History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 1

by Hubert Howe Bancroft



 

HISTORY OF MEXICO.

 

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CHAPTER I.

 

INTERNAL AND FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS.

 

1861.

Expulsion of Foreign Diplomates — Exile of High Ecclesiastics — Reorganization of Government — Measures of Conciliation — Differences among the Liberals — Foreign Relations Interrupted — Meeting of Congress — Character of its Members — Benito Juarez Elected President — Reactionary War Renewed — Liberal Victories — Financial Distress and Suspension of Payments — Foreign Protests — Treaty of Intervention in London — Course of the United States and Mexico — Ministerial Crisis.

The constitutionalists and reformers have won the victory. The power upheld by the reactionists during the last three years of horrors is overthrown. It would seem that Juarez and his fellow-laborers have a clear field, and an opportunity to plant the institutions to win which so many lives were sacrificed. But such is not the case. There are innumerable obstacles yet to overcome before reaching the happy consummation of their hopes.

The reactionary leaders though cast down are not crushed. Undismayed by reverses, they are still battling for supremacy under the war-cry, 'religion y fueros;' and to win they will resort to any device, even to inviting the intervention of European monarchies to their support. Nor is this the only difficulty the liberal administration has to contend with. Discordant elements among the liberals themselves must be harmonized, old standing abuses eradicated, and finances adjusted before the haven of safety is reached.

The liberal government, therefore, will have not only to devise the best methods to give the reforms a firm footing amidst the internal troubles, but likewise to face the intervention of great military powers so wickedly called into the family differences — an intervention that with fire and sword and the introduction of still another disturbing element is to bring the republic almost to the brink of destruction, though to rise again victorious, and under the ægis of its liberal laws, and the guidance of wise and patriotic statesmen, secure, it is to be hoped, permanent peace, and with it that moral, intellectual, and material advancement which will entitle it to a place among the enlightened nations.

 

The attitude assumed by the president and his minister of relations toward the foreign diplomatic agents, who had unduly interfered with Mexico's internal affairs in their support of the reactionary officials, was very determined. The Spanish ambassador, the pope's, legate, and the representatives of Guatemala and Ecuador were required to leave the republic. Their dismissal was placed on personal grounds. Pacheco and the other two diplomates denied having violated the laws of neutrality, and declined to be dealt with as private persons^[1] The order as regarded the Ecuador chargé was recalled with an apology, on the government becoming satisfied that he had committed no hostile act.^[2] The archbishop and five bishops were also peremptorily ordered into exile, and the liberal party approved the president's course as energetic and worthy of the occasion. Moreover, the prelates were most disrespectfully treated by the mob on their arrival at Vera Cruz on the 21st of January, 1861.^[3] The work of reorganizing the government, so as to place it in consonance with the requirements of the constitution, was begun at once. The president reiterated his decree of November 6, 1860, for elections, and fixed the third Sunday in the following April for the assembling of the second congress under the constitution of 1857. The time allowed was too short.^[4] The organization of political clubs inspired hopes that the people were aroused, and would take an active and direct part in the choice of their next president and legislators. The newspapers^[5] advocated the merits of their favorite candidates for the executive chair, the most prominent being Gonzalez Ortega, Juan Antonio de la Fuente, and Miguel Lerdo de Tejada. Degollado and Uraga also had friends working for their candidacy. But Benito Juarez, the patriot, full of courage and faith in the regeneration of his country under free institutions, was evidently the favorite of the great majority.^[6] The political situation was not by any means a promising one. The man who was to hold the reins of government must look well before him. Armed reaction had been apparently vanquished, but there remained several disturbing elements which must be nullified, or at least kept in subordination before the victory could be called the precursor of a lasting peace.^[7]

The government in the first flush of victory had ordered, on the 11th of January, 1861, all the leaders, aiders, and abetters of the reaction to be tried under the last law against conspirators, and shot on conviction. The first person brought under it was Miramon's minister, Isidro Diaz, who had been captured, as stated elsewhere. It seems that the order for his execution had been or was on the point of being issued, when Juarez commuted the sentence to five years' exile.^[8] The liberal party became alarmed on learning of this action, as they, or at least the most radical wing of the party, maintained that it was rank injustice to show leniency toward those who had committed high political crimes while the man who stole a horse was sent to the scaffold.^[9]

Juarez resolved that further bloodshed and persecution should cease, in all cases where he could with propriety exercise leniency,^[10] and with that object in view decreed an amnesty early in March, excepting from its benefits only some of the most prominent men of the fallen party.^[11] But on the 4th of June a law of outlawry was enacted by congress against the persons and property of certain reactionist leaders, namely, Zuloaga, Marquez, Cobos, Mejía, Juan Vicario, Lindoro Cajiga, and Manuel Lozada, and a reward of $10,000 was offered for the slaying of each of them.^[12] The kidnapping and cold-blooded murder of Ocampo caused the greatest excitement in and out of congress. Many conservatives were arrested, and their execution would have followed in retaliation, but for Juarez' opposition to sanguinary measures.^[13] It was only by his force of will that a reign of terror was prevented, for there was hardly one deputy in the chamber who was opposed to extreme measures.

The amnesty law of March was made more comprehensive by a decree of congress, dated November 23, 1861, and published December 2d, which reduced the number of exceptions, and included in its benefits all political offences from December 17, 1857.^[14]

 

The cabinet formed by Juarez, after the resignation of his former ministers in January 1861, consisted of Francisco Zarco, of relations; Ignacio Ramirez, of justice; and Guillermo Prieto, of the treasury. The portfolio of fomento was held ad interim in the hands of Zarco. The policy adopted, after a few hours' consultation, was that the necessity of the government acting without the pale of the constitution had ceased to exist. Legal formalities were not, however, to stand in the way of the guarantees and reforms demanded by the national will, and so dearly won on so many bloody fields.^[15] The necessity of establishing order in the several departments of government, particularly in that of the treasury, was fully recognized. Foreign relations should have the best attention, international obligations be respected, and disputed questions settled. The development of industries and commerce, the organization of public defence, and every other measure conducive to the welfare of the country would engage the government's best care.^[16]

There was a lack of unanimity in the councils of the chief men of the liberal party. Confusion prevailed, and the worst symptoms of disorder existed in the several states, resulting from having become involved in the last revolution before they had completed their constitutional organization. Their governors and legislatures had been unable to do aught but provide for the defence of the national government. That state of things gave birth to an abnormal and arbitrary régime, martial law ruling even after the overthrow of the reaction.^[17] There were not wanting some states, like Zacatecas, disposed to ignore the constitution. Some governors had been chosen by their people; others owed their positions to the general government. A number had wielded despotic powers a long time, and a few even had refused to publish the reform laws, and to obey the constitution. Some states had legislatures, and others had not. The situation was so complicated that there was only one man, Juarez, who could overcome so many obstacles, and bring order out of chaos.^[18] He directed that martial law, wherever existing, should cease, together with all extraordinary powers of a military nature granted the governors.^[19]

The government experienced great difficulty from the decrease of the revenue on the one hand, and on the other from the immense claims — resulting from the war, and the amount of which was even unknown — which were already being pressed upon the treasury for settlement.^[20] Several other causes, which it is needless to enumerate, contributed to the embarrassments of the treasury.

