History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 4

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER IV.

 

FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC TROUBLES.

1828-1831.

Spanish Scheme of Reconquest — Barradas' Invasion — His Defeat and Surrender — Rejoicing in Mexico — Monarchical Intrigues — Vicente Guerrero Second President — His Administration — Abolition of Slavery — Extraordinary Powers — Party Animosity — Recall of Poinsett — Charges against Ministers — History of Yucatan — Secession of Yucatan — Revolution of Jalapa — Its Effects in Mexico — Provisional Government — Bustamante as the Executive — Guerrero Deposed — War in the South — Treachery against Guerrero — His Capture, Trial, and Execution — Ministers' Impeachment — Honors to Guerrero's Memory

The Spanish court at last saw fit to carry out the long-delayed scheme of reconquering Mexico. It was supposed to be an easy task, on account of the report sent to Europe about the disturbed state of the country, accompanied with assurances, mostly from resident Spaniards, that there was a large party in Mexico ready to help restore the Spanish rule, or to establish a throne for a prince chosen by Fernando VII.^[1] An invasion was expected in 1828, and preparations made to meet it;^[2] but it proved to be a false alarm. The Mexicans, on the other hand, had formed plans to divert Spain s attention and resources by carrying the war into Cuba and other dependencies, to which effect Colonel Basadre was despatched on a secret mission to Hayti. This proceeding greatly alarmed the authorities of Cuba.^[3]

An expedition for the reconquest of Mexico sailed from Habana on the 6th of July, 1829, under Brigadier Isidro Barradas. The whole force, at the time of sailing, probably consisted of 3,000 men. The fleet, commanded by Rear-admiral Ángel Laborde, was formed of the line-of-battle ship Soberano, the frigates Restauracion and Lealtad, the schooner Amalia, the brig Cautivo, and fifteen transports, among which was the American ship Bingham. On board this last-named vessel were 300 men with their commander, Santos Guzman. In a heavy storm the ship was thrown on the coast of Louisiana, where the officers and men received hospitable treatment. These troops consequently took no part in the Mexican campaign.^[4]

The first tidings of the expedition reached Vera Cruz on the 16th of July, by a French frigate, whose commander would not or could not give any information as to its destination. General Santa Anna, then governor and commander of the forces, borrowed a small sum of money and mustered the militia, with the view of attacking the invaders on their arrival.

The Spaniards on the 24th were off Punta de Jerez, near Tampico, and on the 26th sent proclamations on shore, which showed that their government had been led to believe that the Mexican army, which had served under the royal banner prior to 1821, would lend its aid.^[5] On the 27th they effected a landing resisted on the playa de Jerez, or Cabo Rojo, 36 miles from Pueblo Viejo.^[6]

After the disembarkation the fleet went back to Habana, pursuant to the orders of the captain-general of Cuba. Barradas' force marched toward Tampico, and after much suffering from the heat, scarcity of water, and myriads of merciless insects, having captured on the way a well defended redoubt with four guns and fifty prisoners, the advanced column on the 18th of August entered that city, which had been evacuated by the inhabitants.

Had the invasion amounted to anything, the Mexican nation^[7] would indeed have been unprepared to face it. When the news of it was announced at the capital, July 31st, the alarm among all classes was great. The troops were in want of everything; and to add to this perplexity, the ministers encountered opposition on all sides, even to their calling the congress to hold an extra session.^[8] The opposition press circulated false reports, pretending to doubt that any invasion had occurred. The intrigues of the government's enemies so hampered every effort to meet the situation that the Spaniards had been landed ten days before the national congress assembled. Even then it did nothing till the 25th of August, on which date the executive was invested with extraordinary power.

The national and state governments then lost no time in making preparations on an extensive scale, apprehending that Barradas' force might be but the avant-guard of a large army.^[9] The suspicious movements of a vessel off Huatulco also awakened the fear that danger might be expected in that quarter. The president organized an army of reserve to occupy positions in Jalapa, Córdoba, and Orizaba, whence it could operate north and south. This body of troops was placed in charge of Anastasio Bustamante, the vice-president, with José Joaquin de Herrera as his second. Another division was created simultaneously in the south, and its command intrusted to Montesdeoca. Not satisfied with these forces, the executive urged the state governments to raise numerous bodies of militia. In the mean time Garza, who was still comandante general of Tamaulipas, had collected all the force of regulars and militia, and had also sent word to Mier y Teran, who had been inspecting the boundary line between Texas and the United States, and happened to be then in Matamoros. Teran at once hastened to aid in the defence, placing himself, though superior in rank, under Garza's orders. Santa Anna, on learning where the Spaniards were, at once embarked about 1,000 men, who with the cavalry despatched by land formed probably a total of about 2,000^[10] directly under his command, the government having, as a reward of his activity, made him commander in chief of the army of operations. It is unnecessary to enter into detail of the operations. After several bloody encounters, Santa Anna and Teran forced Barradas and the remnants of his troops to capitulate, September 11th, on the banks of the Pánuco River, but not without a heavy loss of men and officers on both sides.^[11] Under the terms of the capitulation, the Spanish troops occupying the bar, fort, and town of Tampico were granted the honors of war, and allowed quarters at Ciudad Victoria till their reëmbarkation.^[12] The sick and wounded remained in the hospitals, attended by Spanish surgeons. According to an official report of Teran from Pueblo Viejo, Santa Anna having gone back to Vera Cruz in bad health, 1,792 Spaniards reëmbarked between the 9th of November and the 11th of December. Thus ended this foolish and futile attempt to reconquer Mexico, which cost a heavy loss of life and the expenditure of $1,500,000. It was quite a different affair from the first attempt; but men like Cortés were not plentiful in Spain at this time.

The news of the Spanish surrender reached Mexico in the evening of the 20th of September, and was hailed with wild delight, displayed by the customary bell-ringing and illuminations. The president, Santa Anna, Teran, and others were objects of general praise. It seemed now as if party strife had come to an end.^[13]

The defeat sustained by Barradas did not altogether put an end, at least for some time, to the project of reconquest, the king of Spain having been offered by certain corporations aid in fitting out another expedition. The Mexican government was duly advised by its agents and made preparations accordingly.^[14] The alarm throughout the country was great, and even gave rise to the circulation of a false report, in August 1830, that 5,000 Spaniards had landed between capes Rojo and Tamiahua near Tuxpan.^[15] This rumor probably originated in the movements of a few men seeking a suitable place for a smuggling operation. The consequence was that more stringent measures against the Spaniards were adopted by the government, not only expelling those still residing in Mexico, but forbidding the landing of others.^[16]

European intrigues were not wanting at this time, 1830, to erect thrones in Spanish America, one of which was to be raised in Mexico and occupied by a prince of the Orleans family. The best informed statesmen and politicians in Europe seemed to be under the impression that Mexico could be ruled only by a monarchy.^[17]

 

President Guerrero was duly installed in office on the 1st of April, 1829, and immediately published a manifesto outlining his future policy.^[18] The history of Mexico's long struggle for national life is witness to Guerrero's resolution. He was born in the town of Tixtla, then within the intendencia of Mexico, in 1782,^[19] of humble parents, Juan Pedro Guerrero and María Guadalupe Saldaña, belonging to the lowly race included in the term castas, utterly degraded both civilly and politically; for they were disqualified by law, custom, and prejudice for ever emerging from their low condition. To this fact should be ascribed Guerrero's defects, which have been so pitilessly and unjustly exaggerated by the very men that should have extolled his fortitude, and exalted his services and personal merits. It is needless to speak further of his military career, the pages of this history having already detailed it. Suffice it to say that till about 1814 Guerrero was a subordinate, but had already on several occasions made his mark as a good soldier under the banner of Morelos. We have since seen that when the prominent soldiers in the south successively disappeared, Guerrero took their place, keeping alive during several years, by his patriotic perseverance, the spirit of independence.^[20] Let us consider the man in the new position to which he has been raised. His elevation to the presidency was the triumph of the popular party; notwithstanding the assertions of his enemies to the contrary, he enjoyed the popular preference, and his inauguration took place amid the plaudits of the masses.^[21] Guerrero believed that by leaving the people to themselves, untrammelled, and strictly maintaining the federal institutions, his would be a paternal government, and the country's institutions would become consolidated. He committed a serious mistake in adopting such a course when social and political ties were loosened, and indeed society was almost in a chaotic state. The result could be none other than a loss of all respect for authority when the chief magistrate thus confidently exposed himself to public contempt.

