History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 11

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XI.

MAXIMILIAN'S VACILLATION — REPUBLICAN SUCCESSES.

1866.

Maximilian at Orizaba — Preparations for Departure — Indecision — Persuasions of Father Fisher — Return of Miramon and Marquez — Austrian Crown Prospects — Maximilian Warned not to Return to Austria — Council of Orizaba — French Protests — Juarists Gaining Strength — United States Volunteers — Army Movements — Ortega's Party — Bazaine's Quarrels

Maximilian had meanwhile been recreating at Orizaba,^[1] relieving his conscience by modifying the bloody decree of October 3, 1865,^[2] and making arrangements for departure, by settling his private affairs and shipping his effects^[3] on board the Austrian frigate Dandolo. But while the rumor spread at the close of October 1866, from Mexico to foreign parts,^[4] that he had already left Mexico, he was still meditating what to do, swayed now by reported disasters to his arms, and again by mirages conjured up by interested advisers.

The best evidence of his varying mood, as influenced by men and happenings, is furnished in the correspondence with Bazaine and his colleagues, entered upon partly with a view to learn the plans of the French for evacuation and for protecting imperialist interests, and partly to arrange matters connected with the civil list, intimate adherents, and Austro-Belgian troops, which appealed to his personal sympathy. The nature of these arrangements, as well as verbal and written expressions, continued to inspire a confident belief in his withdrawal.^[5] Suddenly, however, came a change which overthrew all these expectations. Father Fischer's persuasive tongue had been wagging fluently yet cautiously in behalf of the clerical cause, and was acquiring ever greater power as the improving health of the emperor gave buoyancy to his spirit.^[6] Nor had he been unaided, for Navarro and other conservatives came to support his promises of large pecuniary assistance from the church,^[7] and the speedy formation of an army. In their anxiety for the imperilled estates and other prospects, they were intent above all on delay, and Mexicans are proverbially lavish with promises.^[8] The outlook for an army was based on more solid grounds, however, for just then Miramon and Marquez returned from Europe and tendered their coöperation.^[9] Their fame as the ablest and most influential of conservative generals could not fail to draw recruits, and their assertion that they had more than once extricated themselves from worse positions than the present tended toward widespread encouragement.

And now came a letter from Eloin, at the time on a secret mission in Europe, who brought his undeniable influence to bear against abdication before the French departed, as a sign of weakness, and a triumph to Napoleonic intrigues. Called by the nation, the emperor should appeal to it when freed from the pressure of foreign intervention; and if the appeal failed, he might return to Europe with the prestige of a mission nobly fulfilled. Such conduct, he intimated, would have its effect in Austria, where the discontented people were turning from the present ruler to himself.^[10] The aspirations of his brother, real or fancied, reached the ear of Francis Joseph, and he took the precaution to warn him that he would not be permitted to enter Austria as emperor of Mexico, and that the family compact would be adhered to, thus attaching to the return as many humiliations as possible.^[11] His mother wrote at the same time that he should not compromise his honor by yielding to the pressure.

These letters impressed Maximilian with the idea that, whatever his plans, circumstances were not then favorable to his reappearance in Europe; and as the extent of the secret negotiations for a new ruler,became revealed, his pride revolted at the slight cast upon himself, and the humiliating role of slinking away at the bidding of Napoleon, like a disgraced servant, or a tool which had served his purpose. Finding him in this frame of mind, his conservative advisers pointed out how unworthy of a Hapsburg to turn his back to a foe and desert his party in the hour of danger.^[12] The effect of such an appeal can readily be understood upon the frank sailor prince, whose idealistic and chivalric disposition had been impressed by the lustre inherited from a long line of noble ancestors. Duty now became a guiding motive — duty to his family record; to himself, with a view to his more or less important projects in Europe; and consequently to the party whose cause he had embraced.

The course he now proposed to follow was outlined in a note to Lares, the chief minister. The condition of affairs seemed to demand that he should return to the nation the power vested in him, and to this end he summoned his council to give their advice.^[13] This body met on the 25th of November at Orizaba.^[14] The concentrating and retrograde movements of the French troops, now going on for some time, had placed the republicans in possession of the greater part of the country, including practically all the region north and west of a line drawn from Tuxpan through San Luis Potosí to Morelia, and south of Cuernavaca. Success had swollen the number of their adherents, even hitherto passive or hostile factions joining for prudential reasons, till every province was overrun by their triumphant bands, hemming in the retiring foreigners, and threatening the neighborhood of the capital. Even stubborn conservatives, therefore, began to look upon the struggle as hopeless. Lares nevertheless prevailed with his views in so far that, as abdication at the present moment might lead to anarchy, it should be deferred till measures could be taken to obtain better security for the interests at stake.

Although this resolution was carried by a bare majority, Maximilian hastened to respond; yet, in order to render the sacrifice of value, he desired the

council first to report on the prospects of calling a national congress for deciding what form of government the country desired, the means for raising funds and armies, and the settlement of the questions with France and the United States.^[15] The questions were too uncertain to be entertained by the conservatives; and content with having gained what they considered the main point, they passed them over with a promise to consider them in due time.^[16] The emperor himself must have recognized that the solution was exceedingly doubtful, yet he accepted the promise as satisfactory, and on the 1st of December issued a manifest to the people, declaring that he had yielded to the desire of his council, on the condition that a congress representing all parties should be summoned to decide the existence of the empire.^[17] The reunion of a national congress could not be effected without a previous armistice, and Juarez was not likely to entertain such terms in face of the French withdrawal, and the victorious progress of his arms sustained by the United States. Maximilian saw the difficulty, for the republican leaders so far approached had repelled him; but his foremost aim now was to achieve with the forces at his command triumphs of sufficient importance to induce the enemy to listen to this or any other reasonable proposals, and to enable him at least to retire with honor, conscious of having fulfilled his duty toward his adherents. Like a reckless gambler, he somewhat blindly risked all upon one cast; yet his motive must be applauded, even if wounded pride and self-interest formed ingredients therein.^[18] The French representatives formally signified their regret at the course adopted, and the conviction that the empire could not sustain itself.^[19] On the 19th of December came the intimation from Napoleon to withdraw all Frenchmen, soldiers and others, who so desired, including the foreign legion and the Austro-Belgian column.^[20]

This was an open violation of the convention of Miramare, which still held in this respect; and in return Maximilian resolved to ignore the financial agreement of July 30th. The result was a series of protests and embargoes, with interruption to business, and a bitterness of feeling which neither emperor nor subjects took pains to conceal.^[21]

In the midst of the rejoicings instigated by the jubilant conservatives after Maximilian's resumption of power,^[22] news came that the United States envoys had arrived off Vera Cruz. They came with the impression that the emperor had departed, and were prepared to enter the country to meet Juarez, yet with a friendly spirit toward France. Finding matters different, they turned back at once.^[23]

 

