla Apost., 1-33.
54. A society for material improvements gave its aid. Universal, May 5, 12, 27, 183; Pap. Var., xciii. pt iii. 3-4; Rosa, Ensayo, 35-52. Manero has some valuable reflections on colonies. Doc. Interes., 28-36, etc., based partly on reports in Méx., Mem. Colon. Indust., 1852, 1-71; Coloniz., Dictámen, 1852, 1-12; Almonte, Proyecto Colon., 1-31.
55. For changes in administration, etc., see decree in Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, iv. 69-71.
56. The original estimate was $19,000,000, whereof $8,000,000 from customhouses, $2,500,000 from excise, $1,000,000 from consumption tuxes, $500,000 from contributions on pay and luxuries, $1,500,000 from tobacco, and $3,500,000 from a special tax on real estate devoted to a special purpose. Haro, Informe, of July 12, 1853.
57. The regular three per cent interest on the foreign loan of $51,200,000 and the interior of $43,00,000-a portion at five per cent, with expenses and funding — was $3,423,000. The war department required $,500,000 on the first low estimate, and the other ministries $2,900,000. Of this the actual pensions and montepío required $1,500,000. The president's salary was $30,000.
58. He was succeeded Aug. 6th by Sierra y Rosso, who held office till Jan. 26, 1854; Parres followed for four months; Olazagarre from June 16, 1854, till Jan. 16, 1855; then Parres again for three months, and finally Canseco. Concerning different bank and reform projects, see Méx., Cuestion del Dia, 1-81; Prieto, Instruc. Negoc., 1-47; Méx., Ley. para Arreglo Admin., 1-24. Also different laws in Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853-4, passim. Haro now joined the foes of Santa Anna.
59. In a later chapter, explaining causes for allied intervention.
60. An account of his literary work and life has been given at the close of vol. iv., Hist. Mex., 821-4, this series.
61. He figured even for a brief term in 1829 as associate ruler with Velez and Quintanar, and continued with the incoming president, Bustamante, as premier. His adherents praise him further as the creator of national industries, 'el ornamento de su pais.' Alaman, Apuntes, 56. Rivera again abuses him as 'desprovisto de sentimientos patrios,' Gob. de Méx., ii. 146; while Arróniz, Biog. Mej., assumes a moderate impartiality. Perez, Dicc., i. 200-3.
62. He had figured with credit as a governor, senator, and minister, and achieved distinction as an orator and writer, in a large number of Discursos and minor issues. He died Sept. 11, 1853, and received far greater honors than his patron accorded to the less popular Alaman. Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, v. 17-19; Tornel, Nac. Mej., 424 et seq.; Id., Carta, 3-7; Id., Manif., pts 1-3; Pap. Var., cl. pt 22, ccxix. pt 4. Zavala objects to his lack of character. Rev. Mex., ii. 36-7.
63. As Alaman's successor, Aguilar y Marocho taking his place in the gobernacion department, and retaining it by a course of servile submission, as did Lares and Leon the portfolios of justice and fomento. The treasury office changed hands several times, as I have shown, owing to internal difficulties, and likewise the war ministry, intrusted to L. J. Alcorta, who in Jan. 1854 was succeeded by Blanco, Arista's scheming warm minister. Suarez y Navarro displayed such violence at being passed over for this position that he was exiled as a dangerous ingrate, and became an implacable foe. Consult appointments and comments, in Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, iv. 201, 208-9, v. 93, etc.; Arch. Mex., Actas, i. 438, etc.; Eco de España, June-Oct., passim; and Universal, etc.
64. The three classes of grand crosses, comendadores and caballeros, were preserved, the former two limited to 24 and 100 members, respectively. He declared himself, as president, the grand master, and allowed Bravo to fgure as vice-president. For regulations and list of first, members, whereof 10 and 22 in the first classes, see Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, 222-30, ap. 1326; Guadalupe, Decreto para Órden, 1-11; Pap. Var., ccxxvii. pt 13; Eco España, Nov. 16 till Dec. 24, 1853, passim. Decorations for services in civil war were commendably forbidden. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 312-13, 582-3, 593, 752-72; Zarco, Hist. Cong., i. 211-424, passim.
65. On the ground that they were not in accord with the supreme policy, nor with the conduct of one who had not long ago attacked national representation, in dissolving the congress. See correspondence in Méx., Rev. 1853-5, ap. v.-x. Castañeda had more cautiously pleaded lack of means to sustain the honor. For new appointments to the bench, see Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1853, v. 251-2.