No man who ever knew Guerrero could deny him the possession of good sense, or even of judgment which is all-sufficient in a constitutionally governed country;^[22] and yet he never seemed to realize what the requirements and conditions of his high position were — its duties and rights, its resources and perils. His acts in the presidential chair lacked that firmness and constancy which spring from a conviction of the justice, usefulness, or expediency of any given measure. He neither possessed the qualifications to prevent the breaking-out of sedition, nor the vigor to repress it.^[23] And yet there was in the man no littleness of soul, no imbecility. In grave questions, whenever he did fix his mind and form a judgment, he was firm, persevering, and even obstinate. His political principles were: national independence, the federal system, hatred of monarchical rule, a profound respect for the representatives of the people, expulsion of Spaniards, and the levelling of classes. All favoring these principles were deemed worthy of his confidence, which explains the origin of the intense antipathy felt toward him by those of a different way of thinking, as well as the bitter hostility rankling in his own bosom toward his opponents, who constituted the party controlled by the upper clergy.^[24] Guerrero's private life was irreproachable. His attention to public business was such, however, that he allowed himself but few hours with his family.

The general affairs of the country in the second half of 1829 were in a chaotic state. Disorganization fettered every branch of the government. Both its friends and enemies were discontented, and disposed to overthrow it. And yet, amidst its constant struggle, Guerrero's administration decreed several progressive measures, the most important of which was the abolition of slavery.

African slavery had indeed been reduced to narrow limits.^[25] The Dominican provincial of Chiapas, Father Matías Córdoba, gave freedom to the slaves on the estates of his order. On the 16th of September, 1825, President Victoria had liberated in the country's name the slaves purchased with a certain fund collected for that purpose, as well as those given up by their owners to the patriotic junta.^[26] The general abolition, however, was not actually carried out for some time, certain difficulties having arisen; and several states, among which was Zacatėcas, had decreed the freedom of slaves before the general government arrived at a final conclusion on the subject. As a matter of fact, the few remaining slaves were in domestic service, and treated more like members of families than as actual chattels. At last Deputy Tornel,^[27] taking advantage of the time when Guerrero was invested with extraordinary powers, drew up and laid before him a decree for total abolition. It was signed September 15, 1829, and proclaimed the next day, the national anniversary. The law met with no demur save from Coahuila and Texas, in which state were about 1,000 slaves, whose manumission would cost heavily, as the owners held them at a high valuation.^[28] It seems that the law was not fully enforced; for on the 5th of April, 1837, another was promulgated, declaring slavery abolished without exception and with compensation to the owners.^[29]

 

President Guerrero organized his cabinet as follows: Lorenzo de Zavala, minister of the treasury, and president of the cabinet; José M. Herrera, of justice and ecclesiastical affairs; Francisco Moctezuma, of war and the navy; and José M. Bocanegra, of interior and foreign relations.

There was, as might be expected, violent opposi tion to the administration. Zavala had become a special object of the opposition's animosity, which was partly extended to the other ministers. On the 6th of August, 1829, the day after the assembling of the congress in extra session, Zavala was accused before that body of crimes against the nation. Charges were next preferred against Herrera and Moctezuna.^[30]

At the time of the Spanish invasion in 1829 we have seen that Guerrero was invested with extraordinary powers by special act of the congress on the 25th of August.^[31] These powers, though never abused, brought upon him and his cabinet a still more violent hatred. After the defeat of the Spaniards, and amidst the general rejoicing, there was a lull in the attacks on the government, but only of short duration. Several administrative acts, one of which was an attempt to check the abuses of the press, again exasperated its enemies. The president's good intentions being now doubted, a coalition of states was formed to oppose the administration. The enactment of a law of taxation produced even worse results, and it was made a point of honor to interpose every possible obstacle; every state refused to obey it. For from this time the states began to ignore the authority of the federal executive, and virtually exercised a veto power to suspend the execution of measures emanating from it. At this crisis, when an exhibition of energetic will tempered by prudence was absolutely necessary, Guerrero vacillated. His motive was undeniably good, but his action was weak. He sought allies from among his opponents in order to secure peace for his administration, and thereby, as he hoped, for the country. Moreover, he tried to disarm his enemies by clemency. He decreed on the 15th of September a pardon to the generals and other officers exiled for the affair at Tulancingo.^[32] This act was likewise disapproved, and repaid with black ingratitude.

Another point — upon which there may be some difference of opinion — was the president's course in regard to the dismissal of Poinsett, the American minister, on the ground that his presence in the republic was injurious to its peace and interests.^[33] Under the pressure, Bocanegra, the minister of relations, was directed to request the government of the United States to recall Poinsett, which request was granted. Zavala and his friends looked on this as a grievous mistake; indeed, it was a glaring sign of weakness. Still greater was the error he committed in consenting to the acceptance of Zavala's resignation at what was nothing less than the dictation of the state legislature of Mexico.^[34] This gave his enemies a signal victory.

Valentin Gomez Farías was called to replace Zavala, but having refused the office, Bocanegra was transferred to the treasury, and Agustin Viezca took charge of the portfolio of relations. After Zavala's retirement the partisans of Guerrero, much divided among themselves before, now broke out into open discord, and the president weakly sent away from him every man against whom public opinion was pronounced. Many who had hitherto stood firmly by Guerrero now turned away from him, some of them even joining the opposition. The fears of an impending change daily increased, and revolutionary plans were attributed to the generals of the army quartered at Jalapa. Santa Anna having visited that town, both he and Bustamante were accused of plotting to bring about a change in the form of government. They then issued a joint manifesto to disabuse the public mind, assuring the nation that no such project had been entertained by them, or any one, and promising to preserve the peace, the institutions, and national unity. Subsequent events proved that Santa Anna was then sincere. Bustamante's disloyalty, however, does not admit of a doubt; he well knew that Muzquiz and José Antonio Facio were preparing a plot to overthrow Guerrero's government, and all authorities disposed to uphold it.

 

It will not be out of place to give here a brief sketch of the history of Yucatan, since I have made little mention of that province since 1708.^[35] From that time till the end of the Spanish domination the country was ruled by thirty governors, holding also the office of captain-general, who were appointed by the crown, besides a few others that held the position ad interim to fill vacancies.^[36]

During the rule of Governor Vertiz in 1717, the English occupants of Isla de Tris, later named El Cármen, were driven away. The mariscal de campo, Autonio de Figueroa, who governed from 1725 to 1733, winning golden opinions for his generosity to the poor during a terrible famine and epidemic, exerted himself successfully in driving away the_English usurpers of Yucatan territory at Belize. He burned Wallix or Belize, and rebuilt it, leaving it only when he believed it safe from further incursions. After his death, however, during a truce allowed by a treaty of peace between Spain and England the wood-cutters and turtle-catchers reoccupied the place, and wood-cutting and sinuggling became the established business. Several attempts to eject these interlopers, made subsequently by governors of Yucatan, had no results.

