History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 9

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER IX.

 

FEDERALIST AGITATION.

 

1838-1840.

Checked in the West, the Federalists Rise in the East — Tampico Takes the Lead — The Movement Spreads from Tuxpan to the Rio Grande del Norte — Dilatory Action of Bustamante — Santa Anna Figures as Reformer — His Energy Saves the Government — Defeat and Execution of Mejía — Tampico and Tuxpan Capitulate — Bustamante Resumes the Presidency — Yucatan Secedes from the Republic — Revolution in Tabasco — Urrea's Pronunciamiento at Mexico — Bombardment of the Palace — Failure of the Outbreak — A Monarchical Breeze

Free from foreign complications, the government was permitted to give undivided attention to the federalist uprising, which, under the fostering patronage of the French fleet, had received fresh impulse. Before the autumn of 1838 it was practically confined to Jalisco, and even here the energetic Paredes had followed up his earlier successes against Urrea in Sinaloa, and against Guzman and his allies in the Guadalajara region, by giving the latter a most effective check on February 4, 1839, at the hacienda do Santa Cruz. This not only saved the depart mental capital, but reduced the revolution in the west to insignificant proportions.^[1] Southward, in Oajaca and Chiapas, slight sympathetic movements had taken place, only to be promptly suppressed. In the latter department the rising was fostered by Guatemala and ex-Governor Gutierrez, who fell in the first and decisive encounter with the government troops.^[2] These successes and the imprisonment at Mexico of Gomez Farías, lately returned from the United States, and his associates Alpuche and others, who were generally looked upon as the heads and secret promoters of the federal agitation, had reassured the government, when in October 1838 a fresh pronunciamiento broke out at Tampico,^[3] whereof the fugitive Urrea from Sonora soon assumed the direction. The commandant Piedras was compelled to leave, and arrangenments were made with the French squadron to permit the entrance of vessels.^[4] Owners of cargoes availed themselves of this privilege to iutroduce goods almost on their own terms, for the leaders were only too eager to procure means for their project, as well as wealth for themselves. Thus fostered and shielded in the rear, the rising speedily extended to below Tuxpan,^[5] and on the other side all over Tamaulipas into San Luis Potosí and Nuevo Leon, whose inhabitants had strong reasons for dissatisfaction with the remote and indifferent central authority. The prolonged stay among them of the unruly army of observation against Texas was especially annoying, the more so since its maintenance devolved chiefly on these provinces.

The government took alarm, and Canalizo was sent in November to reduce Tampico with part of the force raised against the French invaders. On the 30th he undertook to carry the place by assault, and managed to gain a strong foothold. Immediately after, how ever, an explosion occurred, blowing to pieces a number of his men, and a panic ensued, of which the expect ant garrison took advantage to regain possession.

Tampico Campaign

While Canalizo strove to rally his force the federalists sallied in another direction upon his camp, and put to flight the reserve under the inefficient General Cos, The already demoralized main body soon followed the example, and it was only at Altamira, seven leagues beyond, that Canalizo was able to collect the fugitives, to the number of 700. About 300 had been killed or captured, among the latter Commandant Piedras, who was shot.^[6]

The fall of Ulúa. and attendant events at Vera Cruz gave fresh impulse to the revolution, partly from the paralyzing effect on the government. The latter prepared, nevertheless, to send a stronger expedition against Tampico under the able Valencia, and ordered reënforcements for Canalizo, so that he might proceed to Matamoros and check the spread of the movement in the north. The reënforcements, under Garay and Lemus, revolted, however, and joining the party recently formed by the Montereyan Antonio Canales, they hastened to lay siege to Matamoros, assisted by a corps which had overrun the centre of the department and driven forth Governor Quintero. The garrison at Monclova also rose under Ruiz, on January 15, 1839, but its effort to capture Saltillo and remove the governor, Francisco García Conde, was frustrated by the arrival of aid from Monterey.^[7] Colonel Ampudia had also obtained an advantage which relieved Matamoros, Lemus promising to return to obedience; but no sooner had the colonel turned his back than the latter reconsidered the situation and surprised the poorly defended Monterey, and subsequently, on May 23d, the capital of Coahuila, the governors of both departments having to retire.^[8] By this time attempts had been made to gain for the movement also the capitals of Durango and San Luis Potosí, but without success.^[9] Farther down on the gulf coast, however, Cos, who had been intrusted with an expedition against Tuxpan, was routed by the federalists under Mejía,^[10] who now stood prepared to assume the offensive.