Owing to these disturbances, added to which were the obstacles thrown in the path of the government by some state authorities, and the precarious state of foreign relations, it was almost impossible to restore the supremacy of law, and to develop the national resources. So many difficulties only served to add strength to the reactionists, whose numbers were daily increasing, and necessitated the despatch of large bodies of troops to keep them in check. It was even considered perilous that the government should continue residing in Mexico, Jalisco recommending its transfer to some second-rate town.^[21]

The liberal party was already divided into reformists and constitutionalists, and between the two was a third with intermediate ideas, some of whose members leaned to the fallen party.^[22] The constitutionalists wanted a strict observance of the constitution; the reformists demanded a revolutionary policy, looking upon the constitution as the source and motive power for the onward march. The objections of the radicals to an absolute-authority were only to its exercise by conservatives.

The elections took place in the mean time. The popular suffrage had, till the early part of February, favored Miguel Lerdo de Tejada in the states of Vera Cruz, Tabasco, Yucatan, Mexico, and Tamaulipas; while Chiapas, Oajaca, Guerrero, Jalisco, Nuevo Leon, and Michoacan had voted for Juarez; and Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, Guanajuato, Querétaro, and Aquascalientes had shown their preference for Ortega. It seemed as if fate had ordered that Juarez should have in his hands for some years longer the destinies of his country. Lerdo was taken ill at Tacubaya in March, and died on the 22d, the republic thus losing one of her most valuable men, who had zealously labored for political reforms.^[23]

The republic had also the misfortune to lose at the same time — on the 21st of March — Governor Gutierrez Zamora of Vera Cruz, who had been in the last five years a pillar of strength to the constitutional party.

Juarez was not well satisfied with Zarco, his minister of relations in Ogazon's absence. He was an excellent journalist, but he seemed to lack the qualifications of a statesman. He settled some international questions in a way that did not suit the public. He acknowledged national responsibility for the affair in the calle de Capuchinas, and tacitly recognized Jecker's claim to $15,000,000.^[24] He was unsuccessful in his efforts to arrange affairs in the interior, and differed with the president on some points. As for Prieto, the financial minister, he declared his inability to find means for relieving the pecuniary distress, and admitted that bankruptcy was impending.^[25]

The lack of pecuniary means was not the only trouble. There was, besides, a lack of morality and justice, a lack of austere republicanism in many of those clothed with authority. There was an insecurity on the public roads, as often shown; and one occurrence, the attacking and wounding near Orizaba of Captain Aldham, the commander of the Valorous, and others, while on their way to Vera Cruz, added other difficulties in the adjustment of differences with Great Britain.

The bad condition of public affairs caused another ministerial crisis, beginning with the resignation of Prieto, who on retiring suggested what he deemed the only possible means to relieve the financial distress.^[26] Ortega, minister of war, was succeeded by Zaragoza. José María Mata, who knew little or nothing about finances, was placed in charge of the treasury portfolio.^[27] This change, at the time when the head of the treasury department needed to be thoroughly informed of the financial question in order that he might intelligently reform the maritime and frontier tariffs, was an unfortunate one. It has been said that the other ministers were not equal to their positions, and that but for the fact that their tenure was considered only provisional, they could not have escaped rude attacks, such as were directed against Mata for his measures, chief of which were suspension of payments, sale at public auction of notes payable to the government, and contracts of a ruinous character. These attacks were not altogether just, for the government was in need of means to fight the reactionists, who were already assuming a dangerous attitude.^[28] I have incidentally referred to existing complications with foreign powers. Great Britain was sending out a fleet to demand satisfaction for the calle de Capuchinas robbery. It was rumored that France and Spain would take advantage of the political disturbances in the United States, and intervene in Mexican affairs by force of arms. The northern republic, amidst her troubles, bestowed some attention on Mexico, accrediting near Juarez' government John Weller as minister plenipotentiary, who was properly received on the 30th of January. McLane, the former minister, also visited Mexico, giving rise to not a few comments. The Prussian minister likewise recognized the government.^[29]

New elements for international conflict were gathering. In the latter part of December 1860, the French war ship Sérieuse demanded reparation for the maltreatment of the French consul at Tepic, requiring a salute to his flag, a pecuniary compensation to cover damages, and the imprisonment of the officer Rojas. Meanwhile she seized as a hostage a vessel belonging to the government of Sinaloa. This affair, and the favor shown Miramon by the French at Vera Cruz, had delayed the recognition of Dubois de Saligny as French minister. He was, however, formally received on the 16th of March.

The rumor gained strength, and was indeed a recognized fact, that European intervention in Mexico had been agreed upon. Juarez endeavored, by diplomacy, to ward off the blow, receiving at a private audience the British representative, George Matthews; on the 26th of February the flags of Great Britain and Mexico were saluted.^[30] The breaking-out of a sectional war in the United States rendered it easy, as was thought, for Europe to interfere in Mexico; it certainly added to the difficulties of Juarez' government. The administration of President Lincoln sent as its representative a distinguished citizen, who had on more than one important occasion shown himself a friend to Mexico, Thomas Corwin,^[31] who was also to watch the manœuvres of the rebellious states, which were supposed to be preparing to act against Mexico, Paso del Norte being one of the first places menaced. His influence soon became great, and he used it judiciously.^[32] The confederate states did not fail to watch their interests in Mexico.^[33]

The dismemberment of the United States, it was justly thought, would certainly bring upon Mexico European intervention. The hostile feeling was made evident on the landing of the new British minister, Sir Charles L. Wyke, at Vera Cruz, by his haughtily demanding a salute of fourteen guns instead of eleven that had been given him there.^[34]

 

The second constitutional congress began its labors the 9th of May, on which date Juarez made a frank exposé of the political situation.^[35] Congress and the cabinet soon had disagreements, and the ministers tendered their resignations, which were not at once accepted. The president concluded, however, that he would have a parliamentary ministry, and lost no time in making the appointments, the only member of the former cabinet retained being Zaragoza. The new ministers were Leon Guzman, of relations, and Joaquin Ruiz, of justice. The treasury remained without a head, it being difficult to get a competent man willing to accept the position.It was finally intrusted to José M. Castaños.^[36] This cabinet was fortunate in that everything was done to aid it, meeting with no systematic opposition even from the press; and yet, owing to the overwhelming evils, it accomplished little.