Maximilian left Orizaba for Mexico in the middle of December 24^[24] lingering at Puebla for nearly three weeks, and taking steps above all for the campaign. The country was divided into three great military districts: the western, comprising the provinces north of Colima, including Durango and Chihuahua; the eastern, stretching from Aguascalientes and Tampico northward; and the central, embracing all the vast remainder to Chiapas. Miramon, who took command of the western district, had already set out to create his army, with little regard for the means to be employed, but Mejía in the east stood at the head of nearly 4,000 men; and Marquez, controlling the centre, had 4,000 under Mendez in Michoacan, and fully 2,000 at Puebla. Maximilian assumed the supreme command, and issued orders for the active formation of the new national army as well as militia, and for

that if Maximilian chose to remain, the French troops would stay according to the former terms fixed by Drouyn de Lhuys. This new resolution must therefore be attributed to the anger of Napoleon at Maximilian's stubborn opposition to his plans. The officials had already placed obstacles in the way of French efforts to assume control of the Vera Cruz custom-house, and protests and reprisals took place which seriously interfered with business. See observations in Diario Ofic., Jan. 7, 1867, and other dates, also in Ère Nouvelle, the French organ, and other journals. Several French writers condemned the forcible encroachment by their government on the few available resources of an empire which it had 'condemned to death.' See Kératry, Max., 273 et seq.; Détroyat, L'Interv., 293–4, etc. the dissolution of the Austro-Belgian legions, yet holding out special inducements for their reënlistment in the new Mexican army, with a view to form a foreign nucleus. Few, however, took the hint.^[25]

They could hardly be blamed, for the entire western and eastern army districts were in possession of the republicans, as well as the region south of Puebla, while the few remaining central provinces were overrun by hostile bands, and about to be invaded by the victorious Juarists. On the other side the long-projected national army had become reduced to insignificant proportions amid the lack of means and energy, especially of late, when the question of maintaining the empire hung in the balance, to the demoralization of all branches; and the prospects of raising the force to any effective proportions seemed slight.^[26]

 

The disappointments and reverses of the imperialists, so far outlined, indicate in a measure the corresponding hopes and gains of their opponents. With every retrograde step of the French grew the courage and activity of the Juarists, and every victory served to swell the number of their adherents, and expand the confidence of their sympathizers. The effort to procure a loan from the government at Washington had been rejected in congress,^[27] but private coffers were opening more freely every day among bankers, traders, and others.^[28] Arms and ammunition were obtained in any quantity,^[29] and a large number of volunteers offered themselves, more indeed than it was thought needful or prudent to accept.^[30]

In pursuance of the plan for withdrawing the French troops, Billot had retired on the 31st of January, 1866, from Chihuahua, leaving it in charge of a Mexican garrison, sustained by the Indian tribes which had pronounced for the empire and proved its stanchest adherents;^[31] but erelong the whole country was in revolt. Chihuahua fell in March into the hands of Luis Terrazas, the Juarist governor. Allende, Batopilas, and other places revolted; and the posts still held at Parral, Cerro Gordo, and to the south had to be evacuated.^[32] The province of Durango also responded, from the beginning of the year, to the liberation movement, especially as the French in July fell back on its capital, which in its turn was evacuated in November, Castagny having already removed his headquarters to Leon.^[33] The republicans at once took possession, levying a heavy contribution on the inhabitants, and Juarez, who had for some time held forth at Chihuahua, made Durango the seat of his government on December 26th.^[34]

In Sonora and Sinaloa republican triumphs had been attended with more arduous campaigning. The French had confined themselves properly to Guaymas and Mazatlan;^[35] but in the interior of Sonora the imperial comisario, General Langberg, held possession of the central and northern districts, assisted especially by the brave Ópatas. In the south the Juarist, Martinez, had, with forces from Sinaloa, managed to secure possession of Álamos,^[36] and to inflict some sharp lessons upon the Mayos and Yaquis. He thereupon marched north and captured Hermosillo on May 4th;^[37] but the imperialists regained the place.^[38] In September the French were withdrawn from Guaymas, and about the same time Langberg fell in a battle which insured to the republicans the town of Ures.^[39] The rest of the province now yielded almost without a struggle, but hundreds of people hastened away to the United States or attempted to place themselves under the wings of the French to escape the vengeance of

Durango and Sinaloa.

the victors, among them Tanori and Almada, who were overtaken and shot.^[40]

Corona, commander-in-chief of the western republican army, had been practically in possession of Sinaloa since the preceding autumn, and began soon after a series of assaults on Mazatlan. The French found it necessary to clear the immediate vicinity; and Lozada having consented to assist, they gained some advantages during the spring, but were unable to maintain them.^[41] The Tepic chieftain became dissatisfied at not receiving the payments expected, and finding the struggle unpromising, he retired shortly after, proclaiming neutrality. In September the republicans gained one of the outposts of Mazatlan, after a hard battle, and harassed the French constantly till their embarkation on November 13th for San Blas.^[42]

In the eastern provinces the imperialists occupied in the beginning of the year a line extending from Matamoros, through Cadereita, Monterey, and Saltillo, to Parras, under the control of the generals Mejía, Jeanningros, and Douay, the last named as chief, with headquarters at Matehuala.^[43] Fears of an intervention by the United States, fostered by the sacking of Bagdad, kept the French from active campaigning, content to hold a few strong positions, and to maintain communication, especially with the ports of Matamoros and Tampico. But this plan could not be long adhered to, in view of the projected retrograde concentration

Campaign in the North-east.

and the growing audacity of the republicans, encouraged as they were by the passive attitude of their opponents and the motive influencing it.

The principal forces threatening the line of posts

were those of Mendez, who blocked the route to Tampico, of Escobedo, chief of the army of the north, who held forth between Linares and northward, and Gonzalez Herrera and Treviño, who hovered round Parras. This place being surprised during a sortie by the Mexican garrison, Commandant Briant of Saltillo came to the rescue, and reinstalled Campos, the imperialist prefect, on the 20th of February. A few days later he set out with 400 men to attack the liberals at the adjoining rancho of Santa Isabel; but he had miscalculated both their number and position, and his force was cut to pieces and captured, a few horsemen alone escaping to Parras.^[44] This place was now attacked, but relief columns arrived, and it was held till the progress of events enabled the Juarists to occupy it permanently toward the close of June.^[45]

The sad result of Briant's rashness caused Bazaine to issue more stringent orders than ever against any operation by Frenchmen beyond the immediate vicinity of their posts and lines; the pursuit of guerrillas must be left to the Mexicans.