This blow, together with the fear that when the French departed the federalists might descend on Vera Cruz, served to rouse the loitering Bustamante, and he was at last persuaded to start upon his campaign, for which troops were no longer lacking, owing to the enrolment lately made against invasion and the release of the corps of observation against the French. The war feeling being still rife, advantage was taken of it to continue the levy and the formation of volunteer bodies;^[11] and an effort was made to reorganize the army and to give it a more martial appearance, yet with only partial success, owing to the chronic lack of funds, which affected armament in quality and sufficiency, and uniforms as to congruity, one common and conspicuous feature of the latter being the national sarape.^[12] The reforms effected were mainly due to the energetic Santa Anna, who assumed control as provisional president on March 18, 1839, and manifested his self-will by promptly placing the press under restraint.^[13]

Bustamante had marched to San Luis Potosí, and content with the achievement, he remained there revolving what next to do. Encouraged by this inactivity, the enemy emerged from the gulf districts into Puebla under Urrea and Mejía, and proposed to disconcert his plans by threatening the seat of the department and consequently the capital itself, where a large number of adherents stood prepared to rise. Santa Anna saw the danger, and on the strength of a reluctant permission from the council he hastened on April 30th to Puebla, borne in a litter, ordering at the same time the concentration there of available troops. This promptness turned the scale. The city was already in a ferment; within three hours of his arrival a pronunciamiento in favor of federalism would have been made, involving the release of prisoners in the jails and the overthrow of the small garrison. Santa Anna's presence sufficed to awe the factions, and the approach of troops caused them effectually to subside. General Valencia had brought forward the greatest force, and to him were confided 1,600 men and five guns wherewith to face the enemy. They met at Acajete on May 3d, and a fierce battle ensued. The centralists had found time to form in good order, so that when the less strong federalists fell upon them at the break of day they were warmly received. Again and again the latter charged with a will that more than once caused their opponents to waver. Valencia proved equal to the emergency, however, and finally, by an unexpected countercharge with his cavalry, he created a disorder which soon developed into flight. A large number of prisoners were taken, and about 600 dead testified to the bitterness of the struggle. Santa Anna came up with reënforcements, too late to be of any service, but the credit of the achievement, which saved the government by effectually crippling the adversary, belongs nevertheless mainly to his prompt and independent action, regardless of a timid council that sought at the last moment to prevent his departure from Mexico.^[14] Among the captured was Mejía, whose dash and tactics had maintained the advantage during the earlier part of the battle. "You are to be shot within three hours," said his captor. "Had Santa Anna fallen into my hands, I would have granted him three minutes," replied Mejía with seeming indifference. As he was led forth, he distributed what money he possessed among the men detailed for his execution, and then knelt in pious attitude to receive the volley.^[15]

Urrea escaped and gained Tampico, which was invested on May 26th by Arista. The place had a garrison of about 800 men, was well fortified and supported by some small gun-boats, so that Urrea, with every confidence in its strength, resolved to intrust the defence to General Escalada, and seek to distract the besiegers by a movement in their rear. No sooner had he departed, however, by slipping through the lines one dark night, than Barbarena, commander of the flotilla, joined Arista.^[16] This treachery not only deprived the town of supplies, but ex posed it on the most vulnerable side, as was soon made manifest by the fresh impulse given to siege operations. The garrison became disorderly, some proposing to remove the commandant, others beginning to drink and commit outrages. The frightened property holders and merchants now joined in persuading

Plan Of Tampico.

Escalada to accept a capitulation on June 4th, whereby troops, officials, and citizens were guaranteed the possession of property and position, the military remaining in service of the government.^[17] This ready surrender of the most important harbor on the gulf next to Vera Cruz, with its rich stock of goods, guarded by so large a force, tends to confirm the charge of treason against Escalada. It had the effect of precipitating also the fall of Tuxpan, whither Urrea had betaken himself to weave fresh plans. Foreseeing the inevitable in the concentration of forces against the place, he hastened to enter into an arrangement with Paredes, whereby he was confirmed in his position and honors as general. Santa Anna naturally felt indignant at such terms, and modified them in so far as to order him into exile, under surveillance. While on the way to Vera Cruz, however, he escaped, and disappeared for a time, till the turn of events again brought him to the front.^[18]

 

The fall of Tampico was a heavy blow to the federalist cause, now sustained mainly in the north-east. The news arrived there at the sane time with the report that García Conde was advancing with a strong force from San Luis Potosí, while Canalizo, reënforced by Quijano, was moving against Monterey. Lemus at once abandoned Saltillo and withdrew toward the Texan border,^[19] but was soon after overtaken and captured. Together with his brother, 18 officers, and 2 commissioners who were on the way to ask for Texan aid. This ^[20] Canales, who now assumed the undisputed leadership of the party, with the aid of a representative convention, continued the struggle with Indian and Texan aid, and obtained on November 2d so pronounced a triumph over Colonel Pavon ^[21] as to alarm the government, the more so as his confederate, Jesus Cárdenas, was laboring in Texas for aid toward the formation of northern Mexican states into a separate republic.^[22] Arista was sent against him, and before the close of January 1840 he had practically cleared Nuevo Leon of federalists,^[23] and two months later he obtained a decisive victory at Morelos,^[24] obliging Canales to take refuge on the other side of the Rio Grande del Norte. Raids and skirmishes continued, however, till November 1st, when Canales formally submitted to the government.^[25]