It may be well to explain the character of the new congress. The members were most of them liberal and progressive; many were young and inexperienced; all had faith in the country, and in free institutions. There was a haughty independence displayed. Hence their occasional opposition to the executive when he was endeavoring to surround himself with energetic and influential men. But that opposition, though unjust, was useful, and certainly more respectable than the servility of former congresses. The result was that the executive and his counsellors pursued as closely as they could the policy outlined by the people's representatives. In this chamber began to figure young Ignacio Manuel Altamirano, deputy from Guerrero, of pure Indian blood, full of talent and fiery eloquence, who soon made his mark by the beauty of his speech and the impetuousness of his thinking. With him also occupied distinguished positions Porfirio Diaz, Buenrostro, Alfredo Chavero, José V. Baz, Francisco Hernandez, and others.^[37]

Among the first acts of the congress was, after a warm debate that followed the reading of a communication from Comonfort, to declare that he ceased to be president on the 17th of December, 1857. Compellation in addressing authorities and corporations, heretofore entitled thereto, was suppressed.^[38]

 

The reactionary party continued its work, and armed parties were committing hostilities in various localities. Mejía, who was again in his lair in the sierra of Querétaro, defeated Colonel Escobedo, and augmented the number of his followers. Guadarrama and Tovar were roving and robbing in Jalisco. Lozada, the robber chief of the sierra of Alica, looked on the government with contempt, though occasionally manifesting a disposition to recognize it; but always did as he pleased. A party of guerrillas attacked Tasco and shot the British vice-consul. There was a plan to constitute a Sierra Madre republic.

A strong column of the three arms sent to Puebla under Zaragoza to check reactionary movements was received with a marked coldness,^[39] and it was even feared that some officers who had been mustered out of service would make a disturbance.

The clergy showed their opposition. An objectionable pastoral from the diocese of Puebla caused the exile of two canons. In many towns the priests forbade the reading of Pizarro's political catechism, which the government had declared a text-book.^[40] The conduct of the clerical party became so alarming that congress at last created a committee of safety, clothed with ample powers, and the president was authorized on the 7th of June to suspend personal rights.^[41]

Zuloaga, who had escaped from Mexico, to which place he had quietly gone before Miramon's downfall, had joined Cobos and Vicario, and with over 1,000 men came as near as Cuernavaca. He now called himself president, and appointed a cabinet, with Vicario, Miranda, Olavarría, and Marcelino Cobos as his ministers.^[42] Marquez and Mejía were defeated by Degollado on the 2d of March at Las Guayabitas. Lozada was routed in his stronghold, but showed no signs of yielding. Toward the end of March a pronunciamiento at Tampico was defeated and the leaders were shot.^[43] Marquez with his reactionists attempted the capture of Querétaro, but was driven away by the timely arrival of the liberal general Antillon.

The regions of Mexico, Puebla, San Luis Potosí, and other places were overrun by hostile forces. The executions of Degollado and Valle, the latter of whom had been captured on the 23d of June, stirred the liberals. The government seemed to experience a shock as from a galvanic battery. Martial law, permanent courts-martial, quick trials and punishments, and other violent proceedings were urgently demanded, and many reactionists were imprisoned. The district of Mexico was placed under martial law, and Juan J. Baz appointed governor. Generals Parrodi, Uraga, and Rosas Landa were given commands. The reactionists under Leonardo Marquez actually invaded the capital, reaching San Cosme and San Fernando.

At the moment of the invasion, congress was sitting, and the president, Blas Balcárcel requested the representatives not to forsake their post. Colonel Porfirio Diaz was permitted, however, at his own request, to leave the chamber for the purpose of aiding in the defence, and in a few moments joined his old comrades of Oajaca at the corner of San Fernando, where a stout resistance was being made by Ignacio Mejía's brigade. He arrived just as Mejía was sending to the hospital wounded his last field-officer. After severe fighting the enemy was driven away,^[44] Fleeing in disorder by the place where the railroad station now is, and along the whole length of the San Cosme causeway. Thus ended the attempt of Marquez, who was pursued by cavalry several miles in the valley. The next day Diaz was placed in charge of the brigade, Mejía being ill, and ordered to join Ortega's command, to pursue the rebels who had gone to the south of Mexico. After marching and countermarching about two months, the liberal force came up with the enemy. Diaz and others were directed to keep their attention occupied, while a strong column of 4,000 men struck the blow. Diaz surprised Marquez in the town of Jalatlaco on the 13th of August, between 10 and 11 o'clock at night, and after some hours' fighting, routed him, capturing his artillery and baggage trains.^[45]

Several undecisive fights occurred between liberals and reactionists, among which may be mentioned those of Tecali in Puebla, Huisquilucan, and Calpulalpam in Mexico. Marquez attacked San Luis Potosí, and was repulsed. He then overran Aguascalientes and Zacatecas. But on the 20th of October the joint forces of Marquez and Mejía were signally defeated at Pachuca by generals Tapia and Porfirio Diaz, and they fled by way of Mineral del Monte.^[46]

 

The government asked congress for power to raise one million dollars on title deeds of national property at two per centum discount monthly, and to suspend payments to creditors of the treasury for one year, excepting those of the conducta seized at Laguna Seca, and of the diplomatic conventions; but in regard to these latter, the chamber resolved that the government should order their suspension. This event caused great public alarm.