A still greater disaster to the imperial arms occurred on the route from Monterey to Matamoros, traversed at intervals by convoys. Jeanningros had in April advanced to Charco Escondido to exchange caravans and give Mejía a reënforcement of 600 Mexicans. With this aid the latter was able to take a more determined attitude toward the closely pressing opponents, whose ranks were swelled by discharged soldiers from the Texan side. In June again an exchange of convoys was to be effected; and to this end General Olvera left Matamoros with about 1,800 men, including 300 Austrians, in charge of nearly 200 wagons. On the 16th of June, when near Camargo, he was surrounded by the troops of Escobedo, over 4,000 strong, and after a bloody battle, in which half of the Austrians perished, the convoy was captured, together with nearly 1,000 prisoners. Olvera regained Matamoros with 150 cavalry, and Tucé, who had advanced from Monterey with about 2,000 men to meet him, was obliged to return with his caravans, less a large number of deserters, who took advantage of the proximity to the Texan frontier.^[46]

Mejía was now left with only 500 men, many of them disaffected, to defend Matamoros; yet he prepared to do so, withdrawing to this effect the garrison at Bagdad. Foreseeing only a useless loss of life and property, American merchants and other influential persons hastened to prevail on Governor Carbajal and General Garza, then besieging the town, to grant a favorable capitulation, under which Mejía on June 23d retired by sea for Vera Cruz with all his men, arms, and baggage, sacrificing only the artillery. Juarez refused to confirm the arrangement, and the inhabitants were held in suspense for a time.^[47] Before the victory over Olvera, Escobedo had in March descended from his retreat between Linares and Galeana, with 2,000 men, as far as Catorce, attempting also a futile attack on Matehuala, and thence swooping upon Tula, from which the approach of a strong force drove him back. Jeanningros and Douay pursued and inflicted contributions on the towns supporting him;^[48] but he escaped, and the whole line,

Plan of Tampico.

from the Huasteca, through Victoria and Linares to Rio Grande, remained in republican hands. The val-

valiant Mendez, who had hitherto made the communication between San Luis Potosí and the gulf so difficult, fell during a successful raid on the magazines of Tantoyuquita, near Tampico.^[49] A Mexican garrison having replaced the French at Tula, Aureliano Rivera managed to capture it early in May; and in conjunction with Armenta and other leaders, several entries were made into the Rio Verde and Jalpan districts, which encouraged Huasteca to cast off the yoke once more.^[50] These movements tended to isolate Tampico; and after a close siege of two months, during which desertion and fever greatly reduced the garrison, the French surrendered the port to General Pavon, by honorable capitulation.^[51] This was followed a month later by the surrender of Tuxpan;^[52] so that Vera Cruz remained the only gulf port in imperial, or rather French, hands.^[53]

The resolution to leave Matamoros to its fate rendered the occupation of Monterey of little value; but the emperor regarded it as the key to the north-eastern provinces, and in order to please him, the French deferred their departure till another garrison could be found. Discontented with their lot, and aware of the growing odds against them, Belgians as well as Mexicans refused to stay;^[54] and on the 25th of July the city was evacuated, after destruction of the fort, Saltillo being abandoned on August 4th.^[55]

The republicans took immediate possession, amidst more or less sincere rejoicings. Although many imperialists had here as elsewhere found it prudent to depart, others ventured to stay, in the hope that the penalty might be reduced to a mere contribution. Escobedo was prevailed upon to restore to the Americans at least a part of the intercepted convoys, and now trade promised to revive again. Unfortunately Matamoros declared itself at this time under Canales for Ortega, the rival of Juarez, the port being again besieged till the close of November, when, with the somewhat suspicious intervention of United States troops, Escobedo regained it under capitulation.^[56]

This diversion among the republicans relieved the French somewhat in their retreat, although several skirmishes took place en route.^[57] Bazaine had himself come northward to direct the movement, impelled by anxiety over the recent disasters, and a desire to survey the field. Hearing of a large mustering against Matehuala, which since August formed his most northern post, he gave orders for a sweep of the vicinity within a distance of three days' march, so as to strike a blow and then retire to Querétaro. This was effected in the latter part of October, but without much effect, for the republicans retired, and on the 28th Douay evacuated the place.^[58] A force was, nevertheless, left at San Luis Potosí to sustain Mejía, who proposed here to make a stand for the empire; but the troops sent to him proved insufficient; lack of funds dampened what little ardor remained, and a few days after the departure of the last French column, on Christmas eve, he retired to San Felipe, in Guanajuato.^[59] Castagny reached this state about the same time with the French force from Durango and the north-west provinces, Zacatecas having been evacuated a month before, and subsequently Aguascalientes, the Mexican imperial troops following close upon his heels, unwilling and unable to face the triumphant Juarists.^[60]

Jalisco had been less subject to revolutionary movements than might have been expected from its position between the ever-disturbed Sinaloa and Michoacan, owing to the imposing forces stationed in the Tepic region under Lozada, and at Guadalajara and in Guanajuato under the French commanders. Nevertheless, inroads from the Sinaloa and Zacatecas lines had become more threatening, as well as those from the south;^[61] and with the approaching departure of the French troops, the liberated republican armies from the north prepared to overwhelm the province. Joined at Tepic by the garrisons withdrawn from Guaymas and Mazatlan, Castagny retired into Guanajuato, abandoning Guadalajara on the 12th of December to the imperial force under Gutierrez. The lack of funds hampered the latter greatly, leading to a serious falling-off among his men, and with the appearance of the advance guard of Corona's army his position became precarious. The disastrous failure of an advance movement by his Franco-Mexican companies,^[62] involving the loss of 450 soldiers,^[63] brought matters to a crisis; and on the following day, December 19th, the imperialists evacuated the city,^[64] hastening to take refuge in Guanajuato. Lozada had by this time proclaimed the neutrality of the department of Nayarit, wherein he had long ruled like a sovereign.^[65] Thus Jalisco, the key to the north-west, was lost to the empire.

The last days of the year saw the French leaving the mining state of Guanajuato, joining at Querétaro the columns from San Luis Potosí, and thence retiring during January toward Vera Cruz. In Guanajuato, however, the imperialists could safely make a stand by themselves; and sustained by the number here accumulating under Mejía and other leaders who had retreated from the provinces north and west, they were able to check the local movement inaugurated since spring by Antillon and his patriot companions;^[66] but the victorious armies from the north-west and north-east were approaching.

In Michoacan the irrepressible Régules, chief of the centre army, had sustained the campaign, despite a series of reverses at the hands of French and Mexican troops, which in April caused a dissolution of his forces.^[67] A month later he was again in the field, and extended his operations into the Toluca region, finding ever a refuge among the ranges of his province, and warm and generous adherents in the rich valleys, especially round Zitácuaro,^[68] as well as stout allies in the neighboring province of Guerrero, which had been little trodden by imperialists. Acapulco alone remained in their hands, defended by Montenegro, but fever and desertion were making sad havoc among them, and paving the way for the entry of the patient Juarists.^[69]

In this state Porfirio Diaz also had found refuge after his escape from the prison at Puebla, and means to form anew the dispersed army of the south. Supported by the French fleet, the imperialists had obtained a foothold along the Oajacan coast, Prefect Prieto holding Tehuantepec since the middle of 1865, and making it a base for operations in this vicinity till the autumn of the following year.^[70] Westward, among the Miztecs, the Austrians helped to hold several points, especially along the valley of the Atoyac, and round Tlajiaco. spring several advantages, notably at Jamiltepec and Putla,^[71] and he thereupon turned his attention more

Battle of Miahuatlan.