This by no means restored tranquillity, for the federalist troubles were followed by raids on the part of the Indians, encouraged lately as allies, and now taking advantage of the growing hostility between Mexico and Texas, and of the comparatively unprotected border and the secure fastnesses beyond. They penetrated even into San Luis Potosí and Zacatecas, and killed during that southerly raid alone about 300 persons, carrying off over 100 women and children.^[26] After the victory at Acajete, Santa Anna had made a veritable triumphal entry into Mexico, and each subsequent success added to his laurels. Centralism seemed firmer than ever, and under its wing was drawn from neglect the memory of Iturbide, to be exalted above that of the federalist heroes as the author of independence and as the patron of the ruling party.^[27] The approaching return of Bustamante and certain aspects of the political horizon induced the wary Santa Anna to retire to his estate on the plea of bad health, leaving the government in charge of Nicolás Bravo, president of the council, who took the oath as substitute president on July 10, 1839. Nine days later the actual president returned to reassume the control. He was received with customary honors, but even among his own party he appeared greatly overshadowed by the clever shams of his predecessor, while opponents proved so merciless in casting ridicule on his dilatory and cautious military march in the north-east departments that he was induced to publish a defence of his conduct, seeking to take as much credit as possible for directing the finally successful movements of Arista and other generals.^[28] The aging Bustamante was evidently not the dashing cavalry leader of the independence war.

Although hostile demonstrations were rapidly being suppressed in the north and west, the feeling of the people found expression in demands for constitutional reform, and the poder conservador declared on November 9th that these could be entertained by the congress even before the time properly designated by the constitution, so long as its cardinal bases were respected. The concession was not deemed sufficient by the federalists, but their opponents prevailed,^[29] and the government gained renewed confidence, although the frequent ministerial changes continued to stamp its policy as extremely vacillating,^[30] greatly owing to a jealous fear of Santa Anna.^[31] With the opening of 1840, however, came news of a fresh outbreak,^[32] this time in Yucatan.

The peninsula had quietly submitted to the overthrow of the federal system in 1834, but when in addition long-conceded privileges were infringed or set aside by the introduction of excise, the increase of custom-house duty, the levy of funds, and the dragging away of local militia to suffer and die in campaigns against friendly Texas,^[33] then patience came to an end, and Iman, a militia officer, raised the standard of revolt at Tizimin, in May 1839. After several unsuccessful movements with untrained followers he profited by experience and managed in February of the following year to capture Valladolid. This gave importance to the cause, and Mérida joining, the entire north-eastern part of the peninsula stood for the revolutionists, who now declared the province independent of Mexico until the federal system should be reëstablished. Affairs were restored to the footing of 1834, including the legislature, Governor Cosgaya, and other authorities, and the local constitution of 1825,^[34] the Indians being besides granted a reduction in ecelesiastic fees as the price of their favor. With increased strength the federalists now drove the government forces into Campeche and laid siege to it, assisted by a flotilla of four vessels, which effectually offset the reënforcements sent from Mexico.^[35] During a close investment of two months, several commanding points were gained, and the town was reduced to great stress from bombardment and failing supplies and ammunition. The popular feeling growing decidedly hostile, and no prospects appearing of further aid, the commandant, General Rivas Zayas, capitulated on June 6th, and was allowed to depart with his troops for Vera Cruz, leaving the federalists in possession of the whole peninsula, under a newly chosen legislature or congress, which net in August, headed by Santiago Mendez as governor with presidential power.^[36] Not content, the victors opened communication with Texas and arranged for aid from its navy,^[37] with which they thereupon penetrated into Tabasco, where Maldonado and others had for some time sustained the struggle, capturing the capital, San Juan Bautista, on November 19, 1840, and driving out Governor Gutierrez and his forces. Anaya, who had so long labored in the United States for the federal cause, was the leader of the invasion.^[38] His arrival was not wholly welcome; but a portion of the local revolutionists declared for him, and having with their aid gained the control, he advanced with swelling forces into Chiapas. Here the comandante general Barberena marched against him, however, and inflicted so severe a blow at Comitan, on May 15, 1841, as to utterly disperse his forces with heavy loss. ^[39] Anaya fled to Yucatan, and now a plausible adventurer from Habana, named Sentmanat, whose bravery and magnetism had won the way during the campaign, availed himself of the demoralization to secure the control. Santa Anna entered into negotiations, and in view of the imposing preparations for the Yucatan campaign, the new governor and legislature were prevailed upon to recognize the bases de Tacubaya and its results, in return for several advantageous concessions, with practical autonomy.^[40]