An event worthy of mention was the revolt in November 1761, of the Indian Jacinto Canek, with a large number of followers, because Bishop Parada's constitutions, which greatly favored the Indians, had been suspended, and their serfdom and condition as tribute-payers had been reimposed. The rebels were, however, defeated in their stronghold of Cisteil, and Jacinto and his chief accomplices punished.^[37]

A crime that caused much consternation was the murder, in the night of the 25th of June, 1792, of the captain-general, Lúcas de Galvez. The deed was wrongly attributed to an officer named Toribio del Mazo, a nephew of the bishop, who, with others, was conveyed to Mexico, and immured in dungeons of San Juan de Ulúa, where they were confined for eight years, undergoing trial without any convicting evidence being found against them. At last the instigator of the crime made confession, and both he and the actual murderer were captured, and the innocent victims released.^[38]

To Governor Benito Perez Valdelomar, who took charge of the government in 1800, Yucatan owed much improvement, particularly in public instruction and facilities for trade.^[39] During his government there came to Yucatan, in 1810, an emissary of Joseph Bonaparte, then king of Spain — a young Dane named Gustav Nordingh De Witt, who was made much of by the governor and society; but when his business was discovered, he was arrested, tried, and executed.^[40]

Yucatan, like the rest of New Spain, experienced the effects of the new institutions resulting from the short-lived constitution of 1812, and the restored one of 1820. The governor, Miguel de Castro y Araos, was deprived of his office, and Mariano Carrillo was made captain-general by the diputacion provincial; but though highly recommended to the court, Carrillo was not appointed, and Juan María de Echéverri came out as gefe superior político and captain-general.

During the period thus briefly glanced over, Yucatan was ruled in ecclesiastical affairs by a succession of bishops, some of whom left grateful memories, others the reverse, while of many others but little information is extant. One of the most famous of these prelates was Pedro Reyes, an austere Benedictine, who, in his efforts to check the abuses of the clergy and improve their morals, experienced great difficulties, both with his subordinates and the governor. Juan Gomez Parada, who won the love of the Indians for his great exertions to benefit them, succeeded Reyes. I give below a list of his successors.^[41]

 

The events that occurred in New Spain by which the Spanish domination was brought to an end produced the change in Yucatan without political commotion, thanks to the prudence and wisdom of the last Spanish governor, Echéverri, who, refusing to adopt coercive measures, placed the province in charge of its diputacion, and then went away. Emperor Agustin sent out as gefe político and captain-general Melchor Álvarez, who took possession of his offices without opposition. He was a strong Iturbidist, and subsequently, when the empire was swept away in Mexico, endeavored for some time to hold power, and counteract the effects of the famous plan de Casa Mata. He was compelled to desist, however, and the province after a while joined the federation of states.^[42]

The declaration of war by Mexico against Spain in 1823 caused great displeasure to Campeche, whose trade with Cuba was thereby interfered with. Mérida, though an equal sufferer, did not shrink from fulfilling her share of duty.

The state enjoyed peace during the four years' constitutional period of Governor Lopez, though he had to struggle against the spirit of military favoritism that had been fostered by the comandante general Felipe Codallos. The latter showed him much opposition, but Lopez upheld his prerogatives, and Codallos was recalled.

The revolutionary projects which were contemplated in Mexico to put aside the federal system were warmly taken up in Yucatan, and when the long-expected cry of revolution was at last heard, it was in that distant part of the republic. The garrison of Campeche, on the 16th of November, 1829, by a public acta, demanded the abolition of the federal government, and the adoption in its stead, of a central military system, that is to say, a single government for the whole country, recognizing Guerrero's authority as far as it did not conflict with the plan, and demanding of the congress that it should convoke another clothed with powers to constitute the republic under a central form of government; with the express understanding that the civil and military authority be vested in the same person.^[43] This movement was seconded in Mérida, where José S. Carbajal deposed the governor, J. T. Lopez, assumed all the powers, styling himself 'comandante general, gefe superior político y de hacienda,' and with his accomplices declared, on November 9th, the secession of Yucatan from the union until a national majority should adopt the institutions proclaimed in the plan of Campeche.^[44] The news of this event reached Mexico at a time when the administration was defenceless. As an effort to avert a revolution, however, it despatched Zavala to represent to the rebels the unreasonableness of their proceeding. He landed at Sisal, where the comandante, Sandoval, refused him permisssion to go into the interior. After some correspondence with the dictator Carbajal, an order came for his immediate departure, coupled with a threat to shoot him if he again stepped upon Yucatan soil without express permission.^[45]

Lorenzo de Zavala was born in Mérida, October 3, 1788. During the revolutionary war of Mexico he was closely confined in irons for three years in a dark dungeon of San Juan de Ulúa. On being liberated he visited Paris, London, and the United States, returning to his country early in 1822. He was chosen a member of the first Mexican congress. At the age of 33 he had experienced much suffering; but his reputation for learning and political ability was well established. Afterward a president of the constituent congress, in 1824 he was the first to sign and swear support to the federal constitution. Zavala served his country loyally, and yet for his defence of the Texans he was branded a traitor by those who could not see the justice and wisdom of his purpose. He died on the 15th of November, 1835, and his remains were conveyed by four friends to a plain grave prepared by his son in a small cedar forest on the banks of the river San Jacinto in Texas. There they lie in a foreign country till such time as his countrymen, remembering his services, may do justice to his memory. Zavala was not only a distinguished statesman and journalist, but also a historian and writer of travels. I give in a note an account of his works.^[46]

 

While the events above recited were occurring in Yucatan, General Bustamante, vice-president of the republic and commander of the largest military division, proclaimed on the 4th of December a plan destructive of his government, under the pretence of restoring constitutional order, and the observance of the laws which he and his accomplices said were infringed by the dictatorial powers vested in the executive — powers which, though, perhaps, not judiciously used in every instance, never became oppressive.^[47] Santa Anna tried to prevent this movement, and not succeeding, surrendered both his civil and military commands, the former to Manuel Arguelles and the latter to Colonel Antonio Juillé.^[48]

Bustamante, though a yorkino, was influenced by Jose Antonio Facio,^[49] a number of discontented yorkinos, and not a few escoceses, or novenarios.

The revolted force assumed the title of 'ejército protector de la constitucion y las leyes.'^[50] Its chief presents to us a second time the spectacle of the vice-president heading a revolution to overthrow the government. In this instance perfidy was added, and ingratitude to the man to whom Bustamante really owed the office of vice-president, as well as his military command. In a circular to the congresses of the several states, Bustamante said that Guerrero's government had ignored their wishes, and deprived them of their sovereignty, substituting for their welfare the will of ambitious ministers.^[51] Minister Bocanegra on the 7th of November answered the circular in words which explained the ease with which Guerrero's administration came to be overthrown. "The institutions," he said, "cannot be sustained if the general government is unable to fulfil its duties, as will certainly happen if the lack of coöperation on the part of the states causes the failure alike of the coherence and harmony enjoined by the constitution and laws." But the secret of the revolt was that the rebels could not bear the sight of one of Guerrero's race occupying the presidential chair, and ruthlessly destroyed a government whose only faults were excessive liberalism and clemency.

from childhood in Spain, where he served in the army and reached the rank of col of cavalry. He served long under Gen. Elío, King Fernando's tool, and later a famous Carlist chieftain, notorious for his dislike of reforms and constitutional government. Facio returned to Mexico in 1824, and was employed to restore order in Tabasco. On the failure of Montaño's plan, which he had supported, he went to reside in the U. S., whence he came back to take part in the national defence. He then became Gen. Bustamante's secretary at Jalapa. Later, under that chief, he attained high official rank; and, faithful to the political principles he had imbibed in Spain, never understood or respected public opinion; he became notorious for his schemes to destroy his enemies, and for his course in relying mainly on brutal force to uphold the administration of which he formed a part. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 565-6; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 137; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 193.