The presidential election, which took place in March, did not at first exhibit an absolute majority, and the congress postponed its decision till the 11th of the following June, when Juarez was declared to be the president of the republic.^[47] The formal inauguration took place on the 15th. His title to the executive office was fully recognized. The centre of union during the civil war, he now became the chief of the liberal party, and the representative of legitimate authority and progress. And yet he found great difficulty to organize a cabinet, that presided over by Guzman having resigned because of congressional opposition. Doblado was called to form a new ministry, but he would not assume the charge. To complete the government's organization, congress, voting by deputations, chose General Jesus Gonzalez Ortega president of the supreme court, so as to be prepared for emergencies that might suddenly occur. This unconstitutional election was effected in disregard of the objections adduced by some deputies. When the reactionary bands were actively depredating in all directions, this congress, which only one month previously had set a price upon the heads of their principal chiefs, and while the blood-stains of Ocampo, Degollado, and Valle were still fresh, and the smoke of many burning towns had not entirely disappeared, began to discuss the expediency of a political amnesty, against which Deputy Altamirano delivered a powerful speech. The campaign against the reactionists engaged the whole attention of the government; other important affairs being allowed to rest until a signal victory should again crown Gonzalez Ortega's operations. Ministerial crises had become a chronic malady. After many proposed candidatures, Juarez formed another cabinet on the 13th of July.^[48] It was a bad sign that a considerable portion of the congress voted against the choice of Zamacona and Balcárcel. The new ministry stated beforehand its policy, and its first act was to propose a law for the suspension during two years of payments, including those amounts assigned to meet the British debt and the foreign conventions. The law was almost unanimously passed by congress in secret session on the 17th of July, which was met with the protests of France and Spain.^[49] In adopting the suspension plan, the cabinet acted on the idea that it would lead to the establishment of order, morality, and economy. Still the act of including in the suspension the obligations toward foreign nations could but excite further ill feeling on their part, and consequent troubles, particularly as no friendly explanations with the creditors had preceded it. Had Zamacona's advice been followed, harsh protests and overt acts from the French might have been averted, for the amount of their claims was insignificant. A casual event came at this time to further embroil the foreign relations. During the popular celebration of the victory of Jalatlaco, a pistol-bullet struck near Dubois de Saligny at the French legation, which he tried to make out an attempt to assassinate him.^[50] The diplomatic corps took the matter in hand, the United States minister being chosen to bring it to the attention of the government. A thorough judicial inquiry was ordered and made, and the result was that no attempt had been made against Saligny's life.^[51] Be it as it may, he used the incident to bring about a suspension of diplomatic relations.

The disposition of French diplomates to pick quarrels with Mexico on merely personal grounds was not new with Saligny. In May 1845 Baron Alleye de Cyprey, French minister, made a diplomatic affair out of an insignificant occurrence, in which he and his secretary of legation were mixed up, at the bathing-place for horses called Las Delicias. Both he and the secretary were unceremoniously treated by the owner of the baths, as well as by a mob, for their pompous assumptions. He asserted that certain public officers, though knowing his diplomatic position, had refused to extend to him the proper recognition. Whereupon he called for the peremptory punishment of the officers and others concerned. The whole affair was ridiculous, and the Mexican government could not accede to the preposterous demands. The press ridiculed Cyprey's pretensions. He then picked a quarrel with one of the alcaldes of the capital, to whom he attributed the writings, and on being required to give satisfaction on the field of honor, which he had promised to do, found a pretext to back out of it. Finally, not obtaining what he had insisted on from the government, he demanded his passports, which were sent, and he left the country.^[52]

 

The secretary of the treasury could discover no way of obtaining the much needed resources, unless it was that of farming out the yield of the maritime customs at $400,000 monthly, and if this sum could not be got, then a forced loan every month must be resorted to. The merchants represented to the minister that his plan was not feasible, and therefore he must find some other means.^[53]The difficulties induced the permanent committee of congress, of which Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada was chairman, to call an extra session of the chamber, the ordinary one having been closed on the 31st of July.^[54] Congress met on the appointed day. The public could not see the use of an extra session when the executive was clothed with extraordinary powers; and indeed, no beneficial measure was adopted; on the contrary, a considerable number of the members did their utmost to develop ill feeling and create greater alarm.^[55] In view of the hostile attitude of Europe,^[56] Juarez gave orders to strengthen Vera Cruz and Tampico.

Almonte encouraged his fellow-reactionists that inside of two months he would be in the waters of Mexico with the European naval forces. Next came the news that on the 31st of October had been signed in London a convention, by Great Britain, France, and Spain, for a joint intervention in Mexican affairs. Toward the end of November, diplomatic relations with France and England had ceased, after congress had revoked the suspension law of July 17th^[57]. The three allied powers had at first agreed upon the occupation by their forces of Vera Cruz, for the purpose of securing reparation of injuries and damages sustained by their subjects at the hands of Mexican authorities, and the fulfilment of prior obligations contracted by Mexico with those powers — nothing more.^[58] The United States, having also claims against Mexico, was to be invited to join them; but no delay was to be allowed in carrying out the objects of the convention. This did not meet the views of the French and Spanish cabinets. They had ulterior projects, and the clauses favoring Mexican independence of action as to the form of government had been placed there merely to calm the scruples of the British minister of foreign affairs. They finally, by assuring him that they had good reasons to believe the Mexicans themselves would ask as a special favor a moral support that could not be denied them, obtained from the minister the suppression of the troublesome clauses, in order not to discourage the national movement, which as Billault, the French minister, said, the French and Spanish governments were awaiting to attempt the organization of a government in Mexico suited to monarchical ideas.^[59]

The clause to invite the United States to act jointly with the other powers was insisted on by the British foreign office, and acceded to by France and Spain, though the last named would not renounce her full freedom of action to deal with Mexico on the questions at issue between them; for she claimed that her grievances were of a more serious nature than those of the others, which were merely pecuniary, and involved redress for the murder of her subjects and the dismissal of her ambassador. The United States, supposing at first that only England and France had intended a hostile demonstration against Mexico to recover moneys due, offered to pay them the interest accrued for a certain time,^[60] and on being apprised that Spain would also take part in the demonstration, extended the same offer to her. But Calderon Collantes, on the 16th of November, said to the Spanish minister at Washington that Spain, together with England and France, wanted the coöperation of the United States, in order that their collective action might have the desired effect of securing future safety to the subjects and interests of the three powers. Secretary Seward said on the 14th of October to Schurz, United States minister at Madrid, that the president had understood that neither of the three powers alleging grievances would, in their hostile action against Mexico, go beyond obtaining satisfaction for those grievances, as they had no intent to acquire territory, or of affecting the political status of Mexico, to which the United States could oppose no objection. Still, whether Spain acted alone or jointly with the others, the president expected that the utmost care should be had not to molest United States citizens in Mexico or their interests, nor affect the interests of the United States government in territories contiguous to the seat of war. With such an object the United States would keep a naval force wheresoever a conflict might occur.