Explanation of plan:

Light rectangles with numbers designate the republicans, and black lines with letters the imperialists.
1. First position of General Diaz.	5, 6. Advance of republicans.
2. Second position of General Diaz.	A. First position of imperialists.
3. First position of republicans.	B. Second position of imperialists.
4. Second position of republicans.	C. Final position of imperialists
D. Dispersion of imperialists.
The column in the upper left corner represents the commemorative monument raised on the adjoining hill.

directly to cutting off communication between Oajaca and Puebla, a task already undertaken with some effect by General Figueroa,^[72] who in June had occupied Tehuacan for a time, and was now with Félix Diaz menacing the Puebla lines, assisted by the broken nature of the country. Porfirio Diaz took Teotitlan in August, but failed at Huajuapan, and had to retire into the sierras before the advancing Austro-Mexican troops. Early in October, however, he surprised Oronoz, commanding in Oajaca, who had descended the valley with the greater part of his forces. Nearly all were killed and captured,^[73] and

Battle of La Carbonera.

Explanation of plan:

The black dots and strokes on the right hand represent the republican forces.
1. Battalion Libres, under Colonel Diaz.	5. Reserve, under Colonel Oros.
2. Battalion Sierra Juarez, under Colonel Diaz.	6. General Diaz.
3. Battalion Soyaltepec, under General Figueroa.	7. Brigade, under Colonel Gonzalez.
4. Cavalry Soyaltepec, under General Ramos.	8. Battery.
The light squares and rectangles on the left, near Loma de la Carbonera, denote the imperialist columns.

Oronoz narrowly escaped with a remnant to Oajaca city, followed by the victor, who now laid siege. This

he suspended for a few days to march against an Austro-Mexican relief column of about 1,000 men.^[74] After routing it and taking nearly half of them prisoners,^[75] he again appeared before the city, which capitulated on the 1st of November. A few additional movements toward the coast completed the recovery of Oajaca,^[76] and he thereupon advanced into Puebla, giving fresh impulse to the rising along the lines from the lakes to the gulf, yet without the useless risk of measuring his main forces against the retreating French. Tabasco and the country south had been restored to order for some time already, and the troops there were assisting the still struggling republicans in Yucatan.^[77]

The republican movements in southern Vera Cruz had been steadily approaching the main French lines along the Orizaba road, harassed by guerrillas from the mountain fastnesses. A decided struggle took place in March for the possession of the Papaloapan River; but by August Tlacotalpan and Alvarado had to be surrendered by the Mexican garrisons then left by the French; and now the neighborhood of Vera Cruz harbor itself became subject to invasion.^[78] North of this the Austro-Mexicans had, in the early part of 1866, smothered the revolt led by Alatorre in the districts of Papantla and Misantla,^[79] but with republican successes in Tamaulipas and Huasteca, Alatorre and others rose again, retaking their former stamping-ground and advancing against Jalapa, which surrendered in November.^[80] Perote fell in January,^[81] leaving to the French only a narrow strip by which to reach Vera Cruz. This was also the case in Puebla, where Figueroa hovered along the southern line of march, and other leaders along the northern, as far down as Huamantla.^[82] In September Bazaine had the garrisons strengthened on either side from Tehuacan through Chalchicomula to Tlascala and Tulancingo, yet his opponents carried Pachuca in November:^[83]

In the province of Mexico the republican spirit had been sustained, especially along the west borders. The hills encircling the valley — hitherto nestling-places for petty bands, which had ever made the route to Puebla unsafe^[84] — now became the headquarters for the ever-growing guerrilla forces.^[85] Cuautitlan was raided in October; and two months later Chalco and Tlalpan, within sight of Mexico, were equally exposed, while the route from Querétaro, with its wagon trains bearing the effects of returning Frenchmen and fugitive Mexicans, attracted hordes of eager despoilers. Ortiz de la Peña had retired in disorder to Cuernavaca after a severe defeat at Ixtla, and Régules and Riva Palacio had followed up their victories in Michoacan by occupying the Lerma Valley. Toluca alone stood between them and the capital.^[86]

 

 