The success of the Yucatan movement aroused fresh hope among the federalists. General Urrea had been rearrested and placed under restraint at Mexico, yet not in a manner to stop intercourse with his friends. Of this privilege he availed himself to continue his machinations, encouraged greatly by the strain between the executive and the other powers. Several influential people joined in the conspiracy, and two battalions were won, besides a number of officers. Before dawn on the morning of July 15, 1840, some of the latter^[41] broke into the old inquisition building and released Urrea, who thereupon placed himself at the head of the movement. With a force of selected men, stripped of their boots, he silently gained the palace and surprised the guard, nearly all asleep. On the upper floor, however, the squad before the president's private apartments, sixteen strong, challenged the intruders. They had come to relieve them, was the answer, and while hesitating they were overpowered, Urrea passing into the inner rooms. The noise had awakened Bustamante, and as the conspirators entered he jumped half-dressed for his sword. "Fear not, general, I am Urrea," said the leader. "Ungrateful rascal," retorted the other, at which the soldiers raised their muskets, but were restrained by the officers.^[42] The president was assured that his person would be respected, but he remained in his rooms a prisoner. General Filisola was also arrested, but Almonte, minister of war, escaped to the citadel, and there made preparations for suppressing the revolt, summoning all the reliable troops in the vicinity of the capital to his aid.

By this time Gomez Farías had been invited to accept the leadership and provisional presidency, and with a swelling mob at his heels, filling the air with "viva la federacion!" he proceeded to the palace, as the headquarters of the revolutionists. Messengers were sent in different directions to invite support for the movement, especially to Puebla, where numerous sympathizers existed. The bearer of the despatch to this city was incautious, however, and a suspicious innkeeper of Tesmelucan made him drunk, secured his papers, and hurried to Puebla to warn Governor Codallos, who at once took precautions, and moreover, sent reënforcements to Almonte. Ere these could arrive, a number of adherents had come to increase the government forces under command of Valencia, among them the alumni of the military college, who not without some risk made their way past the federalist files, carbines to the shoulder and dragging their small cannon. The youngest were, much against their demands, assigned to garrison the citadel, while the troops marched forth with four field-pieces to take position^[43] near the central plaza, where the federalists had occupied not only the palace but all prominent buildings, stationing troops on the roofs and in the spacious towers of the cathedral, and at the approaches. These manœuvres had not been performed without bloodshed. Skirmishing was maintained the whole afternoon, at times with heavy fire, particularly against the palace. As the captive president sat down to dinner, toward six o'clock, a ball crushed through the room, peppering the table with dust and débris. Without betraying the least emotion he continued to serve himself, saying, "I wager our friends do not suppose that we are calmly enjoying our meal." Shortly after another shot struck down by his side the officer charged with his custody.^[44] Early the following morning, July 16th, the contest was resumed. The revolutionists had secured possession of the treasury and made use of it to gain adherents, but the government displayed greater strength and activity than had been expected, and they feared a bitter fight. Intimidation having no effect on the president, who would promise nothing beyond efforts to prevent bloodshed if consistent with honor, it was determined to release him and try negotiations. They demanded a reëstablishment of the constitution of 1824, pending its revision and acceptance by the state legislatures as existing in 1834; the installation of a provisional government, restricted to directing foreign relations, the states being left at liberty to organize their interior administration; and the abolition of excise.^[45] These proposals were not entertained, as may be supposed, and the fight burst forth anew, varied by sallies, pursuits, and siege operations, with great injury to the city, stagnation of trade, and suffering to the inhabitants, of whom a large proportion had to flee from their houses into the suburbs and country. This state of affairs continued for twelve days, at the end of which the plaza especially presented a woe-begone appearance, with business buildings in ruins and the palace disfigured, its rich furniture and even the archives scattered and ruined in barricade service. All this time reënforcements had been received by the government, and larger bodies were on the way under Santa Anna and other generals, while the revolutionists began to fail both in number and resources, under the superior advantages of their opponents and the influence of the clergy over the masses.^[46]

The struggle was evidently hopeless, and to prolong it might be fatal. Negotiations were accordingly resumed, and on the plea of sparing the capital further injury the government accorded, late on July 26th, a capitulation of the most favorable nature, assuring the revolutionists in the undisturbed enjoyment of their property and positions under the government, with oblivion of past offences.^[47]This leniency was greatly due to Bustamante's jealousy of Santa Anna, lest he should gain not only the credit of restoring order and use it to extend his influence, but improve the occasion to obtain control of affairs. It was even whispered that the arch-schemer had started the movement to this very end. He was promptly ordered to countermarch. The following day the bells rang the signals for peace celebration, and tolled for the death of fallen soldiers and innocent citizens.^[48]