The convention of October 31st did not stipulate the land and naval force each nation was to employ; it left to the United States the option to act jointly with the other powers if that government felt inclined, and limited their action, neither of them being allowed to appropriate any portion of Mexican territory, or obtain any special advantage, or to influence the people of Mexico to choose any particular form of government. Nothing was therein contained as to which of the powers should have the lead of affairs on the operating ground.^[61] The United States, on receiving the invitation to coöperate with the three powers in carrying out that convention, declined to join them. Seward's reply on the 4th of December stated that his government had some grievances against Mexico, but the president could not see that a redress of them could be then obtained through that convention.^[62] Seward further advised the ministers of the three leagued powers that the United States would maintain a competent naval force in the gulf of Mexico to protect their citizens and interests; and that their minister in Mexico would be authorized to seek such conferences with the belligerents as might guard either of them against inadvertent injury to the just rights of the United States, if any such should be endangered.

 

Early in November news reached Vera Cruz of the preparations made in Habana for the Spanish military expedition that was to consist of five or six thousand troops, and fifteen or sixteen war vessels.^[63] A threatening demonstration of this nature made it, of course, the chief and only matter to be considered, that of arranging, if possible, the foreign difficulties. Little hope could be entertained in view of the hostile spirit manifested by the European allies, and there was nothing left for Mexico to do but to procure means and prepare for defence.^[64] Orders were given at first to strengthen Vera Cruz and San Juan de Ulúa; but as science and experience alike had taught that Ulúa could not resist a serious attack, and Vera Cruz was nothing without the fortress, it was resolved to remove the artillery from the castle before the Spanish fleet should arrive, and it was partly done.^[65]

Juarez succeeded in having a convention concluded on the 21st of November, between his minister of foreign affairs and Sir Charles L. Wyke, arranging every question at issue between the two nations, chiefly that which had resulted from the law for the suspension of payments.^[66] Nothing came of this important agreement, however, for though it satisfied just demands, and involved no heavy sacrifices, congress disapproved it, and it fell to the ground, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Minister Zamacona with the president's approval.^[67] President Juarez insisted on the convention being ratified, but to be again repulsed; and then the American minister retired the proposals he had made, which would have facilitated the arrangement of the foreign demands.^[68] The persistence of congress brought on a ministerial crisis early in December, which the president could not avert, though he tried to retain Zaragoza, Balcárcel, and Gonzalez Echeverría, the last named having had the treasury in his charge only a few days. Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, who had caused the crisis, was called on to form a cabinet, but declined, not being in accord with the president's policy.

The threatening attitude of foreign powers being now certain, several reactionary chiefs presented themselves to the government and tendered their services. Among them were Negrete, Velez, Argüellez, and others.^[69] After a few days' reflection, Manuel Doblado, from whose patriotism and ability the country had great expectations, accepted the charge of relations, with the presidency of the cabinet.^[70] There being a perfect accord of views between the president and Doblado, and the latter being on good terms with the congress, he asked of it extraordinary powers, which were granted at once without other restrictions than that every measure of the government should be directed to the preservation of the national independence and institutions, as well as of the reform laws.^[71] Lerdo and his followers had insisted on the executive submitting to the approval of congress all action he might take in the foreign relations; but they were defeated. Congress closed its session on the 15th of December.

 

 