1. Making frequent scientific expeditions in the neighborhood, with Bilimek, Basch, and Fischer, and leading a simple invalid life, as Basch, Erinn., i. 117-21, describes.
2. On the May to Orizaba he had asked Bazaine to arrange with the ministers to this effect, and to forbid courts-martial in political matters, even urging the stay of persecution and 'hostilidades,' the latter term very properly applied by the marshal only to political offences, for a stay of 'hostilities' was not to be thought of. See Niox, Exped. du Mex., 132. Basch, 65-8, gives extracts from Maximilian's diary to show that he placed the responsibility for the decree on Bazaine and the ministers. Kératry brings up the fact that when Maximilian in August sought to proclaim martial law Bazaine dissuaded him from the measure as needless. Max., 149-54. Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 183-7, reproduces the modified decree of Nov. 4th.
3. The shipment of his effects had begun before the news came of Charlotte's condition, it seems. Herzfeld was now sent to Europe to prepare for his arrival there. Basch, Erinn., i. 74. The account of his civil list sent in showed a balance in his favor of $180,000.
4. L'Estafette, Oct, 31, 1806, etc. See also Niox, 631-3. Doubts were dissipated to some extent by a telegram announcing that his health had improved, whereby the object of his journey was achieved! This was intended merely to allay any excitement which might arise.
5. Lares and Arroyo had been permitted to confer with the French representatives, and informed of the project for a new government, they demanded a reply in writing as to the war material to be left to the Mexican minister of war, and the measures for securing protection to towns and the country generally. By letter of Nov. 9th it was answered that Castelnau came to promote the departure of the French troops, during the opening months of 1867, and to ascertain whether Maximilian could sustain the government with the resources left to him. The Mexican troops and the war material were ever at his command. The government would be informed of the evacuation of towns by the French in time to take measures. So long as the French troops remained at a place they would protect the people. As for steps to prevent anarchy in case Maximilian abdicated, they would be dictated by French interests and the need for maintaining order. Meanwhile Castelnau had become alarmed at the resolute declaration of Lares that the government could maintain itself, supported by a note from Maximilian, wherein he alluded to negotiations the failure of which would determine him to abdicate. Arrangoiz interprets the negotiations to be with republican leaders. Mej., iv. 174. An intercepted letter from Eloin confirmed the advice of certain confidants that an abdication before the departure of the French would be an act of weakness and a triumph for Napoleonic intrigues. The French envoy accordingly sent Capt. Pierron to Orizaba to promote the abdication. He returned on the 9th of Nov. with the assurance that Maximilian would depart. Before renouncing the crown, however, he wanted certain assurances. These Castelnau was ready to make; and in a despatch to Paris he gave the impression that his object had been attained in this respect. The request by Maximilian came in a letter dated Nov. 12th, and in a declaration of the 16th, signed by Bazaine, Dano, and Castelnau, he was assured that the French government would send home the Austro-Belgian troops before the last French brigade departed, paying gratuities to crippled and invalid soldiers, and indemnity to all. An effort would be made to secure an advance on their pensions for Princess Josefa and Prince Salvador de Iturbide. The debts of the civil list and the gran chancellería were to be settled, and if necessary the aid of the new government invoked to this effect. Maximilian had requested a promise of fixed sums for these payments, to be made before the French evacuation, and the answer was therefore not wholly satisfactory; but in transmitting his thanks for the efforts, he added that there yet remained to arrange measures for a stable government to protect the interests pending, and to this end he had summoned the council of state, Bazaine being invited to attend. This overthrew all the calculations of the French leaders, for the journey of so large a number of prominent conservatives would hardly imply or result in a simple abdication. On the 20th, indeed, came a telegram from the emperor intimating that none of the steps so far taken authorized the belief that he would abdicate in favor of any party. The council had been called to determine into what hands the supreme power should be placed from the date of abdication till the result of a national vote could be ascertained. He must restore the power to the nation which conferred it. The marshal had declined to attend the council, and now 'se arrepintió,' says Arrangoiz. Méj., iv. 194. Kératry, Max., 244, dilates on the trap into which Maximilian had drawn the French representatives by their disclosing that a new government was near at hand; but the trap is probably an assumption. Basch, 93-4, almits, however, that the discovery of negotiations for a new ruler without deference to his own wishes did affect the emperor deeply. 'Mehr denn je fühlte er jetzt die tiefe Verletzung.'
6. Fischer feared at first to press the point, and aimed only to keep Maximilian irresolute; 'and I aided him,' says Basch, 76-7, but with the object of preventing abdication till the proper time — when the French left. He could then have retired with honor, observes Kératry, 235. Basch, 66–7, declares that the abdication would have been performed on the way to Orizaba but for the remonstrances of Fischer and himself. Diaz' triumphs in Oajaca had a very depressing effect. Domenech scouts at the influence of Fischer, Hist. Mex., iii. 404, but others held it at a higher value. D'Héricault understands that $150,000 were offered to induce Fischer to urge the departure of Maximilian, and names Martin Daran as the banker holding the check; yet it may have been an invention by Marquez and others. Max. et Mex., 38-9. Basch always suspected the sincerity of the oily priest, and states that the emperor came too late to a similar conclusion. 'Pater Fischer hat mich mit dem Concordate betrogen und belogen,' he exclaimed in his prison at Querétaro. Erinnerungen, i. 99.
7. Mille promesses, de la part du clergé.' Détroyat, 294. Fixed at $4,000,000 without delay. Kératry, 234. The sources were 'a secret with the party.' Rivera indicates Campos' hacendarias laws as the means. Hist. Jal., v. 696.
8. Intent on the arrangement for settling British claims, Minister Scarlett is said by Basch to have supported Fischer's pleading, but Arrangoiz doubts it. Méj., iv. 1si. Maximilian ratified the convention with England Nor. 9th. Mex., Men. Hac., 1870, 682. For text, see Derecho Intern. Mex., ptii. 373-85, 391-408. 'Le ministre de Prusse, M. le baron Magnus, parlait dans le même sens, declares Détroyat. L'Interven., 295.
9. All admit the value of the offer, and Détroyat assumes that this decided Maximilian; not so Basch, 92, who states that at first their arguments had no effect. Marquez had been summoned back, but Miramon came of his own accord, allured by the prospects of becoming the leader in view of the emperor's departure. Finding him still here, he sacrificed his own hopes, despite the treatment he had received. Arrangoiz, 183, stoutly defends him against the charge that he really came to work against the empire. The truth probably is, that he saw no good chance for himself, owing to opposition from the French and others, and thereupon yielded to the noble impulses he undoubtedly possessed. The two generals arrived Nov. 9th.
10. This letter, dated at Brussels, Sept. 17th, was heedlessly addressed to the care of the Mexican consul at New York, and fell into the hands of Romero, Juarez' agent, who distributed copies of it. Arrangoiz, 189-90, assumes that the secret mission was to sound the prospects in Austria. Kératry, Max., 221, attributes to this letter a decisive effect, and so does Domenech, 406, in the main, while Détroyat believes that the emperor had already resolved to stay before the letter came. There is no denying, however, the coincidence between the advice of this letter and the course adopted.
11. Détroyat, 296, claims possession of several documents attesting the hostile
12. Lacunza is said by Basch to have given this successful prompting.