66. The trouble here occurred in May 1853, on the part of the militia at Vera Cruz, when the order came for reorganization. The two days' fight cost a number of lives. Several futile agitations took place for the fulfilment of the Jalisco plan, at Ixhuacan, Ayutla, and Morelia, and a more serious movement at Guanajuato, whereby the governor was for a moment removed, and a call made for Uraga as president. One leader was captured and shot. In Yucatan three leaders were executed for upholding federation, although retaining Santa Anna for president. Tamaulipas was, as ever, unquiet, although calmed somewhat by a severe decree against invaders. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 594. For details of troubles in different directions, I refer to Universal, May 27, 1853, and subsequent dates; Español, id.: Siglo XIX., id.; Sonorense, id.; Eco España, July 23, etc.; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 343-433, passim; Losada, Cuestion, 15-19; Gac. Guat., May 13, 20, Nov. 11, 1853; Cent. Am. Pap., iv.; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguasc., 196-203.
67. Although Villa-Amor, Biog. Santa Anna, 27-31, talks of sicarios, paid assassins, and 'cuantos fueron conducidos al cadalso para volver luego al calabozo,' etc. Méx., Rev. 1853-5, 11, 18, etc.
68. Advocated notably by the Heraldo of Madrid, and condemned by the Siglo XI., while the Clamor Público boldly declared for a union with the United States.
69. They had been kept so secret that only a few intimates knew anything about them. Bonilla sought to deny his share in the matter, but Arrangoiz declares, Méj., ii. 342, that he possesses his letter of Aug. 1, 1853, in evidence. See also Ferrer, Cuestion de Méx., 261-6, and the charges against Lacunza, in. Pap. Var., cvi. pt vii. 10-17, for conniving.
70. Its three articles, significantly addressed to and issued by the minister of war, alluded to the manifested desire of the 'authorities, corporations, and notables of all the departments' in support of the Guadalajara plan, and the expressed views of the council of state. Not a reference to the people, and yet by art. 1 'it is declared the will of the nation that the actual president retain the power with which he is invested for all the time he considers necessary to consolidate public order, and assure territorial integrity and the reform of administrative branches.' By art. 2 he is permitted to designate his successor in case of death or disability, in a sealed document intrusted to the ministry. Art. 3 attaches the title 'alteza serenísima' to the presidency. The minister adds that henceforth communications to the president must be headed 'serenísimo señor.' Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1853, 591-3. Confirmatory notices in Pinart Coll., no. 1114; Eco España, Nov. 26, Dec. 7, 20, etc., 1853, and other journals. As an offset, governors were entitled 'excelencia,'ayuntamientos 'ilustres,' and prefects 'señoría.' Domenech, who understands from certain private letters that the empire movement was more general, is disgusted with Santa Anna for his groundless fear of Iturbide's fate; 'il n'eut point le courage d'imiter Soulouque.' Ilist. du Mex., ii. 253. Even álvarez, now preparing to revolt, thought it politic to send congratulations. Iturbide received the title 'libertador, and his surviving descendants large grants of lands on account of the compensation once voted them, besides a pension of $12,000. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 326, 760.