1. Pacheco had so openly and obnoxiously sympathized with the reactionists that the government was fully justified in its action toward him. The official correspondence and other matter connected therewith may be seen in Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 41-4, 51-4, 138-40, 149-50; Lefêvre, Mex. et l'Interv., 231; Payno, Méx. y el Sr Embajador, 1-9S; Córtes, Diario Senado, i. no. 9, 71-2; Id., Diario Cong., i. ap. 5, no. 4, 93-102; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xv. 617-21.
2. Pastor, the chargé, continued accredited near Juarez. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 315-21.
3. The Spanish minister wrote his government that neither he nor his colleagues of Guatemala had received personal violence; but the ecclesiastics were hooted at and stoned. The mob assented to the papal legate and his auditor departing, but refused to let the others go. However, they remained unmolested in the house that had sheltered them till the next day, when they were transferred to San Juan de Ulúa by the local authorities. Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 382–4; Córtes, Diario Senado, i. no. 9, 81.
4. The decree was dated Jan. 11, 1861. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 27-8. Many had advocated the idea, which was abandoned for obvious reasons, that Juarez should revive the congress that was sitting at the date of Comonfort's coup d'état, thus obliterating the period since that event as if it had never existed.
5. By the middle of Jan. there were in the capital fourteen political journals in Spanish, besides one in English, The Mexican Extraordinary, and one in French, L'Estafette. A number were issued throughout the republic, some of them, like the Pájaro Verde, defending the defeated principles. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 378.
6. His bitter reactionary enemies ridiculed his origin and color, made caricatures of and applied nicknames and epithets to him. The fools had not sense enough to see that they were thus increasing his popularity.
7. The troublesome elements were: First, the remaining portion of the force defeated at Calpulalpam; the garrison of the capital disbanded on the preceding christmas night; and the active men of the clerical party. Second, the constitutional army and the men who rose in arms to restore the constitution and enforce the reform laws — a very large element that must be prevailed upon to return quietly to their former social position and vocations. Third, the states, whose governments during the civil war had habituated themselves to the exercise of independent sovereignty, incompatible with subordination to the federal authority. They seemed to be well satisfied with this practice, and it was feared they were disposed to continue it. Fourth, the men with exaggerated theories on democracy who had been waiting for the triumph of the liberal arms to attempt putting their ideas into practice in the government. Fifth, the representatives of interests created by the reforms initiated in 1856, and which the Tacubaya faction had injured. Their number as well as their claims had become quite enlarged. Sixth, the foreign demands resulting from several international questions that had arisen during the last civil war. Seventh and last, the highwaymen and other malefactors, who, under the garb of guerrillas, and by favor of political barnacles, made public roads and small towns unsafe, and must be crushed out by the whole power of the government.
8. The late Spanish ambassador, Pacheco, in a speech delivered Nov. 23d, before the senate at Madrid, accounted for it in a slurring manner. Miramon's wife, one of whose sisters was Diaz' betrothed, called on the president, and using Pacheco's own words, 'tales fueron sus instancias, y tales fueron sus súplicas, y tales fueron sus insultos, y tales fueron los argumentos y medios de que se valió,' that she obtained the commutation. Córtes, Diario Senado, i. no. 9, 78.
9. The amnesty, though a limited one, caused the resignation of the ministers. The plan of sending Diaz into exile met with a check. Captain Aldhan of the Valorous, at Vera Cruz, in a note to Gov. Gutierrez Zamora, solemnly protested against Diaz' release, he being concerned in the seizure of funds from the British legation. Ortega as minister of war directed the commander of the forces at that port to suspend Diaz' embarkation, holding him subject to government orders, if necessary in San Juan de Ulúa; and Gov. Zamora was told to assure Capt. Aldham that the government had ordered the arrest of Diaz and all others who had offended international law. Indeed, Zuloaga's and Miramon's cabinets and other persons were subjected to trial, and their property held amenable. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 26-7, 65-6, 108-12; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 9; Boletin de Notic., Jan 19, 25, 29, Feb. 7, 1861.Diaz was subsequently tried and acquitted of any participation in the seizure of the British funds. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 451.
10. When this policy was first broached, it made a great commotion in the liberal party, and forced the resignation of Juarez' ministers, Ocampo, Empáran, and La Fuente.
11. Among those specially excepted were the officials who had done injury or caused damage to third parties, and all men guilty of common crimes.
12. The act calls them 'execrables asesinos.' Marquez, Zuloaga, and Cajiga were concerned in the execution of Melchor Ocampo at Tepejí del Rio on the 3d of June, 1861. Ocampo's untimely end was much deplored. He had travelled abroad, served in both houses of congress; also as governor of Michoacan and minister of state. He was an unselfish reformer. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 504. Marquez' band was likewise guilty of shooting Gen. Leandro Valle, in the Monte de las Cruces. Degollado soon after fell into an ambuscade and was slain. Baz, Vida de Juarez, 209; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 219-20, 224, 228-35; Le Trait d'Union, June 10, 15, 1861.
13. The diplomatic corps also interceded for the prisoners.
14. The exceptions were: those who ordered and superintended the massacre at Tacubaya in April 1859, and the murderers of Melchor Ocampo in June 1861; the Mexican signers of the treaty Mon-Almonte; the parties that seized the funds that were deposited in the house No. 10 calle de Capuchinas, in Mexico, placed there to meet the British debt; exiles from the country under previous decrees; and those not born in Mexico who served the reaction. These last were to be allowed to quit the country. The amnesty did not carry with it restoration of rank or honors. Miramon, Defensa de los Min., 1-221; Proceso Instr. á los minist., in Ramirez, Acus., no. 2, 3-18; Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 509-10, 641-2, vi. 204, 206-10, 250-5, 644-7; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 227, 330-2; Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., i. 36-7, 92-103, 162, 180-3; Le Trait d'Union, June 4-10, Dec. 5, 1861; Lefêvre, Doc. Ofic. Maximiliano, i. 49, and note 1; Arellano, Últ. Horas, 20-2.
15. Freedom of education, industry, the press, petition, transit, and the defence of life, liberty, and property before the courts. The reforms decreed at Vera Cruz, namely, nationalization of mortmain property, freedom of worship, and independence of church and state were to be upheld at all hazards. A most liberal press law, known since as the ley Zarco, was decreed on the 22d of Feb., 1861.
16. Thus were epitomized the points embraced in the circular of the minister of relations. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 77-99.
17. In states where the reaction succumbed before its final defeat at the capital, attempts were made to restore constitutional order; in others it had been necessary to continue the military rule after Juarez' government returned to Mexico.
18. Rivera assures us that Juarez, without being at all presumptuous, felt the consciousness that he was the man for the occasion. Gob. de Méx., ii. 607.
19. Decrees of January 24 and 25, 1861; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 22.
20. The increase was not only in the home debt, but in the foreign, the latter being caused by the non-payment of interest and the seizure of funds belonging to foreigners.
21. The proposition.was finally rejected by congress.
22. A new journal now came upon the political arena, defending the most retrogressive principles, besides censuring and slandering the liberals.
23. He was, at the time of his death, president of the supreme court. The highest civic and military honors to his memory were decreed March 22d. It was also provided that his son's education should be in national institutes free of charge, besides a pecuniary allowance. Many state governments joined in expressions of condolence. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 619-21; Boletin Ofic., Apr. 19, 1861.
24. As to the first matter, the law of Oct. 14, 1850, clearly said that government responsibility ceased after the bondholders had received their money. Jecker's claim consisted of bonds issued by Miramon to obtain funds. The tacit recognition was, of course, intended to facilitate an arrangement of the differences with France.