The apprehension was not wholly allayed, however, for Farías and Urrea had gone into hiding;^[49] the president revealed his lack of confidence by converting his temporary residence, the Augustinian convent, into a military camp bristling with guns and bayonets; and the ministry threatened to resign. As it was, several changes took place,^[50] partly owing to the failure of the president to obtain extraordinary powers. The need of a firm government became more apparent to suppress lamentable disorders like the one which had just desolated the capital. The federalists would evidently continue to agitate their cause, and even if they triumphed, the centralists promised to strive in the same manner, to the stagnation of trade and industries, the demoralization of society, and general ruin. It occurred therefore to Gutierrez de Estrada, a former minister possessed of great influence, that the evil might be remedied by establishing a monarchy under a foreign prince, and so suppressing the political aspiration and turmoil which appeared to be the root of disorder. There were still adherents enough of the ideas centred in the plan of Iguala and in the Agustin empire to form a respectable party, strengthened by the passive support at least of a large class, especially of property holders and industrial representatives, who naturally longed for any means to secure peace with its attendant blessings. And so Estrada boldly issued in October a pamphlet advocating the scheme, to be referred to a representative convention. But the howl of indignation which it evoked from the two recognized parties, both attacked in their most ardent hopes and principles, silenced the approval that had timidly prepared to manifest itself. The publication was condemned as seditious, and the writer^[51] had to hide himself from the fury of the public and seize the first opportunity to escape from the country.

 

 