The tidings of the defection at Jalapa almost overwhelmed Guerrero. He looked around him, but found no one to aid or advise him. For a time the old spirit asserted itself, and he resolved to place himself at the head of the few troops still remaining faithful amidst the general desertion; for the bad example shown at Jalapa had been followed elsewhere. He summoned congress,^[52] and on the 11th of December tendered a resignation of his dictatorial powers, about which so many complaints had been uttered. Such an offer, had it been accepted, which it was not, would have deprived him of the only resource he had to keep his enemies in check.^[53] He ought rather to have resigned the presidency.

The step of summoning the chambers was a fatal one, for the reason that the senators and a large minority in the lower house worked in accord with the revolutionists. The president signifying his intention to command the army in person, the congress chose José María Bocanegra president ad interim.^[54] Contrary to the advice of his friends — among whom was Santa Anna — who counselled him to make a firm stand in the capital, assuring him that they would begin operations against the rebels, Guerrero left the city at the head of 2,000 or 2,500 men, and marched in the direction of Ayacapiztla. He had been called to Puebla, by a numerous party in that city, where, before the enemy occupied it, he could have reënforced his small army with 4,000 well armed civic troops; he could also have drawn to his aid the national guard of the state of Mexico. Thus with 10,000 men and the popular favor he could easily have defeated the small rebel force of 3,000. But he failed to take his friends' advice; he had evidently lost his old spirit. While he was on the march, avoiding any encounter with the enemy, an uprising to support the movement at Jalapa took place in Mexico under a pronunciamiento entitled Plan de Quintanar,^[55] which was aided by José Ignacio Esteva, governor of the federal district.^[56] No step having been taken either by acting president Bocanegra or by Anaya, the comandante general, to check revolutionary attempts, the plotters, in the night of the 22d of December, assaulted both the palace and citadel, which were surrendered to them without resistance; and that shadow of a government, composed of Bocanegra, Viezca, and Moctezuma, vanished after an existence of five days, during which it could do nothing but helplessly witness the rapid advance of the revolution.^[57]

The victorious rebels at once constituted an executive authority ad interim, composed of Quintanar, Lúcas Alaman, and Pedro Velez.^[58] Lorenzo de Zavala, Manuel C. Rejon, and Fernando del Valle, who had taken refuge the previous night in the mint, were arrested, but released a few days later on promising to recognize accomplished facts.

The occupation of Mexico by his enemies completely unmanned Guerrero. On the night of the 25th, without apprising General Ignacio Mora and the troops of his intention, he secretly left his camp at Jonacate escorted by Colonel Francisco Victoria and fifty horsemen,^[59] and took the road to the south, considering himself safe after he had crossed the Mescala River. The simple-minded patriot had not calculated that perfidy could reach him there. From the south he made a representation to the congress offering to abide by its resolution.^[60] For some time Guerrero remained with his family on his estate of Tierra Colorada near Tixtla, but left it on receiving news from Mexico that six cut-throats had been taken out of the jail of Mexico and employed to murder him.^[61]

Before the end of 1829 all the states except Vera Cruz had accepted Bustamante's plan.^[62] The legislature of Vera Cruz had hurriedly summoned Santa Anna to assume in person the civil and military commands, the acting commander of the forces, Juillé, and Antonio Heredia, colonel of the 5th battalion stationed there, having already refused to accept the revolutionary plan. Santa Anna took command on the 17th of December, and issued a manifesto in which he declared his intention to defend the established government, Guerrero being the lawful chief magistrate of the nation, and recognized as such without objection from any of the representatives in congress after Pedraza had renounced his claim to the presidency.^[63] Sending 350 men to Perote, he himself made an excursion to Huatusco. His intention was to march against the capital and overthrow the new government, but he was abandoned by his men, the very troops that had served under him against the Spaniards. Whereupon Bustamante accredited two commissioners near him to confer on public affairs, and the result of the conference was that Santa Anna gave up his plan and proclaimed that inasmuch as Guerrero had abandoned his post, he felt compelled to recognize the lawful authority of Vice-president Bustamante.^[64]

Anastasio Bustamante y Oseguera was born in Jiquilpan, in the province of Michoacan, on the 27th of July, 1780,^[65] and passed his first years in Zapotlan el Grande. His parents, though not in favorable pecuniary circumstances, provided for him a good primary education; after which, at the age of fifteen, with the aid of friends, he entered the seminary of Guadalajara. His conduct there was all that could be desired; he showed remarkable talents as well as a disposition for study, which qualities with his modesty soon won for him the regard of his teachers and classmates. He next went to Mexico to study medicine,^[66] and after graduating as a licentiate fixed his residence in San Luis Potosí, where he soon acquired a high professional standing and a competency.^[67]

Having from his earliest years manifested a liking for the military profession, and devoted some time to the study of its most useful branches, in 1808 he received his commission as one of the officers of the commercial battalion, composed of young men of the best families in San Luis. His long military career under the royal banner, and subsequently under Iturbide's, is well known to the reader. Iturbide made him a member of the junta provisional gubernativa, and the regency promoted him to mariscal de campo.^[68] Later he was honored with the grand cross of the order of Guadalupe. During Victoria's administration he was made a general of division.^[69]

Bustamante was possessed of much presence of mind, courage, and sound judgment. With firmness of character, he would yet subordinate his opinion to that of others when he saw the necessity for so doing. He was a lover of civilization and enlightenment, and apparently a disinterested patriot; he was also liberal and frank. In his private life he was exemplary.^[70]

On the 1st of January, 1830, Bustamante, as vice-president, assumed the executive office, and issued a proclamation on the 4th, in which he described, from the standpoint of his party, the political situation of the country, accusing the former government of abuses of power and fraudulent use of the public funds. He concluded by submitting his conduct to the decision of the congress and people.^[71] The new cabinet was formed on the 7th with the following iministers, namely: Lucas Alaman, of relations;^[72] José Ignacio Espinosa Vidaurre, of justice and ecclesiastical affairs; Rafael Mangino, of the treasury; and José Antonio Facio, of war and the navy.^[73]

 

The question now occurred what to do with Guerrero. His election could not be declared illegal, for such a declaration would equally disqualify Bustammante. In the senate it was moved to declare Guerrero morally incapable. After the motion had been warmly discussed in the lower house — for the sake of appearances, it is presumed — it was enacted on the 4th of February, 1830, that the man decorated for his eminent services with the title of 'benemérito de la patria,' whom that same body had only one year ago chosen to fill the chief magistracy, was not able to govern the republic.^[74] His acts were repudiated.^[75] The law was published at once.

The change was not favorably received in the south, where numerous parties took up arms and labored to bring on a general revolution on strictly federal principles. Juan Álvarez raised the standard of revolt, and the government had to meet its enemies on their own ground. Supported by Colonel Codallos, he captured on the 16th of March, 1830, the town and fort of Acapulco.^[76]