13. As reasons he enumerated the deplorable civil war, the hostile attitude of the U. S., and the widely uttered belief that a republican government, for which France and the U.S. were negotiating, alone could benefit the country. He would not stand in the way of such prospects. The entry in his diary, 'deseo de salir, llamado de los consejos,' implies that the advice of the council would determine his duty. By this time all official communications by him were in Spanish.
14. Rivera names 19 who attended, including four ministers. Niox reduces them to 18, and Arrangoiz makes the number 23, on the strength of Basch's vague intimation. Bazaine had also been invited, but pleaded the need of his presence at Mexico. Lares, in the opening speech, stated that nothing official was known of Franco-American negotiations for a new government; Maximilian should return to Mexico, and there sustain his government after the departure of the French. The committee on the subject, composed of Vidaurri, Fonseca, and Arango, reported that the reasons for abdicating were insufficient, and that Maximilian should be requested to relinquish that idea for the present, Arango explaining that abdication at this time might prove disastrous; it was necessary to inspire confidence by retaining the empire till elements had been collected for combating disorder. The finance representative said that a revenue of fifteen millions could be counted upon, and the greater part of this could be used to raise the army to 30,000 men, not counting the militia. Siliceo had his doubts about obtaining this amount; it was, in any case, insufficient; a levy of troops would not answer; he saw no elements with which to sustain the empire, and Maximilian had no longer influence enough to rally sufficient support. Fearing the turn given to the discussion, Lares interposed by declaring that the question was what to do, not how to do it; the point was not means, but the advisability of present abdication; the nation would not then take back the power bestowed. Mendez and Orozco foresaw a republican triumph, but the abdication should be made with honor, by entering into arrangements to secure the interests at stake. The objection was raised that an arrangement could hardly be effected. By a vote of 10 to 9, it was thereupon resolved that Maximilian should be requested to defer his abdication. Siliceo and Cortés Esparza, former ministers, urged unconditional abdication; another larger party believed that the empire should be sustained under any circumstance; but the majority took the middle course, revealing 'unverschämt ihren nackten Egoismus!' as Basch exclaims with righteous indignation. Erinnerungen, i. 109. Rivera, Hist. Jal., v. 689, 693, appears contradictory in his account of the affair. Détroyat, L'Interven., 298, declares that Vidaurri urged immediate abdication; but his vote went with Lares nevertheless.
15. Also laws for colonization.
16. A minority of nine protested against this postponement of vital points. Basch stamps the conduct of the majority as dishonorable and deceptive.
17. Text in Diario Ofic., Dec. 6, 1866. If the empire were confirmed, he would devote himself to promote its welfare.
18. The convocation was draughted, also the communication to Juarez, with terms for armistice, and a manifest to the nation in case Juarez proved obdurate. Querétaro was named as the best place for reunion. In voting for empire or republic, the ruler was to be designated and the constitutional congress summoned, a general amnesty attending the new order of affairs. It was proposed that congress should introduce the following reforms: establishment of a chamber of senators; judges of the supreme court, except their president, to hold office for life; president and deputies to be elected by direct vote; clergy to reassume active and passive vote; corporations to be at liberty to acquire property; amnesty to be issued, persons excluded from this to be tried before common courts under the laws of Dec. 31, 1861; the recognition of the debts contracted and the grants made by the empire should be considered. See, further, Restauracion Lib.; Estrella Occid., May 10, 1967; Rivera, Hist. Jal., v. 700-1. Efforts so far made to win republican leaders for a congress had failed. See Maximilian's letter in Hall's Life Max., 171-4. It was probably not duly considered how many victories might be required to prevail with the irrepressible and unflinching Juarez, nor that the republicans would have the advantage over the foreign prince by intimidation and other manœvres. A fusion of parties seemed improbable. The volatile character of the people, and the unreliability of prefects and soldiers were additional factors. In considering Maximilian's motives, Basch gives prominence to family pride; Niox, rather to the humiliation imposed by France; Détroyat combines the two: 'Il ne voulait pas se retirer vaincu, chassé;' and so does Kératry, while loosely assuming that he places great confidence in conservative prospects. Arrangoiz seeks to defend this party from the charge of deception, by implying deceit on Maximilian's side.
19. Bazaine personally approved the determination of Maximilian, and believed that he might with prudence hold his own, in the interior at least, till a more favorable moment. He felt an interest in the empire he had assisted to erect. Niox, Expéd., 653-6. Drouyn de Lhuys doubted his energy for a campaign that alone might prevent 'une tache pour sa vie politique.' L'Interven. Franc., 302. A circular of Dec. 10th advised the foreign ministers of the resolution formed, and not without giving emphasis to the role played by France. Another circular exhorted the comisarios to coöperate by letting friends and foes understand the patriotic intentions of the emperor.
20. Castelnau and Dano had meanwhile maile another vain effort to dissuade Maximilian. The interview took place at Puebla on Dec. 14th. 'Mi permanencia salva el pais de este peligro' (of plundering Mexico by an arrangement with Ortega), runs the entry in his diary. See Basch, Erinn., i. 152. D'Héricault, Max., 39-40, considers that the French efforts failed partly from lack of delicacy.
21. At Mexico the people had hissed the portrait of Napoleon during a dramatic presentation, and Bazaine closed the theatre. Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 180-1. Maximilian had always entertained an antipathy for the French, observes Kératry, Max., 211-12. Early in Nov. Bigelow had been informed
22. Attended by salvos, ringing of bells, illuminations, etc., greatly to Maximilian's annoyance, as Basch declares.
23. Touching at Tampico, but failing to communicate with Juarez from the gulf coast. They arrived Nov. 29th, in the Susquehanna, and retired during the night of Dec. 21, after receiving friendly invitations from the French.
24. On the 12th; yet with half an intention to let Orizaba remain the seat of government, or even to cross to Yucatan. Rivera, Hist. Jal., 1, 697. He was still preparing plans for improvements at Miramare. Busch, 153.
25. The offer, with thanks for their past services, was made Dec. 10th. An advance of one grade was tendered, with promise of land grants after six years' service, or free passage home. See Diario Imp., Dec. 24, 1866. The cause for the small reënlistment is attributed to the French officers, and especially to the Austrian and Belgian ministers. See charges by officers against Baron de Lago, in Salm-Salm, Diary, ii. 269–79; also Basch, 143-4; Détroyat, 296, 376, etc. French efforts promoting militia troops had been made already in Nov. The decree for the three army districts appeared in Diario, Ofic., Dec. 13, 1866, Miramon, Marquez, and Mejía being entitled chiefs of the 1st, 2d, and 3d army corps respectively. Marquez received the grand cross of the eagle.
26. Bazaine reported early in Oct. that the national army numbered 22 battalions of infantry, including cazadores, 10 regiments of cavalry, and 4 companies of gendarmes, with plenty of artillery and other arms; 46,000 muskets and other arms had been distributed among the army and people within three years. See Kératry, 198. All this had declined; it was declared that even these numbers were correct only so far as concerned the battalions, which at the time counted only 200 or 300 men each. Pap. y Corr. Famil. Imp., 206. D'Héricault enumerates some 2,500 foreign troops in Dec. Max., 74-5. See Elton's discouraging review, With the French, 172-7; Pap., Var., cxii. pt viii. Yet Miramon had already written rather hopefully of the proposed levy of 60,000 men, in 6 divisions, with Woll, Uraga, and Parrodi as additional commanders. Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 347.