1. Guzman, with his associates Montenegro and Palafox, lost about 100 killed and many prisoners. About the same time Vicente Gonzalez was defeated with a loss of 90 in an attempt on Toluca. A pronunciamiento at Guadalajara in May was quickly suppressed with aid of Governor Escobedo. Diario Gob., Feb. 12, May 25, 1839, etc.
2. Under Barberena, in May 1838. The rebels numbered less than 250, and most of the officers fell. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 67.
3. A captain, Montenegro, taking the lead, in favor of Col. Veramendi's plan. This occurred on October 7th.
4. A significant letter from the French admiral to the federalist leader may be consulted in Niles' Reg., lv. 404, and Vistazo Rápido, 5-10; Pap. Var., cl. pt 34. Bustamante comments on the outrageous arrangements made with traders to defraud the national treasury. Of duties estimated at $100,000 only $70,000 entered the custom-house coffers. Gabinete Mex., i. 97, 103. The French obtained supplies at least.
5. Where the French blockading squadron had bad a slight skirmish in July while seizing a vessel.
6. After an outrageous treatment, says Bustamante. Id., Gabinete Mex., i. 101-2. Montenegro who had started the pronunciamiento, was among the fallen. Diario Gob., Dec. 10, 1839, etc. A writer in Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlv. 35, swells the loss to 500.
7. Under Ugartechea, on Jan. 23d. He claimed to have achicved this victory with less than 400 men, capturing 76 and killing 17 out of the attacking force of 600. Coah., Gaz. Gob., Jan. 26, 1839, and other numbers. Tamaulipas had by law to maintain a local force of 1,300 men. Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., i. 136-7.
8. García was the governor ruling at Monterey; Prieto succeeded him soon after, and the comandancia general formed about this time for Nuevo Leon was soon after filled by J. M. de Ortega. Ortega, Repres., 1-2; Pap. Var., cxc. pt 6; Pinart, Coll., 1839; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. pt 179; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1839, 129. Ugartechea fell while defending Saltillo.
9. Comandante General Heredia promptly suppressed the outbreak at Durango on May 3d, arresting the leaders, Captain Rosa and others. Ugarte had sought to rise with the garrison of the citadel at San Luis Potosí.
10. This occurred in March. Santa Anna had proposed Valencia for this expedition, but the president feared to strengthen those whom he regarded as rivals.
11. The departments had also been fired with patriotic zeal, and even the interior Guanajuato and Durango were taking energetic steps to raise men. Instance Durango, Iniciativa, 1-10; Pap. Var., clxxx. pt 7. By decree of January 26, 1839, was issued the general annual draft of men for the army. Méx., Decreto para Reemplazar Ejército, 1-21; Méx., Lejis., 183, 253-63; and on July 8th one for reorganizing the army, fixed for the time at 12 regiments of permanent infantry, 8 and a fraction of cavalry, both known by numeric order, 3 brigades of artillery, besides 3 companies on foot and 1 on horseback, and a battalion of sappers, the whole to be distributed into 6 divisions. Of active militia there were to be 9 regiments on foot and 6 mounted. The government could appoint the generals of division to control the 7 comandancias generales of the republic. Méx., Decreto para Organizar Ejército, 1-7; Arriilaga, Recop., 1839, 70-7, 162-4. Militia rules in Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1840, 693-9, 619-20. For light cavalry and for the regiment formed by traders, see Mér., Decreto Regimiento Comercio, 1-7; Pap. Var., cl. pt 27. Comments on insufficient armament in Tornel, Carta, 8-17, 21-5. An order of July 10th regulates the uniforms: the infantry in blue, with collar and facings of diferent color, according to the regiment; white trousers to take the place of blue with the change of season. The cavalry varied greatly in their uniform. Both were given an enormous shako covered with ornaments. See for decree of May 11, on uniforms, Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 191. A military commission was appointed to collect statistics. Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., i. 11213. Undue proportion of officers and regulations for them. Arrillaga, Recop., 1839, 40-65, 157-8, 225-32, 263-6; Méx., Estatuto Plana Mayor Ejército, 1-22; Pap. Var., lxxix. pts 3, 4, cl. pts 30-1, clxxx. pt 8.
12. Löwenstern, Mex., 40-3, 94-101, is severe on the whole system. As for pay, the vouchers were nearly always disposed of at an enormous loss, sometimes as high as 90 per cent, which speculators shared with a corrupt administration.
13. Comments hereon in Diálogo entre Ministro y Consejero, 1-4. He took the oath by proxy.
14. Escalada's roster shows a federal force of 897 men. Manifiesto, 45. The total loss on both sides was between 600 and 700. Bustamante intimates that Santa Anna's cavalry came in time to turn the victory. Gabinete Mex., i. 184; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. 183-7.
15. José Antonio Mejía was a Cuban who came to Mexico in 1823 and proved ever a stanch federalist. His children were educated in the United States, two sons rising to prominent positions under the subsequent federal government. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 437; Pap. Var., cxcvi. pt ii. 6, 23. Shot without trial by spiteful Santa Anna, observes Villa Amor, Biog. Santa Anna, 19. Rivera states that this general did not come up till after the execution. He praises Mejía's constancy, yet blames him for bringing foreign adventurers into the country. Gob. de Méx., ii. 220. Attack of Cortazar for federalist sympathies, in Mosquito, May 18, 1839, etc.
16. The largest vessel, a goleta, was entrapped by Arista, and the rest had therefore to yield, says Anastasio Bustamante, Manifesto, 20. In Escalada, Contest., 11, only the 'lanchas' are mentioned.
17. Escalada, Manifiesto, 50-1, etc. The English consul arranged the preliminaries. Urrea was included in the capitulation, under certain conditions. The surrendered armament embraced 32 cannon and 640 muskets. The garrison is placed by Montoro at 1,000, whereof 300 had been brought by Urrea from Acajete battle-field. This writer declares that Escalada manœuvred the betrayal of the town. 'El tiempo lha descubierto que el fin y objeto de Escalada, fueron traicionar y enriqueeerse.' Contestacion al Itinerario, 1-24, with documents; Pap. Var., xxxvii. pt 2. Traders had availed themselves of the federalist occupation to introduce a large quantity of goods under very low duties, and the government at first refused to recognize the transactions. Niles' Reg., lvii. 66, 118; Diario Gob., June 20, 1839. An attempted revolt in May 1840 was promptly suppressed. Id., May 21, 1840.