71. The authorities consulted for the preceding chapters are: Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 422-6, 533-5, 551-73, 623-4, 640-8, 683, 722-4, 747-50, vi. passim, vii. 14-15, 61-79, 204, 291-2, 312-13; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. passim; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. passim; Id., Méx. Pint., i 26, ii. 271-2, 400; U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 31, Ses. 1, Acts and Res., p. 79; Id., Cong. 31, Ses. 2, Sen. 31; Id., Cong. 32, Ses., Sen. Jour. 196 et seq., Sen. 97; Thompson's Recoll. Mex., 168, 177; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 95; Derech Intern. Mex., 1st pt, 619-57, 2d pt, 325-8, 3d pt, 67-72, 496-9, 969-70; Almonte, Proy. Leyes sobre Col., 1-31; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xii. 303, xiii. 3778, 426-835; Suarez y Navarro, Sta-Anna Burlándose, passim; Arrillaga, Recop., Enero-Abr. 1849, 1-132, ap. 1-3; Mayo 1849-Abr. 1850, passim; Id., Recop. Ley., Dec. y Circ., 1-93, 113-17; Méx., Col. Leyes Fund., 300-15; Id., Legisl. Mej., 1848, 356, 360-2, 379, 458, 476-96, 508-60; 1849-54, рassim; 1856, En.-Jun., 475, Jul.-Dic., 304-5; Id., Col. Leyes y Dec., 1848, 159, 264-71, 351, 361, 380, 458, 481-2, 529-30, 765-71; 1850, passim; Id., Col. Leyes, Dec. y Ord., 1850-4, i.-vii. passim; Id., Mem. Relac., 1850, 8-12; 1851, 1-43, and annexes 1-15; Id., Espos. Hacla, 1850, 1-8; Id., Mem. Hacdaᵈᵃ, 1850, 1127; Id., Mem. Hacᵈᵃ, 1851, 1-18, and annexes; Id., Mem. Hacda, 1870, 374-6, 387, 400-1, 1048-51; Id., Mem. Guerra, 1850, 1-35, and annexes 1-26; 1851 1-37, and annexes 1-16; 1852, 1-118, and annexes, pp. 1-57; Id., Mem. Justicia, 1850, 1-59, and annexes 1-20; Id., Mem. Fomento, 1866, 92-7, and an nexes 47-55; Id., Espos. é Inic. Minist. Hacᵈᵃ, 1831, 1-32; Id., Mеm. Polít. y Estad., 1850, 1-62, and annexes 1-13; Id., Mem. Col. Indust., 1852, 1-71 Id., Rev. contra Sta Anna, 1-35, ap. iii-cv.; Id., Plan pᵃ la Defensa, 9-10; Id., Corresp. Diplom., ii. 643-722; Id., Piezas Justif., 1-26, 35--50, 61-99; Id., Colonias Mil., ll. 6; Id., Regl. Colon. Mil., 1851, 1-31; Id., Regl. Colon. Mil., 1854, 1-30; Id., Ejército, Ley sohre Arreglo, 1-16; Id., Deuda Int., Ley de 1852, 1-15; Id., Discurso Presid. Repúb., 15 de Oct. de 1852, 1-11; Id., Discurso Presid. Est. Un. Mex., 1 de En. de 1852, 1-30; Id., Presupuesto Min. Rel. Int., l. 9; Id., Dictám. Com. Puntos Constit., 1849; Id., Dictám. Proy Coloniz., 1849, 1-12; Id., Com. de Hacᵈᵃ, Dictám., 1851, 1-26; Id., Dictám Com. Crédito Públ., 1849, 1-18; Id., Dictám. Com. Crédito Públ. Deuda Int., 1849, 1-74; Variedades Jurisp., i. 286-305; Wilson's Mex., 68-78; Zambrano, Tarifa Sueldos, 1-239; Oaj., Espos., 1850, 1-5; Inconven. Coloniz. Indiscret., 1-24; Oaj., Espos. que hace el Gob., 1851, 1-19, and annexes 1-17; Id., Espos. que hace el Gob., 1852, 1-34, with Docs; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 183-209; Mayer's Mex. Azt., ii. 32, 125-9; Herrera, Proyeclo Est., 1-72, 11. 