Under Álvarez the opponents of the government maintained their ground, and General Armijo, having been appointed to direct the operations against them, perished in a bloody battle fought near Texca on the 30th of August, 1830.^[77] Guerrero raised his standard toward the end of 1830,^[78] and was joined by Álvarez; but their forces were routed on the 1st or 2d of January, 1831, by the better organized army of Bravo near Chilpancingo.^[79] Guerrero, much against the advice of Álvarez, retired to Acapulco, paying no heed to warnings given him that the government was planning his destruction. It was not long before a diabolical plan to that effect was matured. The government no doubt had it in view in making preparations by land and sea for the recovery of Acapulco. It seems that Guerrero's supporters had in their service the Sardinian brig Colombo, owned by a Genoese named Picaluga.^[80] Whether of his own volition or at Minister Facio's request — a point which, from the secrecy observed, must be left to conjecture — Picaluga came to Mexico in December, 1830, and offered to Facio to remove his vessel from the control of the government's opponents, and place her at its disposal at Guatulco for the sum of $50,000, which would pay all damages he had already sustained, and compensate him for her use in the future. This is the story told by the government and by Picaluga himself. But the general belief is that Facio and Picaluga struck a bargain upon the spot for the latter to betray Guerrero into the government's hands.^[81] Soon after Picaluga's departure, orders were issued to Captain Miguel Gonzalez to station himself with a force at Guatulco to receive the Colombo, or if enemies landed there to capture them. The enemies of the government have charged that the orders given Gonzalez were to receive Guerrero from on board the vessel as a prisoner. Gonzalez accordingly went to Guatulco, having with him two other officers, one of whom it is believed was expressly appointed to act as prosecutor and the other as his clerk.^[82] The plotter Picaluga soon found an opportunity to earn his blood-money.^[83] Manuel Primo Tapia and Manuel Zavala, who were in Acapulco, commissioned on the part of the government with General Barragan to make conciliatory proposals to the chiefs of the south,^[84] having secured passage on the Colombo, Guerrero accompanied them to the wharf. There Picaluga invited him to breakfast on board the brig, which invitation he accepted; Miguel de la Cruz, collector of the port, also went on board. When breakfast was over the brig set sail, Guerrero concluding to go as far as the entrance of the harbor, having a boat in tow for his return on shore. But while in the act of bidding his friends good-by, he was seized and bound by the crew, and together with the others taken to Guatulco, where the vessel arrived on the 20th of January, 1831.^[85] On the 26th they were marched to Oajaca,^[86] where they arrived on the 4th of February, and the proceedings which had commenced at Guatulco were continued, Lieutenant-colonel Nicolás Condelle then acting as the prosecuting officer.

The charges preferred against Guerrero were as follows: 1. That he had personally directed the revolution of La Acordada, and obtained the presidential chair over hundreds of corpses, the plunder of the Parian and many wealthy houses, by which proceedings he had dishonored the nation, and made her appear despicable in the eyes of the civilized world. 2. That after his overthrow from the presidency he had pretended to abide by the decision of the congress, and on finding that the decision was against him, had joined Álvarez and his soldiers, whom he had secretly incited to rebellion. 3. That after the battle of Texca he ordered the officers of Armijo's division to be shot, though they were marching under the safe conduct granted them by Álvarez. 4. That he scandalously violated the capitulation at Acapulco, not only depriving the government's soldiers of their arms, but forcing them to go away almost naked. 5. That knowing, as he did, that he was not a legitimate president, he had raised an army in revolt against the authorities, causing the ruin of families and persons. 6. That he disregarded the generous overtures for peace made him, preferring his personal aggrandizement to every other consideration, and looking with indifference on the destruction of upwards of 3,000 lives, besides large amounts of property, etc.; and lastly, that he was at the head of the rebel forces which fought against the government troops at Chilpancingo.^[87]

The first charge was outlawed by an amnesty decree, and should not have been revived. The prosecuting officer applied the most opprobrious epithets to the victim, and even added the slanderous accusations that Guerrero had, through Zavala and Poinsett, attempted to borrow money from the United States, pledging the territory of Texas for its repayment.^[88] He accordingly moved the court to pass sentence of death on the accused, which was done. The sentence was approved on the 11th of February by Colonel Joaquin Ramirez y Sesma, the comandante general of Oajaca. Three days later, on the 14th, Guerrero was taken to Cuilapa and shot, after being compelled to listen on his knees to the sentence of the court.^[89]

It is, indeed, a singular coincidence that Iturbide and Guerrero, two men of diametrically opposite ideas regarding government, united their efforts to accomplish their country's freedom, and that both met with death by public execution at the hands of the same political party.

Guerrero left a wife, María Guadalupe Hernandez, a daughter aged 18, named María Dolores, and a nephew, Prudencio Catalan, for whose education provision was made in his will. The widow was appointed executor of the estate.

The Jalapista party was held by the nation answerable for Guerrero's execution. The treachery by means of which the ministers effected his capture was never forgiven them.^[90] After their downfall the sentence was considered a murder, and Alaman, Facio, and Espinosa were impeached on that and other charges;^[91] but the accused were never convicted, for the reason that the proceedings were lengthened out, and eventually the case became a party question.^[92]

The congress of 1831 voted to Guerrero's widow and offspring a yearly pension of $3,000.^[93] The legislature of Oajaca in March, 1833, decreed that his remains should be exhumed, and with due solemnity be deposited in the church of Santo Domingo.^[94] The town of Cuilapa was erected into a city under the name of Ciudad Guerrero. That same year the national congress ordered the renains to be transferred to Mexico and placed in a mausoleum in the Santa Paula cemetery.^[95] This was not carried out till 1842, when it was decreed that the highest honors should be paid to the hero's memory. On the 8th of April, 1843, a monument was ordered to be erected in Santa Paula, at the expense of the public treasury, and dedicated to Guerrero.

After the ex-president's death the war in that region of southern Mexico, later organized as the state of Guerrero, ceased, Álvarez submitting to Bustamante's government.

 

 