25. The situation was unpromising. The total revenue from customs on the Pacific and 85 per cent of that on the gulf of Mexico were pledged under diplomatic conventions. The states had seized the revenue from stamped paper; that from postage had almost disappeared.
26. Removal of all encumbrances on the revenue from customs; decrease in the army expenditure; forbidding the use by state governments of any portion of the federal revenue. Juarez reduced his own salary from $36,000 to $30,000, cut down the expenses of the department of relations, decreased the number of his ministers and their salaries. Méx., Cód. Reforma, 361-2; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 140; Mex., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1054-8.
27. The new ministers entered upon their duties respectively on the 13th and 22d of April. Boletin de Notic., Apr. 9, 23, 24, 1861; Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 629-36, 648, 696-9, 711-12, 724-5, 798-801; Le Trait d'Union, Apr. 7, 10, 11, 1861.
28. Marquez had actually published, on the 16th of March, an order declaring traitors, subject to the death penalty, every one serving under Juarez. Some reactionists came almost within hailing distance of the capital, 300 of them reaching Tlalpam and San Ángel, which made the government's weakness quite evident. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 614-15.
29. The addresses on the reception of the two diplomates, and a letter from the Prussian minister of Jan. 23d, may be seen in Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 124, 204-8, 558-61; Boletin de Notic., Feb. 2, 1861.
30. The government on the 25th had ordered that the next day at 2 p. m., when the British flag was hoisted over that legation, the national flag should also be shown on all public buildings, as a marked reprobation of the outrage committed by the reactionary faction on the 18th of Nov. preceding. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., v. 442-5.
31. His reception took place in May. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 152-5, 163-6; Le Trait d'Union, May 23, 1861; El Amigo del Pueblo, May 10, 1861; see also Secretary Seward's despatch quoted in Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 387-9.
32. As an instance: at his request Mexico granted permission for U. S. troops to land at Guaymas, and by the most direct routes march to Arizona. U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 39, Ses. 1, Mex. Affairs, i. 7; Id., Sen., 17.
33. Their agent, Pickett, came to reside in Vera Cruz. Le Trait d'Union, July 6, 1861. On the 22d of May, Robert Toombs, secretary of the seceded states, sent a commissioner named Quintero to Vidaurri, governor of Nuevo Leon, with letters in which he spoke of expeditions being fitted out in Nuevo Leon and Coalhuila against Texas, and manifesting a desire for friendly relations, etc. He said that an agent had been despatched to the city of Mexico. Vidaurri answered Quintero July 1st, disclaiming authority to hold diplomatic relations; but in view of the abnormal state of affairs, assured Quintero there was no foundation for the report on hostile expeditions, and that he was equally actuated by friendly feelings. La Estrella de Occid., Aug. 30, 1861.
34. His public reception took place in May.
35. He assumed the responsibility of all his measures from the time he first established his government at Guanajuato in 1858; expressed the wish that the work of reform should go on; spoke of the foreign complications, of which the reactionists were taking advantage; of the government's penury, expressing his belief that the only remedy would be to give full effect to the nationalization of mortmain property. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 119-35; Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., 17-22; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 195-203.
36. Castaños was a man of liberal ideas and vell-known uprightness. Guzman was a firm liberal, and free to condemn abuses of power. He had belonged to the congress of 1857; Ruiz had not always advocated radical principles, but was learned, and had sincerely accepted the reform laws. Zaragoza was a true patriot, much valued for his sterling character.
37. The members of this congress took no oath; they made a protestation to do their duty faithfully. This of itself was a sanction of one of the reforms.
38. This law was reiterated July 18, 1871. In the investigation of charges against officials that took part in the coup d'état of 1857, Juan José Baz was unanimously acquitted; but the ex-minister Payno was condemned in July, almost by acclamation. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 616; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 207-8; Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., i. 138-9, 147-52; Id., Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., nos 48-51, 64-7; Le Trait d'Union, July 24, 1861; Méx., Derecho Intern., 3d pt, 1162-3.
39. A part of that expedition was the Oajaca brigade. The object was to force Gen. Felipe Chacon, who was still in arms, to submit. Chacon surrendering, the city was occupied without resistance. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 140-1.
40. There were, besides, constant bickerings between the parish priests and governors on the civil registration law.
41. That law was repealed, except as regarded political offenders, by decree of Oct. 12, 1861.
42. Boletin de Notic., Jan. 3, 7, 1861; Le Trait d'Union, Feb. 7, 1861; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 387.
43. Boletin de Notic., Jan. 13 to Apr. 3, 18, 1861, passim; Le Trait d'Union, Feb. 16 to March 30, 1861, passim; El Amigo del Pueblo, March 2 to Apr. 4, 1861; Cuad. Sinópt., in Vega Doc., 4.
44. His last stand had been in the plazuela of Buenavista. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 143-4.
45. It is understood that Marquez' army was of nearly 4,000 men and 14 generals. This victory had a most encouraging effect among the liberals, who hailed it as a forerunner of future triumphs. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 622; Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 145-7; Le Trait d Union, Aug. 16-26, 1861; Ortega, Parte de la Jornada de Jalatlaco, 1-8.
46. This victory was so important that congress voted the victors a medal of honor. Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc, ii. 38; Archive Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 602-3, 619-21; Detalle de la Accion, 1-74; Le Trait d'Union, Oct. 22 to Nov. 5, 1861. Tapia's troops, on their return to Mexico, were the objects of a great popular ovation. The generals received high praise. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 149.
47. It was noticeable that the declaration had only a majority of six votes. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 233; Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 230-48; Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., i. 70, 132-5; Boletin de Notic., March 27, 1861; Le Trait d'Union, Feb. 6 to June 20, 1801; El Amigo del Pueblo, June 15, 1861.
48. Manuel M. Zamacona, minister of relations; Blas Balcárcel, of fomento; Joaquin Ruiz retained the portfolio of justice, and took charge also of the one of government; Zaragoza continued as secretary of war; and Higinio Muñez, an old treasury official, but new in the political field, became the head of the financial department. It will be well to observe that congress on the 12th of June had decreed there should be six ministers of state, thus reviving the portfolios of government and fomento. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 250-1, 285, 293-310; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 233; Le Trait d'Union, June 19, July 9-19, 1861, passim; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 443-4.
49. July 24th Saligny protested for France and Spain against the law. Spanish government approved the protest. In a despatch of Sept. 11th to the captain-general of Cuba, the Spanish minister of state, Calderon Collantes, presents his views on the instructions to be given the commander of the naval force that was to be sent to the Mexican coast to demand satisfaction for the expulsion of Pacheco and settlement of pecuniary claims.The despatch clearly indicates that the Spanish and French governments were on the point of an agreement for joint action against Mexico with England's coöperation. Córtes, Diario Cong., vi. aр. 1, no. 133, 1-3; Id., Seпado, i. ap. o. 85, 1-3.
50. Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 398, has it that the populace, in passing Saligny's house with bands of music, cried out, 'Mueran los franceses, muera el ministro de Francia,' which lasted 10 or 15 minutes without the police attempting even to check it.
51. Testimonio Averig. Practicada, 1-40.
52. The government endeavored to dissuade him from breaking off relations, assuring him of its friendliness, both to France and himself; but finding him resolved to leave, gave strict orders to prevent all insults on his journey to the port. Méx., Suceso Ocurrido, in Méx., Mem. Min. Relaciones, ii. no. 2, pp. i.-v. and 1-207; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 106-13, 210-12, 225 -32, iii. 3, 4-11, 51, 59-65, 112-13; Id., Nuevo Bernal Diaz, i. 55-9, 73-4; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 716-19. The correspondence on the duel part of the affair between the seconds is fully given in both French and Spanish, in Alleye de Cyprey, Docum., 1-11.