3, sh. 1; Méx., Dictám. Junta, 1849, 1-116; Ober, Mexico, 469; Gomez del Palacio, Rápida Ojeada, 1-14; Manero, Doc. Interes., 28-40; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., ii. 450-5; Luchet, Observ. al Dict., 1-60; Maldonado, Informe elev. al Vice Gob., 1-14; Mier (S. T. de), Profecia Polít., 1-28; Mesa, Breve Manif., 3-15; Fossey, Mex., 185, 494-5; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. Cong. Constit., 127-8; Correo Nac., Aug. 18, 29, Oct. 23, 28, Nov. 7, Dec. 14, 19, 20, 26, 1848, Jan. 3, 1849; Corr. de Esp., Nov. 1, 1854; Manif. Supr. Trib. 1-38; Am. Quart. Reg., ii. 276-7, i. 19-20, 330-1, iv. 87-90, v. 104-8; Galvez, Ante la Prim. Sala, 1-58; Maclure's Opinions, 247; Ordoñez, Opúsc. sobre Ascensos, 1-12; Id., Estincion Comand. Gen., 1-11; Sartorius, Import. Mex., 26, 32; Repúb. Mex., Ligera Reseña, 1-25, 35; Morelia, Represent. que el Vecind., 1-21; Gutierrez, Leyes de Ref., 431-42; El Heraldo, Oct. 20, Dec. 11, 20, etc., 1848, Jan. 8, 15, 17, Mch 3, 6, etc., 1849; Niles' Register, lxxv. 104-5, 110-11, 173, 177; Masson, Olla Podrida, 175-217; Peña y Peña, Observ. hechas, 1-64; Arizcorreta, Respuesta, 1-30; Id., Manif. al Públ, 4; Prieto, Instrucc., 1-47; Rosa, Ensayo, 35-9, 45-52; Azcárate, Reseña hecha, 1-15; Zaremba's Merchant, 15; Suarez y Navarro, Discurso sobre Trib. Mil, 1-60; El Sonorense, Dec. 1, 1848, Nov. 23, 1849, Feb. 21, Dec. 5, 19, 1851, Jan. 9, Aug. 6, 1852, Jan. 14, Mch. 4, 18, May 20, 27, 1853; Guadalupe, Órd. Mex., Decreto, 1-11; Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 33-89, 433-6, 445, 454-64: Sac. Union, July 25, Aug. 8, 1855; Sac. Record, Dec. 15, 1870; Celis, Defensa, 1-39; El Universal, 1849-53, passim; Méx., Espos. gue la Com. Perm., 1850, 1-8; Id., Constit. Polít., 48; Id., Convenc. Diplom., 1-31; Id., Seg. Part. Consolid. Rep., i. 1-2; Id., Doc. Refer. Cuest. Agit., 1-43; Id., Espos. Hacᵈᵃ, 1849, 1-112; Id., Garant. Indiv., Dictám., 1849, 1-35; Id., Legac. Mex., En.-Dic. 1849, 1-370; Id., Guarnic. de Méx., Manif. al Públ., 1-24; Id., Cuestion del Dia; Id., Ley pᵃ Arreglo Contencioso, 1-24; Id., Nombram. Minist. Sup. Corte, 1-20; Id., Dec. pᵃ reemplazar Bajas, 1-26; Id., Part. Conserv., 6-7; Id., Ley de 4 de Nov. de 1848, 1-16; Id., Mem. Present., 47-52; Id., Manif., 1849, 1-23; El Siglo XIX., 1849-53, passim; El Regulador (Puebla), May 1849 to Apl. 1852, passim; March, Hist. Marina, i. 130; Noriega, Estad. Depart. Méx., 705-6; Madrid, Manif., 1-23; Veracruz, Sucesos Act. Revol., 1-36; Tabaco, Dictám. sobre Nulidad Cont., 1-20; Ledo, Expos, sobre Cond., 1-84, ap. 1-34; Castillo, Sentenc. Absol., 1-18; Otero, Discurso; Bonilla, Decreto pᵃ Organiz. Órd. Guad., 1-11; Cadena, Espos. que hacen, 1-28; S. Fr. D. Herald, 1850-3, passim; Mex., Rept Tehuant. Comm.; Tlaxcala, Estatuto, 1-20; Barnard's Isth. Tehuant., app. 277-81; Siendo Liberales, 1-32; Polynesian, vii. 103; Prieto, Informe sobre Deuda Estr., 1-15; Tesoreria y Com. Gen. Presup. de, 1-174; Tempsky's Mitla, 85-90; Abbot's Mex. and U. S., 279-81; Album Mex., i. 16, 47; Ramirez, Dim. del Minist., 1-12; Id., Observ. hechas, 1-11; Id., Mem. de las Difer., 109-230; Id., Acusacion, 1-8; Id., Apuntes Hist. Convenc. Dipl., 1-20; Méx., Mem. Direcc. Coloniz., 8-9, 21-4; Id., Plan Def. Estados Invad. Bárbaros, 1-27; Id., Dictám. Junta Def. contra Bárb., 