18. The capitulation took place June 11th. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., i. pt 206. Urrea issued a protest against the infringement of the capitulation. Protesta, 1-19; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 243-4.
19. García Conde entered Saltillo June 21, 1839.
20. occurred near Rosas at the end of August. Lemus created ill feeling by allowing pillage and levying contributions. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii 203.
21. By treachery, says Bustamante, for Pavon had defeated him on the preceding day, and was negotiating for his submission, when Canales fell upon his unguarded men. Gabinete Mex., i. 213.
22. Including the provinces above the south line of Tamaulipas and Sinaloa, except San Luis Potosí. Cárdenas was aiming for the presidency. Rivera, Hist, Jalapa, iii. 440; Niles' Reg., lviii. 66, 113. Anaya was in the United States agitating for the constitution of 1824.
23. Canales at first held his ground well, although retreating into Monterey with Arista, but he was out-manœuvred, and suffered also in retiring toward Monclova. Vidaurri was defeated on January 30th, near Pellotes.
24. Canales' second, Zapata, was shot. Fully 200 were killed and 180 captured.
25. Surrendering 700 muskets, 158 barrels of powder, and 4 war vessels. For text of armistice, see Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 43; Diario Gob., Nov. 18, 1839, etc. Molano had formed a similar agreement on Sept. 24th, near Saltillo. The vessels, with 11 guns, were secured for the Texans. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 465-6; Pavon, Manif., 1-24; Id., Contest., 1-20, relating to his conduct during the campaign. Nouv. Annales Voy., lxxxvii. 137-8.
26. The Cosmopolita of Jan. 27, 1841, speaks of a raid to Catorce involving 800 victims. For allusions to the raids, see Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 36-9; Mér., Informe Pesquisidora, 1874, 63, 82, etc.; Amada, Garantías, 3-36; Arista, Oficio, 1-46; Contreras, Garantias; Pap. Var., xxxviii. pts 1, 6, Ixxx. pt 17; Wilhelm's Eighth U. S. Infantry, i. 173-4; Nouv. Annales Voy., lxxxvi. 119, etc.; Velasco, Son., 263, etc.; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., vii. 293, 321, xi. 98. These raids extended from Tamaulipas to Sonora, and will be more fully treated in Hist. North Mex. States, ii. this series, which covers the history of the frontier provinces. A law to suppress brigandage by direct military interference, issued on March 12, 1840, was aimed also against revolutionists. See comments in Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 49-54, 105-9.
27. His ashes had been removed from Padilla, in Tamaulipas, and deposited with impressive ceremonies in the cathedral at Mexico on Oct. 27th, the day when the independence was sworn. The ceremony had been proposed for Sept. 27th, the day of Iturbide s entry into Mexico, but the arrangements failed.
28. Manifesto, 1-76, with documents. Even the Diario Gob. ventures on June 5th, under Santa Anna's wing, to join in the hooting, although it subsequently modifies the utterance by attributing Bustamante's lack of energy to goodness of heart, which objected to shedding Mexican blood. See also Testamento del año 1839, 1-46; Testamento del Difunt., 1-23; Pap. Far., xlii. pts 9^a, 9^b, cl. pts 23-24.
29. See the respective arguments in Cosmopolita, Nov. 16, 1839; Diario Gob., Nov. 20, 1839, and other journals; Méx., Expediente, 2 et seq.; Pap. Var., xliii. pt v.
30. Between April 1837 and March 1839 there were 12 changes in the ministry of foreign relations alone. Santa Anna made several changes in the interior and finance departments during his short tenure of power, and on July 27th Bustamante renewed the entire cabinet, the later celebrated Almonte assuming the war portfolio on Aug. 9th and retaining it, strangely enough, for two years. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1839, 138, 164-5, 170-1; Arrillaga, Recop., 1839, 170; Romero, Mem. Hас., 1035-6. An important feature in the treasury department was the organization of a tribunal de cuentas, or auditor's office, in March 1838. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1810, 392-424; with comments in Lustamante, Gabinete Mex., MS., iii. 143, 243-8, 253-4, which contains points additional to those in the printed issue. Id., Voz de la Patria, MS., xiv. 241-51.
31. As instanced in the abrupt dismissal of the war minister Tornel, and his exclusion from the poder conservador. The sarcastic letter of dismissal may be read in English in Niles' Reg., lvii. 19, 150. Consult the protests and reports on the case. Méx., Dictámen, 11-19; Tornel, Expediente, 3 et seq.; Id., Carta, 1-25; Andrade, Manif., pp. i.-xii.; Pap. Var., xliii. pts 3, 9, 10, cxxvi. pts 4-5, clii. pt 18, ccxix. pt 10. The poder conservador consisted at the close of the year of Muzquiz, president, Cárlos M. Bustamante, Peña y Peña, Gomez y Anaya, Sanchez de Tagle secretary.
32. Petty ones did also occur, as at Celaya and Tampico, in March and May, but they were promptly suppressed; the former assisting to swell the Mlichoacan revolutionists with a few men. Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 38.
33. Baqueiro, Ensayo, i. 36, ii. 448 et seq., enters fully into the causes, to which may be added the indifference of Mexico for the peninsula during the French blockade. Rivera attributes too much to the intrigues of office-seekers. Gob. de Méx., ii. 244.
34. Iman was proclaimed provisional comandante general, and a governing council assumed charge till Cosgaya entered office. The legislature of 1834 meet in the same month of February to give authority to these acts. Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1840, 47. During the excitement the American consul at Campeche was killed. Niles' Register, lvi. 49, liv. 226, 336.
35. Barbichano, Mem. Camp., 54, etc. They came in an English vessel, to the number of about 600. The federalists had two vessels which captured two others. The direction of the siege had been intrusted to Lt-col Llergo, a recent acquisition but a trained officer, greatly to Iman's discontent.