1. Ex-viceroy Calleja s speech in the córtes. Cor. Fed. Hex., 1828, Aug. 23.
2. A proclamation purporting to come from Fernando, and full of promises, was circulated: It first appeared in El Imparcial of Zacatecas, May 28, 1828, and was copied by El Veracruzano Libre, 1828, June 8.
3. Full information in Arrillaga, Recop., 1828, 184; Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 73; Alaman, Proceso, 28-9, 38-9; Id., Defensa, 83-5; Arrangois, Méj., ii. 196, 227-8. The enemies of the government abused it, on the ground that it was intended to land a negro force in Cuba, which was a false charge.
4. The figures above given are furnished by Zamacois, Hist. Méx., xi. 720-4, 793. The author obtained his data from the diary kept and given him by sub-lieut Eduardo Agusti, who served in the expedition. He assures us that those data were later corroborated in Mexico by officers who took part in the fighting. Zavala, who at that time was a member of the Mexican cabinet, says that the force actually landed was 3,500. Revol. Mex., ii. 176. Others exaggerate it to 4,000, and even 5,000.
5. They must have had that impression, else they would not have sent a mere handful of men to a deadly climate and at the worst season of the year, to capture the country.
6. 6 The chaplain was Friar Diego Miguel Bringas y Encinas, of whom mention was made in the preceding volume. Being a Sonoran, he issued a proclamation on the 28th to his countrymen-another evidence of the mistaken idea that the Mexicans wanted to return to colonial vassalage.
7. 'La primer nacion de América,' as she was once proudly called by El Boletin Oficial, no. 15.
8. The council of state would not sanction it, and this, when the invaders were already on the march to Mexico.
9. Pecuniary means to meet the expenses were obtained by levying extra taxes. The whole country was called to arms. Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 159, 169-70, 183, 188, 195-6; Mex. Col Ley., 1829-30, 151-9; Dipos. Far., ii. 68, 71; Hex. Mem, Hac., 1870, 10]; Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1835, 7,
10. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 177, says 'cerca de dos mil.' Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 146, relying on an official report, has it, 'mil sesenta y cuatro hombres era el total de la fuerza que llevó Santa Anna.'
11. The Mexican casualties were eight officers and 127 men killed, and 151 wounded. On the part of the Spaniards, from fighting and disease, supposing that only 2,700 landed, the loss was 908; if there were originally 3,500, as the Mexican generals believed, then it amounted to 1,708. The Spanish report gives 17 officers, and 983 rank and file, of whom 7 officers and 78 men were killed in action, and 130 died in hospitals from wounds. The particulars of this campaign, furnished by various authorities, are contradictory. One anonymous writer, quoted in Villa Amor, Biog. del Gen. Santa Anna, 10, coolly states that Santa Anna suffered two defeats at Barradas' hands, but the latter, in order to carry off the funds in his charge, concluded to surrender to the remnant of the Mexican troops! Barradas never went back to Cuba or Spain. He died abroad, poor and forsaken. Zavala, Revol. Méx., ii. 176-90; Boletin Oficial, nos 1-33; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 142-87, 414-27; Centinela Fed., 1829, no. 121; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, i. nos 23, 24, 28, 31-7, iv. nos 12, 33; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 520-50; Martinez, Hist. Revol. Mex., i. 150-2; Méx. Mem. Guerra, 1830, 2; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 846-7; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xi. 716-806.
12. By a later arrangement, at the request of the Spanish commander, the town of Santa Catalina, Ozuluama, Tantima, Altamira, and Pánuco were substituted.
13. The trophies captured were placed by decree of Feb. 19, 1834, in the national hall of representatives. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 60-1; Vallejo, Col. Doc., i. no. 34. On the 23d of May, 1835, the congress declared Santa Anna, for his services at Tampico, 'benemérito de la patria,' and further decreed that his name should be engraved on a pillar to be erected on the spot where the Spaniards surrendered, with this inscription: 'En las riberas del Pánuco afianzó la independencia nacional en 11 de Setiembre de 1829.' On the 24th of May, 1843, a decreo was issued to erect a monument at Tampico. Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 511, 676, iii. 52, iv. 421-2, 559; Boletin, Ofic., nos 5, 15, 24.
14. Some Carmelite friars had also said that the Spanish flag in July 1830 would wave over the palace at Mexico. That remark apparently explained the influx of Spaniards to the ports. Atleta, 1830, March 24, 381; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, ii. no. 16; Mex., Proceso Instruc., 1833, 39-40.
15. The name of Prince Paul of Wurtemberg, who made a flying visit to Mexico, had been absurdly mixed up with Spanish plans. Alaman, Defensa, 85-6.
16. Decrees and details are given in Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 17, 8, no. 21, 7, supl., nos 9, 10; Dispos. Var., ii. 80; Dublan and Lozano, Lėgis. Mex., ii. 230, 287-8, 322-3, 390; Mex. Col. Ley. y Dec., 1829-30, 142-3.
17. Zavala assures us that he was invited, about Feb. 1830, by a foreign agent to coöperate in the accomplishment of such a plan. Revol. Mex., ii. 248.
18. Full text in Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 55; Guerrero, Manif., 1-20.
19. The certificate of his christening at the parish church is dated Aug. 10, 1782, by which it appears that he was named Vicente Ramon.
20. 'Su última esperanza, la única protesta del país contra la dominacion española.' Tornel, Breve Reseña Hist., 313.
21. Guerrero loved the race he sprang from, and never was ashamed to own it. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 57. Bustamante has it that no enthusiasm was shown by the people, not a viva uttered, which is incredible. Voz de la Patria, i. no. 14, iv. no. I. He hated Guerrero, and in this instance, as in many others, has proved himself to be what he has been called, 'escritor sin conciencia y sin fé.' Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 138.
22. The fact stands to confound those who make him out an ignoramus, that after the overthrow of the Spanish rule he had an influential share in organizing the government, and took part in its councils; political parties wanted him in their ranks. Even his foes deadly hatred is an evidence of their fear of his intellectual powers. Tornel, Breve Reseña Hist., 317. Alaman, one of Guerrero's bitterest enemies, assures us that he was so illiterate that he could barely write his name; and having associated many years with insurgents, ever distrustful of one another, suspicion and dissembling had become a second nature with him, and often in speaking he would utter the very reverse of his thoughts. Hist. Méj., v. 766.
23. Zavala denies him the talent for directing great affairs, and the feeling of friendship and confidence in his friends which would permit their leading him. Thus he actually made a nonentity of himself. Revol. Mex., ii. 369-70.
24. This party had sustained the viceroys; had banded with the leaders that dethroned Iturbide; then used Bravo and Barragan in the attempt to overthrow Victoria; failing in this, it clung to Gomez Pedraza; and when victorious at last, paraded the bloody heads of many a good citizen, and after the bloody scene at Cuilapa, inaugurated an era of perfect despotism.
25. The importation and sale of slaves had been strictly forbidden by royal order in 1818, and later by the law of July 13, 1824. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 83; Méx. Col. Leyes, Órd. y Dec., iii. 56; Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1824, annex 10; Bustamante, Medidas Pacific., MS., i. 114-18.
26. Dr San Martin also liberated his slaves. The same day the state assumed the care of some colored orphans whose fathers, some of whom were slaves, had perished in the war of independence. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 121.
27. Tornel himself relates it. Breve Reseña Hist., 85; Mex. Col. Ley., 182939, 149-50; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 213; Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 163.
28. The owners claimed having brought them there under the pledge of protection offered them. Mex. Dict. Comis. Justicia, 2 11.
29. The revolted colonists of Texas were excluded from the benefit of the compensation.
30. The press teemed with invectives against Guerrero, his ministers, and Santa Anna. At this disreputable work the most notorious were the Voz de la Patria, iv. nos 1-33, v. nos 1 and 7; El Torito, Eco de Yucatan, and El Sol, the writings of which were in the same spirit as those of the writers in Spanish pay at New Orleans and New York. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 185; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 141.
31. The only restriction was that the president should not deprive any Mexican citizen of his life, or expel him from the republic. The powers were to cease in January 1830, on the meeting of the congress in ordinary session, to which he was to account for his acts. Mex. Col. Ley. y Dec., 1829-30, 55; Dispos. Var., ii. 69; Boletin Ofic., no. 12; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 365.
32. Atleta, 1830, Jan. 30, 165. Bravo, Barragan, and others came back from New York before they knew of the amnesty, in their eagerness, they said, to aid in the country's defence against the Spaniards. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 195; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 164; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 1.
33. The states of Puebla and Mexico were among those demanding it. The legislature of the latter gave as a reason that Poinsett 'had fine and agreeable manners, and used them to delude the Mexicans.' Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 197.
34. Zavala was governor of the state of Mexico, when by express leave of her legislature he became a minister. At the time in question the legislature revoked that leave, forcing Zavala to resign his position in the cabinet. He told Guerrero, 'Me retiro cansado de sufrir ingratitudes y calumnias. Una tempestad amenaza á Vd dentro de poco tiempo.' Public attention was particularly attracted by the strange course of the legislature of Mexico in this matter, which while calling Zavala away from the cabinet to resume his gubernatorial functions, at the same time instructed the lieut-gov. not to deliver the office to him till specially directed so to do; this without any charge having been preferred against Zavala. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 165; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 198.
35. See vol. iii., cap. viii., this work.
36. 3Their names may be found in Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 386 536, passim, iii. 5-194, passim.
37. 37 Jacinto 'fue condenado á morir atenaceado, roto, y su cuerpo quemado y echadas al aire sus cenizas.' He suffered his punishment. Others received 200 lashes, and had one ear cut off. Cisteil was razed to the ground. Peon, Peon, Crón., 453.
38. 14,000 to 17,000 folios had been written, and $40,000 expended. Bustamante, Supl. to Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 107; Id., Notic. Biog., 6; Aranza, Instruc., MS., 78-84.
39. Echánove, Cuad. Estadist.; Regil, Mem. Instruct.; Burbachano, Mem. Саmp.
40. The execution took place on the 12th of Nov. 1810; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., ii. 517-25.
41. Parada's death was in 1728. Juan Ignacio de Castorena y Urzúa, 1730%3; Francisco Pablo Matos de Coronado, 1736; Friar Mateo Zamora y Pinagos, 1743; Friar Francisco de San Buenaventura Martinez, 1746, who established the seminary; Doctor and Friar Ignacio de Padilla y Estrada, 1753; Friar Antonio Alcalde, 1763; Doctor Diego de Peredo, Jan. 1773; Antonio Caballero y Góngora, 1776; Friar Luis de Piña y Mazo, 1780, an irate nan, constantly meddling in affairs not of his province, and causing much trouble; Doctor Pedro Agustin de Estevez y Ugarte, from 1801 to May 8, 1827, when he died. Iglesias y Conventos, 326-7.
42. In fact, Mérida and Guadalajara were the two first cities that proclaimed the federal system in 1823, for which Yucatan was rebuked by Lúcas Alaman, then minister of relations of the provisional government. He qualified the act as immature, uncircumspect, and anarchical, and as one that might imperil national independence and safety.
43. The acts of the pronunciamiento and documents therewith connected may be found in Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 170-1; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 560-1; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 136; El Boletin Ofic., no. 35; Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 36-8, 135-6; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 1.
44. The revolt caused the dissolution of the state congress and of nearly all the ayuntamientos. Atleta, 1829, Dec. 30; 1830, Jan. 30; Suarez, Informe, 7; Yuc. Pacifica, no. 3, 8. Santa Anna tried to dissuade the leaders of the revolt at Campeche from carrying out their intentions. A letter signed by all the chief officers had asked him to support them. His answer was a long and severe reproof. Espíritu Púb., i. nos 129-33. The state of Yucatan continued detached from the rest of Mexico till the end of 1830. Mex. Mem. Rel., 1831, 13; Вarbachanо, Мem. Соmp., 35-46.
45. Sandoval's letter clearly implied it, and the bearer said that he had been ordered to state that if Zavala was found on Yucatan soil again he would be. 'pasado por las armas inmediatamente.' Zavala, Revol. Mex, ii. 209-14.
46. Ensayo Histórico de las Revoluciones de Mexico. This work is in two volumes, 8vo, the first of which appeared in Paris in 1831, and the second in New York somewhat later. It gives us the history of Mexico from the breaking-out of the revolution in 1808 to 1830. The most valuable portion is that in which he speaks of the events that he had a direct participation in, as a member of the constituent congress, governor of Mexico, and minister of stale, which lie describes in a flowing, elegant style, and with remarkable force, defending the acts of the federal party, of which he was one of the most eminent members. Any impartial and unprejudiced critic will recognize in the author a learned publicist, historian, philosopher, economist, and statesman. Another edition, also in two volumes, appeared in Mexico in 1845.