53. The estimate for the fiscal year, from Sept. 1st, had been fixed under the law of July 17th, at nearly 8 million dollars. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 457-500.
54. The summons was on the 21st of August for the 30th of the same month. Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., i. 228-34; Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 534-9; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 292-3.
55. Fifty-one of the numbers in their capacity as citizens addressed Juarez, with a request that he should surrender the executive authority. Fifty-two others asked him to hold on to his position; and the rest of the deputies were of the opinion that both petitions were 'indebidas,' or out of place. The governors and legislatures, and the greater part of the press, censured the course of the 51. The states of Zacatecas and San Luis signified their intention to recognize no authority not emanating from the constitution; and if any such went into power, they would resume their sovereignty. Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. y Seg. Cong., nos 60-3, 464-71, 493-9, 506-8; nos 68-71, 714-16, 718, 723-4.
56. Napoleon had, after some hesitancy, and in spite of the friends of foreign intervention in Mexico, received La Fuente as minister of the republic; but the latter wrote his government, on the 4th of September, a despatch received on the 8th of Oct., that he had attempted to give explanations on the decree of July 17th, suspending payments, to the minister of foreign affairs, who refused to listen to him, saying that Saligny's conduct had been approved, and in accord with England, 'se iban á enviar á las costas de Méjico buques de guerra, á exigir una satisfaccion.'
57. The decree bore date of Nov. 26th, and provided for the payment of the foreign obligations. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 636-7.
58. Art. 3 declared that the forces were not to be used for any other pose; they were specially to abstain from all intervention in the internal affairs of the republic. Art. 4 said that neither of the contracting parties was to make any territorial acquisition in Mexico or endeavor to gain any special advantage; they were not to exercise any influence in the internal affairs of Mexico, nor to restrict her right to choose and establish the form of government she might think proper. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 80-5.
59. The insidious language of the despatch of Oct. 22, 1861, from Calderon Collantes, minister of foreign affairs of Spain, to the Spanish ambassador in London, fully confirms the above view. Lefêvre, Doc. Ofic. Maximiliano, i. 87-93; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 30-2.
60. Their minister, Corwin, on the 27th of Sept., received instructions, which Sec. Seward had verbally communicated to Lord Lyons, British minister at Washington, to bind the U. S. to pay two years' interest on all Mexico's foreign indebtedness, which amounts were to be secured by mortgage on certain Mexican territory. But as an hypothecation of territory would have been practically equivalent to a cession of it, Juarez declined.
61. The convention consists of a preamble and five articles, the former setting forth its purport, namely, to exact from the Mexican authorities an efficient protection for the persons and interests of their subjects in Mexico, and a fulilment of obligations assumed. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 32-3, 729-30; Lefêvre, Le Mexique et l'Interv., 298-303; Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., ii. 100; Ferrer, Cuest. de Méx., 628-31; Mexique, L'Interv. Francaise, 39-49; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 427-9; Derecho Intern. Mex., 1st pt, 692-9.
62. 1st. The U. S. would not deviate from their established policy of avoiding entangling alliances; 2d. Mexico being a neighbor with institutions similar to those of the U. S., the latter was friendly to her, and felt a deep interest in her safety, welfare, and prosperity; and therefore would not resort to coercive measures to obtain a redress of grievances, much less now that Mexico was suffering from intestine dissension, and was, besides, threatened with a foreign war; 3d. The U. S. had made through their minister a tender of pecuniary aid to Mexico to enable her to satisfy her foreign claimants, subject, of course, to the acceptance of Mexico and the sanction of the U. S. senate.
63. France had been for some time shipping war material for her naval force in Mexican waters.
64. The ultimate design of those powers was not now well understood in Mexico. Some thought it was merely financial; others that it was political; and there were also a few who believed it intended to carry out the late British chargé's plan of a compromise between the contending parties. The fact was, that the powers had concluded, in the event of an impossibility arising from anarchy, to obtain redress by the mere occupation of the coast, that the forces might also occupy even the capital; and should the Mexicans of their own volition call for a European protectorate to eradicate tyranny, or to erect a stable government, France, England, and Spain would jointly coöperate to bring about their wishes. On the other hand, Juarez had been assured by President Lincoln that on the landing of European soldiers on Mexican territory the U. S. government would render Mexico such aid as it could afford.
65. Fifty brass pieces were taken away and utilized elsewhere. There were left, however, 196 pieces, and a large supply of other war material. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xv. 824-5; Córtes, Diario Senado, ii. ap. no. 85, 55-6; Id., Congreso, vi. ap. i. no. 138, 55.
66. Previous conventions were declared to be in force, and new debts not included in them were recognized in the present one. Great Britain was authorized to have inspectors in the maritime custom-houses, and British consuls and the agents of the creditors were given the right of examining the books of those custom-houses. Efforts were made to induce Monsieur de Saligny to enter into similar arrangements, but he declined all proposals, and insisted on maintaining the interruption of diplomatic relations and quitting the republic. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 625; Córtes, Diario Senado, ii. ap. no. 85, 19-22; Córtes, Diario Cong., vi, ap. i. no. 133, 19-23.
67. Zamacona represented to the chamber on the 25th of Nov. that in entering upon that arrangement the administration had obeyed the popular will, which had clamored for 'Transaccion con la Inglaterra y con la Francia.' Under it, the British minister, instead of making preparations for departure, would have tendered Mexico the moral support of his country in her progressive policy; and whatever influence that might have on the future action of France and Spain, Mexico would appear before the world giving her hand to her two natural allies, England and the U. S., the latter of whom had offered Mexico pecuniary means to cover during some years not only the obligations assumed in the British treaty, but all other international ones. The minister went into other details; but it all availed nothing; the clause of intervention in the custom-houses, without which guarantee the treaty would not have been entered into by England, was unacceptable to the representatives. The consequences were fatal. Zamacona resigned his position. His representation to congress and letters of resignation are given in full in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xv. 1043-59; Ferrer, Cuest. de Mex., 637-9. All further proceedings of conciliation were in vain; the British and French ministers left Mexico, the subjects of their nations as well as the Spaniards being left under the protection of the Prussian minister.
68. He made, however, on the 11th of Dec., two conventions, one being postal, and the other for the extradition of criminals, excluding from surrender persons accused of political offences, and slaves. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 666; Derecho Intern. Mex., 1st pt, 277-83.
69. Zuloaga still claimed the presidency, had a cabinet, appointed governors, and wanted to collect taxes. Le Trait d'Union, Dec. 9, 1861; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 626.
70. The ministry was constituted as follows: Doblado, minister of relations and of government — this last again suppressed by decree of Dec. 16th; Ramon I. Alcaraz, oficial mayor, of justice pro tem. to Dec. 25th, when Jesus Terán became the minister; Echeverría, of hacienda; Zaragoza, of war till Dec. 22d, when succeeded by Pedro Hinojosa; Doblado, of fomento till the 16th of December, when the department was merged in that of justice. Le Trait d'Union, Dec. 23, 27, 1861; Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 672; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, v. 470-2.
71. Decree of Dec. 11th. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., vi. 655.