36. And Miguel Barbachano for vice-governor. Secretaries of war and finance were appointed. The preceding centralist governor was Marcial Guerra. The elections did not pass off without trouble, and partisanship grew loud. Baqueiro, Ensayo, i. 35, etc., iii. ap. 19-23; Los Pueblos, June 8, 1840 et seq.;
37. This was settled in September by Colonel Peraza, who offered a contribution toward the expenses on the part of Yucatan. Yoakum's Hist. Texas, ii. 318-19. The naval expenses were estimated by Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 68, at $8,000 a month. Id., MS., ii. 378, etc., with correspondence.
38. He came in three Texan and three Yucatec vessels. Busto, Estad. Rep., iii. pt i. 215. His ideas had been circulated in a journal started under the title Progreso. His appeal to the Tabascans is given in Anaya, Alocucion, 1-14. Gutierrez issued a defence of his conduct. Pap. Var., xli. pt 19.
39. Which, according to Barberena, amounted to 205 out of fully 600 men, who with 4 guns held a height near Comitan. He stormed the position, as he reported in Regenerador de Oax., no. 23; Diario Gob., June 3, 1841, etc.; Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 40-1. On rewards to Mexicans for service, see Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 731-3.
40. This reunion was finally agreed upon April 30, 1842, and the nominal Minerva, May 15, 1845. The president of Mexico decreed the closing of the peninsular ports without means to enforce the order. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1840, 488-9, 619, 770-1; Pinart, Coll., pt 537; Nouv. Annales Voy., lxxxix. 122. The local government issued an explanation of its reasons and aims. Yuc., Expos. Gob., 3–4; Suarez, Informe, 8-9; Ancona, Hist. Yuc., iii. 373, etc. blockade proclaimed by the republic since Jan. 12, 1841, was raised. Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1844, 30-1.
41. Under leadership of a prominent person who was spending a goodly patrimony in the main effort to gain notoriety. Bustamante proposes to defeat his object by suppressing the name, partly for the sake of his family.
42. 'No hagan fuego, que es el segundo del Sr Iturbide,' exclaimed Marron. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 63, leaving the impression that those soldiers held that name as a talisman.
43. The Augustinian convent was made headquarters.
44. Originally a doctor, Bustamante personally attended to him, and afterward he granted him for some time an allowance, for his leg had to be amputated. This officer it was who had prevented the soldiers from shooting him at the time of the arrest.
45. Within 8 months, the recent 10 per cent increase on the consumption tax being returned. Four deputies from each state to join in revising the constitution. Among the reforms must be full political liberty of the press. The provisional president to be elected at once by liberal members of congress and military and judicial courts. Military and proprietary civil positions to be respected. Amnesty granted for past political offences. This was signed by Farías as general in chief, Urrea, and a host of followers. The Monitor of Vera Cruz, Cosmopolita, and Diario Gob., July, 16, 1839, etc., also Aug. 29, contain interesting details on the outbreak. In Jal., Gaceta, i. no. 84, is a letter of Bustamante on his conduct as prisoner. Immediately after he issued a proclamation promising to enforce obedience. The other side replied. The text may be consulted in English, in Calderon's Life Mex., i. 351-4; Robinson's Mex. and her Mil. Chieftains, 224 et seq.
46. The government forces and authorities exerted great influence in the outlying towns, and priests were made to impress the people by making the most of the desecrating occupation of the cathedral, yet the archbishop publicly acknowledged the forbearance of the party.
47. Valencia promising to urge the government to promote a reform of the constitution. The capitulating troops had dwindled to 480, their killed numbering about 200, it is said.
48. Over 400, if we may believe Bustamante's figures and estimates. Gabinete Mex., ii. 79-80. Others, including Fossey, Mex., 170, an eye-witness, intimates that few soldiers fell, the citizens suffering most, while thieves and murderers availed themselves of the lack of patrol, etc., to perpetuate outrages. He points out that the capitulation did not embrace foreigners, who were thus 'lâchement' abandoned by their comrades to the government's vengeance. Proceedings against them were ordered. See decrees, Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MIS., ii. pts 356-7, 362-5, 371. Some troops were also disbanded. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1849, 759-61; while honors were showered on Valencia and his men. Id., 762-7. Bustamante being soon after recommended to congress for cross of honor and the title benemérito, which were granted. Bustamante, Iniciativa, 1-13; Méx., Discursos por Presidentes, 1-12; Pap. Var., clxxi. pt 16, cxci. pt 1. Madame Calderon de la Barca, who resided at Mexico during this period, gives some interesting particulars, especially of the suffering inflicted on the people. Life Mex., i. 348-90. Also Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 451-60; Dispos. Varias, v. 38-9; Thompson's Mex., 64. In Rivera, Méx. Pint., i. 20-22, etc., are accounts of damage suffered by the palace and other public edifices. Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 33-40.
49. The arrest of the latter being ordered. Farías was discovered and exiled to the United States.
50. In the interior and foreign department, three men following one another in the former, in course of five months. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1840, 786, 829, etc.; Méx., Exped., 1-60; Pap. Var., lxxx. pt 5.
51. Even the printer was arrested. Besides the Carta directed to the president, 96 pp., which contains the main scheme, Estrada issued Algunas Reflexiones, 80 pp., to the same end; Doc. sobre Méx. Similar advocacy in Santa Maria, Expos. Protest., iv. 1-80. Comments in Estrada, Lettre, 1-33. Denunciations appeared in most journals and in Estrada, Impug., 1-37; Bustamante, El Presidente; Pap. Var., xxix. pts 18-19, cvi. pts 2-4, 8; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., ii. 408, etc. Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 245-6, 254-5; Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 167-9; Otero, Obras, MS., i. 194, belong to later advocates. Estrada succeeded finally in his plan, as we shall see, and Almonte, now prominent in opposing it, became its firmest supporter.