    Zavala s other work was his Viage á los Estados Unidos, Mérida, 1846, which is preceded with a sketch of his life and writings, by Justo Sierra. The book, according to Zavala's own statement, has not the merit of originality, and did not entail on him much labor, as the descriptions, documents, and even many of the remarks were either taken from others or from memoranda made on the spot. That is what he said himself, hoping that it might be useful to his countrymen. But the fact stands that it is a philosophic work, showing a deep study of the manners and customs of the American people, and more specially of their political institutions, which were so closely copied by the Mexicans.

47. Alaman himself uses these words respecting their use: 'En lo general fué mas bien benético que opresivo. Hist. Méj., v. 846.
48. He then withdrew to his hacienda of Manga de Clavo to watch the course of events. Suarez y Nararro, Hist. Méx., 172.
49. Facio, Guerrero s mortal enemy, was a Mexican by birth, but educated
50. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 5; La Cruz, v. 635; Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1831, doc. 1, 12-13.
51. In his hypocritical address he adds: 'Weighed down by taxation, the money taken depletes their treasuries; the nation derives no advantage; the army is wasting away, its needs not being looked after. Such a bad administration has induced in many the belief that the evils are inherent in the federal system.'
52. Mex., Col. Ley., 1829-30, 190-1; Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 209.
53. Atleta, 1830, Jan. 13.
54. Dec. 16th. Mex. Col. Ley., 1829-30, 194-5; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 365, 307; Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 209.
55. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 572-4; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 161-9, 177-82, 185; Atleta, 1829, Dec. 23. This paper, in its issue of Jan. 7, 1830, assures us that Guerrero, in his anxiety to avert bloodshed, had sent commissioners to treat with Bustamante, but Muzquiz detained them at Puebla. Meantime the revolt broke out in Mexico.
56. After Tornel's departure as minister to Washington, Esteva was appointed by Guerrero his successor as governor of the district. He had a very direct part in the revolution at the capital. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. ap. 84-5; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 573.
57. The plan involved a recognition of that of Jalapa, and was signed by eleven generals and sixteen colonels; among the former being Quintanar, the two Rayons, Terreros, and Zarzosa. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 572.
58. Quintanar was made a general by Iturbide, and since the latter's execution had been wholly out of political life. His physical courage was undoubted, but he lacked the moral qualifications to control and direct masses of men. His domestic qualities were respectable, and his wife's family relations induced him to serve now as the instrument of a rebellion. Velez was a native of Zacatecas, born in 1787; had been Gen. Cruz's legal adviser, and became the chief justice of the supreme court when it was founded in 1825; an honest man, and quite an able jurist. The rebels made use of him, and he, probably from fear, permitted them. He was minister of justice in 1843, always highly esteemed, and died the 5th of August, 1848. Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 219; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 144, 147. Of Alaman full information is given elsewhere. The act of congress of Dec. 23, 1829, appointing that executive under article 87 of the constitution, may be seen in Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 210.
59. Soon after Mora and his troops joined the rebels of Jalapa.
60. It begins, 'Situado en una de las poblaciones del sur.' Atleta, 1830, Jan. 18; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 189-90; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 221-2. Alaman has it that Guerrero, distrusting his troops, proposed to subinit through the new government to the action of congress, and then withdrew to the south, 'permitiéndole el gobierno llevar para su escolta un escuadron de caballería.' Hist. Méj., v. 847-9.
61. His declaration at his trial, 7th March, 1831. Mex. Proceso Instruct., 142.
62. Guanajuato, Querétaro, and Jalisco, whose comandante gen. was Joaquin Parres, and San Luis Potosí, commanded by Gen. Luis Cortazar, were among the first to make pronunciamientos in favor of the plan. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 573; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 182: Atleta, 1829, Dec. 20-22, 29-30; 1830, Jan. 2, 13, 22, 27, 30, Feb. 1-10; Espiritu Púb., 1830, Jan. 21; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829, 345, 359; 1830, 42; Puebla, Manif,, 1–14; Facio, Мem., 120-9; Мех. Мem Rel., 1830, 11.
63. Before that date — on the 15th — he had issued from his estate a stirring address expressing his resolve to support, even unto death, Guerrero's legitimate authority. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 558-9; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 262.
64. After this summersault Santa Anna went back to Manga de Clavo. Soon after, the legislature of Vera Cruz abandoned its hostile attitude. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 574-7; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 183-9; Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 263; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. nos 1, 2, 7; Mich. Mem., 1830, 1; Atleta, 1829, Dec. 20, 25, 26, 28, 29; 1830, Jan. 2, 3, 6, 9; Gac. Mex., extra, 1830, no. 18; Santa Anna, El Gen., á sus compat., 1-7.
65. García, C., Noticias, in Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin, 3d ép., i. 484, has it 1789.
66. His teacher was Dr Linger, then professor of chemistry in the colegio de minería.
67. He was superintendent of the hospital, and head physician of the household of Brigadier Calleja, then in command of the 10th brigade.
68. He was a colonel when he joined Iturbide in Guanajuato. Mex. Doc. Relativos, 18.
69. In 1828 the Estado de Occidente made him one of its citizens by a formal act of the legislature. Pinart, Col. Doc., no. 78. In July 1830 the national congress declared him a 'benemérito de la patria.' Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 57-9.
70. Rivera, after commending Bustamante's private life and public services, attributes to him cruel instincts, and credits him with being faithful to his friends, and grateful for favors. Hist. Jalapa, ii. 582. This virtue of gratitude he certainly did not show in his action toward Guerrero. According to Zavala, Revol. Mex., ii. 141, Bustamante was servile, and it was understood that Guerrero's preferences for him were in the expectation of using him as a passive instrument, such as he had been to the Spanish crown, and afterward to Iturbide. Further particulars may be found in Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 230-43; Id., Cuad. Hist., MS., viii. 243-6, and Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 80-9. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 151, 957-60, and Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 579, furnish portraits of Bustamante, representing him as a man of fine appearance.
71. Bustamante, Manif., 1-20. Consequent upon which the legislature of Chihuahua, Jan. 28th, petitioned congress to make a thorough investigation into the conduct of President Guerrero and his ministers, including also that of Vice-president Bustamante from the time he took command of the reserve army. Atleta, 1830, Jan. 2, 56, March 6, 306-7.
72. Alaman had held no public office since he resigned this portfolio in 1825.
73. This portfolio was offered to Mier y Teran, who declined it. Arrillaga, Recop., 1830, 4. The four appointees were certainly able men. But they were not federalists, and did not enjoy public confidence for that reason. Atleta, 1830, Jan. 9, 83-4.