27. Only by a small majority, however. See U. S. H. Jour., 353, etc., and H. Res., 80, 30th cong. 1st sess.
28. Instance alone the advances reported by García, Libro Mayor, MS., from California, $15,500 from Wilman & Brothers, and $24,000 from General Vallejo and three other native Californians. In Vega, Doc., i.-ii., we find lists of loans and contributions from the same state, and in Legac. Jex., i.-ii., correspondence on loans generally, especially on pp. 03-103, 461-95.
29. See Romero, Contratos en E. U. por Mex., 1-590, for a history of contracts for war material and other supplies, including money, obtained in the U. S.; also Vega, Depósito, MS., Doc., etc. Eldridge of San Francisco figured among the creditors for $64,000. See also notes on similar points for previous years.
30. Col Green brought from San Francisco 27 American officers who had served in the union war.Gen. Vega followed with a larger number, and Major McNulty, from Texas, with more than a dozen, not to mention other parties of officers and private soldiers. Over threescore, serving under Aranda in Dec. 1866, were organized into a company, as the American legion of honor. García, Libro Mayor, MS.; Vega, Doc., iii.; Overland Monthly, vii. 445-8; S. F. Bulletin, Sept. 14, 1966; S. F. Times, Jan. 11, 1967; Legac. Mex., Circ., ii., passim; Caballero, Hist. Alm., 47-8; Edwards' Shelby's Exped., 22-5, 41-3, on confederate enlistments.
31. Notably in the districts of Cusihuiriachic, Concepcion, Abasolo, and Guerrero.
32. Maximilian almost commanded Bazaine in May to retake Chihuahua, and Castagny was actually ordered to prepare at Durango a new expedition, with the intention to push as far as Paso del Norte; but the new instructions from France caused the movement to be suspended. Niox., Expéd. du Mex., 580.
33. In Aug., leaving Cottret to hold in check a while the republicans who swarmed around and threatened to cut off his communications. He made several sorties against them and the invading Apaches, and a more regular movement in Sept. against the large force which had occupied the road to Fresnillo. Returning in Oct., he at once made preparations to evacuate, and effected this Nov. 13th. The Mexican garrison followed him three days later, regarding it as hopeless to maintain the position.
34. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, iii. 146; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 750. For details concerning the campaign in these provinces, I refer to Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this series, based on government reports, local histories, journals, etc.
35. The garrisons numbering respectively about 809 and 1,300 men.
36. In Jan., after an open fight in which the commandant T. Almada lost about half of his 400 men.
37. Massacring the French residents, according to imperialist accounts. Vega names Gov. Pesqueira as leading 1,300 men against the garrison of 350 men under Almada. Ausiliares, MS.
38. Langberg came up with 800 men, and would have been defeated, says Iglesias, but for the confusion created by Martinez' cavalry charge among his own party. The republicans, nevertheless, held possession of the town till the morning of the 5th, when news of French reënforcements caused them to leave it. Revistas, iii. 687-8. In June the republicans assailed both this place and Ures, but without success. In Aug. they held it for a few days.
39. Térnon, Arévalo, and Teran fleil with the remnant of Langberg's forces, and Ures was captured Sept. 5th, after a brief resistance. The French could render no assistance, for they were about to embark, the last of them leaving Guaymas for Mazatlan Sept. 15th. Lt-col Fistié, who had commanded the garrison, killed himself, partly out of despondency over certain faulty manœuvres, Niox., Expéd, du Méx., 663
40. With their families, sin distircion de sexo ni edad.' Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 200. On the peninsula of Lower California the French hall not found opportunity to set foot, and it had remained in the comparatively passive occupation of the republicans.
41. Presidio was taken March 19th, but reënforced to fully 3,000 men, Corona compelled the Franco Mexican column to retire again, with great loss, says Iglesias, iii. 679, but with great credit according to Pap. y Corr. Famil. Imp., 184-5. The French are accused of cruelties. Lozada defeated Perfecto Guzman, Corona's lieutenant, and reached Concordia April 1st, with 2,000 men. Here he was attacked by Gov. Rubi and Gen. Gutierrez, but managed to sustain himself. Gutierrez fell in the assault.
42. By this time the force from Guaymas had swelled the garrison to fully 2,000 men, of whom 730 were on the sick-list. The intention to march by land had to be abandoned, owing to the strength of the enemy and the difficulty of the route for invalids and baggage. Of the sick 600 were sent to Panamá. Col Roig, the commandant, was joined at Tepic by Castagny who protected the retreat. For details concerning the above campaign, I refer to my Hist. North. Mex. States, ii., for which Vigil and Hijar, the historians of the western army, have been consulted among other supplementary or more original authorities. The effort to form a Mexican garrison at Mazatlan proved futile.
43. Parras was left in charge of Prefect Campos, Saltillo was held by Briant, and Cadereita by Col Tinajero, while Jeanningros occupied Monterey, from which a series of posts connected with Matehuala, by way of Saltillo, Encarnacion, Salado, and Cedral.
44. The liberals estimate Briant's force as high as 900. Legac. Mex., Circul., 1862 7, 198; while Elton, With the French, reduces it to barely 300. He had been warned by Campos, but believed the reports of the enemy's strength to be exaggerated, and paid for his rashness with his life. One officer and over threescore men were captured, the wounded being murdered, says Elton, who also unjustly accuses the Mexicans of cowardice. Niox, Expéd., 570-1, is more correct. Lt Bastidon remained at Parras with 80 men, and was besieged on March 1st to 31. Arias, Reseña, 50-2, 512-13, adds a plan of the field to his account.
45. The hitherto loyal militia pronounced June 23d, and Campos had to flee.
46. About 80 of the foreign legion left him. He had advanced by three routes, and finding communications cut, he left his encumbrance at Cerralvo under charge of the Belgians, and hurried to Mier, there to learn of the disaster. He managed to reënter Monterey June 28th. There were said to be 1,200 or 1,500 Americans in Escobedo's army. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 577. Escobedo reported Olvera's force at 2,000 men, and his own at 1,150 infantry and two columns of cavalry, the latter under Treviño. The fight was decided in one hour, with a loss killed of 135 republicans and 396 imperialists, including 145 Austrians, besides 250 wounded and 1,000 prisoners, of whom 137 were Austrians. La Estrella de Occid., Sept. 28, Oct. 12, 1966. Another report mentions only 100 wagons as captured. Id., Aug. 20th. Le Saint gives Olvera's force at 1,600, and his loss in prisoners at 800. Guerre Jex., 165; Pap. y Corr. Famil. Imp., 191. Elton as usual casts a slur on the Mexicans, by saying that they deserted, leaving the Austrians to be slaughtered. With the French, 99. The merchants of Matamoros had paid heavily to have the convoy sent. The fullest account of the affair is to be found in Arias, Reseña, 60-70, 160-1, etc., with plan of the field. See also Voz Méj., Oct. 4-6, 1866; Pájaro Verde, Oct. 3, etc., Mexicano, etc., and Salm-Salm, My Diary, 78, who states that Escobedo kept a sum for himself out of the millions captured, 8,000,000 francs according to Le Saint.
47. Carbajal and Garza were besides held to answer for their conduct. See despatch in Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, iii. 75–6. They merited reprimand; for Escobello was then hurrying to the spot, and to him as commander-in-chief should have been referred the capitulation. Not that he would have Pan saying obtained much better terms, for American interests were largely concerned, and the American flag was actually hoisted to protect the embarkation of Mejía. Voz Méj., July 7, Oct. 9, 1866; Estrella Occid., Aug. 20, Oct. 12, 26, 1866; Elton, 90; Le Saint, Guerre Mex., 16G; Arias, Reseña, 161, etc.; Rivera, Hist. Jal., v. 675. Over forty cannon were left. Maximilian issued a puerile decree closing the port to trade; but the Washington government declared it void, although Maximilian could not have enforced his 'disposiciones. . . ilusorias,' as Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 100, very properly terms them.