1-20; Viglietti, Reseña, 10-17; Méx., Proy. Recursos, 7, 16; Papeles Varios, xi. pt 5, xxvi. pt 9, xxxi. pt 56, xli. pts 5, 11, 12, lvi. pts 3-5. lxxxviii. pt 4, lxxxix. pts 1, 8, 9, 11, xciii. pt 3, cvi. pt 7, cxiv. pts 4, 5, 8, clxxxi. pts 4, 4, clxxxv. pts 10, 14, 16, clxxxvi. pt 4, cxcii. pt 6, cxcvi. pt 13, cxcix. pts 5-7, 9, ccii. pt 8, cciii. pt 5, cciv. pt 3, ccvi. pts 1, 31, ccviii. pt 4, ccxviii. pt 7, ccxxiv. pts 81/2, 9, 10, 101, ccxxvii. pts 12, 13; Hunt's Merch. Mag., xx. 673, xxix. 475; Revisor, Jan. 12, 1850; Pinart Coll., passim; Diario Avisos, Mch. 28, 1860; Wappæus, Mex. und G. Amer., 127, 183; Williams, El Istmo de Tehuant., passim; Manif. á la Nac., Alg. Mexic., 1853, 1-18; S. L. Potosí, Constit., Proy. Ref., 1848, 1-29; Id., Constit., Proy. Ref., 1850, 1-23; Id., Constit. Polít. Ref., 1850, 1-46; El Nacional, Dec. 23, 1852, June 17, July 15, 1853; Sistema Prohib., Repres., 1-16; Zarco, Hist. Cong., i. 211-40, 296-310, 328-36, 359, 421-4; Falconnet, Manif., 3, 20; Ferrer, Cuest, de Méx., 261-6; El Español, 1852-3, passim; Bazancourt, Mexique, 217-46; Brocklehurst's Mex., 50; Alta California, 1851-3, passim; Alm. Calend. Galvan, 1854, 65-72; 1855, 67-76; Alm. Calend. Man. y Guia, 1852, passim; 1854, 54; Dictador en Méx., 1-24; Diario Debates 3 Cong., i. 55; El Economlsta, Abr.-Mayo 1849, passim; Baz, Def., 1-12; Distrito Fed., Proy. Ley Justif., 1-60; Archivo Mex., i.-ii. passim; Mex. et l'Esp., Mem., 251-64; Hayes' Constit. Law, i. 32; Id., Mexico, 4-5; Estado May. Gral Ejér., 27-31; Colonias Mil. Proy. Establ., 1-4, docs 1-4; Id., Reglam. Establ. Sa. Gorda, 1-15; Disposic. Varias, v. fol. 67; Caballero, Hist. Aim., 23-6; Mex. Bondholders, Rept, Apl 23, 1852; Guardia Nac., Ley Org., 1-15; Tehuan., Dictám. sobre Aprobac., 1-20; Id., Reglam. Col. Mil., 1-32; Rivera, Méx. Pint., ii. 274; Coloniz., Dictám. Com., 1852, 1-12; Id., Doc. Direcc. Col. é Ind., 1-46; Id., Nuevo Proy., 1-19; Taylor's Spec. Press, 24, 599, 602, 606-8; El Globo, Mch. 1, 1849; El Monitor Repub., Dec. 22, 1848, Feb. 6, 12, 1852; El Guardia Nac., Feb. 25, 1850; Charnay, Cités et Ruines, 196-7; Frisch, Staaten von Mex., 15, 25-7, 32-43; Serapio (Fray), Escenas, 34-41; Guan., Mem., 1853, 5-8, 36-7, 42-7; Eco de España, Jul.-Dic. 1853, passim; El Español, Mch 30, 1853; Domenech, L'Empire Mex., 2342; Id., Hist, du Mex., ii. 230-8, 249, 253-4; Id., Miss. Adv., 330-5; Id., Journal, 382-405; Worthy's Travels, 207, 227-8; Moreno y Jove, Oracion Fún., 5; Reveres Keel and Saddle, 232-5; Perry's Travels, 14-69; Losada, Cuestion Mex., 15, 17; Cent. Am. Papers, i.-v. passim; Villa-Amor, Biog. Gen. Sta, Anna, 26-35; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., i. 94, 177, 219, 333-4, iii. 445, v. 201, 207, vii. 331-2, ix. 159, 268; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 956; Id., Apuntes Biog., 40-1; Barbachano, Mem. Camp., 140-9; Santa Anna, á sus Compatr., 4-8, 1114; Id., Manif., 6; Id., Biog. del Gen., 21-2; Id., Espos, dirigida, 1-20; Payno, Rentas Gen., 97-100; Id., Convenc. Méx., 26; Id., Memoria, 3, 45; Id., Proy. Arreglo Gastos Hac. Públ, 1-78; Arranyoiz, Méj., ii. passim; Robles Pezuela, El Comandᵗᵉ en Gefe, 1-50.