74. 'Tiene imposibilidad para gobernar la república.' Mex. Col. Ley., 1829-30, 89; Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 223; Arrillaga, Recop., 1830, 3, 72; Atleta, 1830, Jan. 20, 31; Zarala, Revol. Méx., ii. 267.
75. Gen. Barragan refused a comandancia general tendered him, as he would have to affix his signature to the act of Dec. 23, 1829. He argued that if Guerrero had been a nonentity, then he had no power to set aside the law under which he and others were exiled; he, Barragan, must therefore go again into exile. Atleta, 1829, Dec. 28.
76. The garrison revolted, and Berdejo, the comandante general, and others escaped by sea. Atleta, 1830, April 1, 399-411; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 205, 238, 213-16, 227; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, iii no. 5, 8, iv. no. 7, 6.
77. He was defeated by Álvarez, and took flight; but being much hated in the south, was pursued, overtaken two miles from Texca, and hacked to death on the spot. Zavala, Revol. Méx., ii. 340-1; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 26, 2-7.
78. On the 13th of Oct. 1830, he issued a prclamation at Acapulco, explaining his course. The document was circulated in Mexico, and occupied Minister Alaman's attention in November. He issued another at Texca on the 12th of Dec. Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1831, doc. 1, 13-16; Pap. Sueltos, no: 21; Arrangoiz, Méj., 199, 202; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 607; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. no. 29, 1-5; Mex. Proceso Instruct., 132-5.
79. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, iv. no. 20, 6; Id., MS., vi. 9-13, Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 215-16. Owing to a severe wound in the chest, received in an action of war several years previously, Guerrero was unable to undergo the fatigues of the campaign, as he had repeated hemorrhages, throwing out pieces of bone, which condition demanded repose. Zavala, Revol. Méx., ii. 342; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 226-7. For his victory Bravo was rewardcd by act of congress of Feb. 15, 1831, with a sword of honor. Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 314.
80. There was at the time a rumor in Mexico that Guerrero had chartered a vessel wherein to leave the republic. Atleta, 1830, ap. 5, 429.
81. Facio claimed that Picaluga's offer to surrender his vessel was spontaneous, and was accepted because it hastened the government's plans in a manner that could not have been foreseen. The success of the plan surprised the ministers, who, though ignorant when they first heard of all the circumstances connected therewith, were glad to avail themselves of the opportunity to pacify the country. Memoria, 33-5. Cárlos Bustamante, who was then a supporter of the government, gives the full account of the bargain made between Facio and Picaluga for the betrayal by the latter of Guerrero for $50,000, declaring that he knows the particulars as given by him to be true. Voz de la Patria, MS., vi. 23-6. The arrest was made the occasion of much rejoicing, with ringing of bells. The cabinet said to the congress that the proper measures demanded by the situation had been adopted.
82. It is asserted that the government was so sure of its prey that even the stamped paper required by law for judicial proceedings had been provided, and was found on board the vessel. Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Mex., 227-30.
83. General Duran paid Picaluga in Oajaca 3,000 gold doubloons. Gonzalez, Decl., in Mex. Proceso Instruct., 31.
84. This appears in the declarations of Tapia and Zavala and in other documents. Mex., Proceso Instruct., 107-13, 115-16. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 612-13, says that Barragan's plan for conciliation had been treated by the government as a folly. Bustamante also disapproved it at the time. Voz de la Patria, iv. no. 13, 5-8; no. 31, 6-7.
85. Gonzalez in his report of the 21st makes it appear that Guerrero and the others had landed early in the morning of the previous day, and had been captured. Registro Ofic., 1831, Feb. 1, supl.; Mex., Proceso Instruct., 75-3. If the prisoners were taken on shore, they must have been returned to the ship, for it was on board of her that the initiatory judicial proceedings took place. Id., 102-3.
86. Facio had beforehand ordered Bravo to send troops in the direction of Tlapa to guard against a rescue, and the comandante at Oajaca had also been instructed to send Guerrero to Perote; but a counter-order retained him in Oajaca. Id., 187.
87. These charges were drawn up by Facio himself, and confidentially transmitted to the comandante at Oajaca. Id., 183-5.
88. This charge the prisoner declared to be utterly false. Id., 150. The evidence of Francisco Fagoaga and José María Bocanegra sustained his assertion, and stamped Alaman, Facio, and other open enemies of Guerrero as unprincipled slanderers. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 141. Ward, Mex., app., speaks of such a contract for $12,000,000. Zavala pronounces it a barefaced invention of Guerrero's enenmies. Revol. Méx., ii. 205.
89. The fact was duly communicated the same day to the government. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, iv. nos 27, 28; MIS., vi. 22-53; MS., viii. 46. This author asserts that Vice-president Bustamante was powerless to prevent the execution. Gabinete, Mex., ii. 21, following index.
90. Picaluga, for his share in the vile transaction, was sentenced by the admiralty count in Genoa to death, and to pay damages, but escaped punishment, never having returned to his country. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xii. 223, gives the sentence in Italian. Gonzalez, the officer who captured Guerrero and superintended his execution, died covered with leprous sores. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 141.
91. The house of representatives constituted as a grand jury indicted the three, exempting Minister Mangino. Mex., Proceso Instruct., 254-5.
92. Alaman and Facio had hidden themselves, the latter escaping to Europe. While at that safe distance he published a book entitled Memoria que sobre los sucesos del tiempo de su ministerio, y sobre la causa intentada contra los cuatro ministros. Paris, 1835, 8vo, 245 pp., and an app. of 8 pp. In it the author, after denying the legality of the body that impeached him, goes on to state from his own standpoint the political events which took place in Mexico during Vice-president Bustamante's administration, endeavoring to defend its course, particularly in the execution of Guerrero and others of the federal party. He seems to have exhausted the vocabulary of abuse against his enemies, making at the same time revelations that are anything but honorable to the government of which he formed a part. Facio never figured again in Mexican politics, but his rank in the army was restored to him in 1835. Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 482. Quite different in manner and style was Alaman in his Defensa del ex-ministro de relaciones D. Lúcas Alaman. Mexico, 1834, 8vo, xxii. and 126 pp. He was politic and suave, as behooved a man who was not yet out of danger. His arguments, like Facio's, were intended to show that the course of Bustamante's ministers was a wise and necessary one to secure peace and the best interests of the country. It is difficult to believe that the guiding mind of the administration had no knowledge of Facio's bargain with Picaluga. Be it as it may, he was finally acquitted of all culpability by the supreme court. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 145.
93. At the death of either, the survivor was to have the whole pension. Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 314; Arrillaga, Recop., 1831, 216.
94. A full description of the exhumation and other ceremonies appears in Carriedo, Estudios Hist., ii. 40-55; Guerrero, V., Soberano Estado. Mariano Riva Palacio, who had married Guerrero's daughter, was granted the right of citizenship in the state.
95. Decree of Nov. 17, 1833. Dublan and Lozano, Legis. Mex., ii. 601.