48. They advanced by different routes from Monterey and Saltillo, while Dupin, who had resumed command of the contre-guerrilles, guarded the Soledad side. Warned by the friendly inhabitants, Escobedo was able to avoid conflict with the better trained French troops. Elton, With the French, 117 et seq., gives interesting details; also Legac. Mex., Circul., 176-7
49. They were burned, with a loss of $200,000. Gen. Garza took his place, although he had lately submitted to the empire. This occurred during the two opening months of the year.
50. Huejutla was taken by the insurgents in the latter part of May, and although retaken by the Austrians in June, revolts in the rear compelled the latter to retire soon after.
51. The garrison consisted of nearly 200 contre-guerrillas and 500 Mexicans, under Captain Langlois. The town and one fort were captured Aug. 1st. by Pavon, who commanded over 2,000 men. The Mexicans now dwindled by desertion to barely 100. Food and ammunition fell short, but the arrival of French vessels, while not sufficient to change materially the position of affairs, enabled Langlois to obtain a capitulation, with guarantee of arms and baggage. He reached Vera Cruz Aug. 10th. Le Saint, Guerre Mex., 176. The prefect de la Torre was assassinated, a deed ascribed by Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 113, to republican excesses.
52. Whose garrison was taken by sea to Vera Cruz, Sept. 20th.
53. Maximilian demanded reoccupation, but in view of the speedy departure of the French, and the land blockade, it was not thought advisable. Niox, Expéd., 611-14.
54. Efforts to cut communication with the south grew more threatening every day. The Belgians also objected to a mixed occupation which gave any superiority to the Mexicans. Mutiny broke out on these questions, and finally they were sent to Querétaro.
55. Elton followed Douay from Saltillo to protect the evacuation of Monterey, and thence back through Saltillo southward, and describes in somewhat bantering tone the incidents en route. See With the French, 103-13, etc.; Pájaro Verde and Mexicano; Voz Méj., Oct. 20, 1866; Diario Imp., Aug. 15th, etc., and above all Arias, Reseña, passim, for all this north-east campaign.
56. Carbajal had as governor taken possession when Mejía left the place; but Juarez disapproved his conduct and appointed a new governor in the person of Gen. Tapia. Canales took advantage of this news to revolt, to pronounce against Carbajal, and have himself proclaimed governor. Juarez ignoring this movement, Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, iii. 97-100, he declared for Ortega. The entry of U. S. troops during the subsequent siege was satisfactorily explained to Escobedo. It was caused partly by the appeal of U. S. traders for protection, partly to favor Juarez, as Gen. Sedgwick declared. Canales and his troops were incorporated in the army, but proved rebellious again. Arias, Reseña Hist., 79-99, etc.; Voz Méj., Sept. 27, 1866, and dates and journals.
57. In one, at La Noria de Custodio, the French claimed to have killed 125 adversaries.
58. After destroying the fortifications. During the preceding month several sorties had been made against Martinez, Flores, and others. See Elton's With the French, 120-63, passim, for details; Estrella de Occid., Oct. 3, 1866, et seq.; Arias, Reseña, 120, 514, etc.
59. In a manifesto of Dec. 31st, Juan Bustamante as governor proclaimed the state free from imperialists. Estrella de Occid., Feb. 8, 1867.
60. Cadena had risen in Jan. and occupied the valleys of Jerez and Juchipila, despite the effort to oust him, and the guerrillas of La Laguna had helped to hold the north-eastern part of Zacatecas since spring. Niox, Expéd., 568. See also Diario Imp., March 2, 1866, et seq.; Voz Méj., id.; Pájaro Verde, id.; Mexicano, id.; Vigil and Híjar, Ensayo, 220, etc. Martinez came down from Sonora by sea to assist in driving the imperialists out of Jalisco. Vega, Doc., iii. 423-4, etc.; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 358-74.
61. Near Colima, where Capt. Berthelin, commanding the imperial gendarmes was surprised and killed in Nov.
62. Now about to be dissolved, owing to orders from France to withdraw even the foreign legion.
63. And the death of Sayn, the leader. Col Parra of Corona's army, assisted by Guadarrama and Mendoza, achieved this victory Dec. 18th, at the hill of Coronella, and claimed to have killed 150 imperialists, including 135 French, and to have captured 312 men, of whom 101 French, while his own losses reached only 39 killed. Estrella del Norte, Jan. 25, 1866; Vigil and Híjar, Ensayo, 424, etc.; Diario Imp., Mar. 27, 1866, etc.; Voz de Méj., id.; Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 224. Corona now swept down toward Colima, and Marquez de Leon advanced by way of La Barca to clear the state of imperialists. Marquez, Mem. Post, MS., 287.
64. Parra behaved considerately on taking possession the day after.
65. To sustain this neutrality till the nation had established a government, 1,000 men were to be kept under arms; yet armies might pass through the department after making due arrangements. The administration was to be vested in persons chosen by a representative council. Full text in Estrella de Occid., Jan. 18, 1867, issued at San Luis de Lozada, Dec. 1, 1866.
66. More than one defeat at the hands of the preceding French garrisons had tended to limit their extension, as Iglesias, Revistas, iii. 676, confesses. See Soc. Mex. Geog., ép. 2ᵃ, iv. 748; Niox, Expéd., 615, 622.
67. Gen. Mendez overtook him near Tangancécuaro Jan. 28th, and utterly routed his forces, estimated at from 2,500 to 3,000, against 700 of his own, taking 600 prisoners and most of the arms and baggage. On Feb. 20th he met Riva Palacio and Canto near Uruapan, and received in his turn a decided check. Iglesias speaks of 2,500 imperialists against 1,700 republicans. The former attacked and were routed with a loss 'de mas de las dos terceras partes de su fuerza.' Revistas, iii. 675. Imperialist accounts reverse the forces to 1,500 against 3,000, with a loss to themselves of 150 killed, while the republicans lost 200 killed and 300 prisoners. The latter retired in good order, after leaving a garrison at Uruapan. Régules was surprised a month later near Zamora by Aymard, who dissipated his forces, capturing 900 horses, and thereupon took Uruapan. Mendez followed up the advantage, aided by French columns, and reaching Huetamo at the end of April, he obliged Régules to disband the remnant left him. Yet the latter wrote hopefully as ever of his prospects. Vega, Doc., iii. 194-5.
68. Which remained loyal amidst all the horrors of wars. It was burned over and over again. The inhabitants mostly abandoned it on the approach of the imperialists. The more fortunate Riva Palacio had been chosen by his comrades chief of the centre army, but the appointment of Régules came before this was known. Iglesias, iii. 675-6. For details concerning the preceding and later movements, see Diario Imp., Feb. 3, 1866, et seq.; Voz de Méj., Pájaro Verde, Mexicano, and others.
69. Iglesias assumed, in Oct., a loss by fever of nearly 600 out of 800; others place the deaths at a little over ⅓ out of 750 men, ¼ deserting. On Aug. 27th the supreme government declared the province in a state of siege, confirming Diego Alvarado as governor. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, iii. 82-3.
70. When he died from fever, after a severe defeat near Juchitan in Sept., from which only 50 escaped to Tehuantepec, says Iglesias. See also Le Saint, Guerre, 155-6.
71. Miahuatlan, Ejutla, and other places had risen for the republican cause early in the year.
72. After seizing Villa Alta in Dec. 1865, this indefatigable aid of Diaz had severely pressed Prieto at Tehuantepec, and later, in April, successfully resisted Austrian attacks in the Ixcatlan region.
73. Most of the French soldiers fell, including Testard, their leader. The total force numbered 1,200 men, according to French accounts, while Diaz had 2,000. This occurred near Miahuatlan Oct. 3d. Diaz, Biog., MS., 247-58; Diario Ofic., Oct. 2, 1882.
74. Niox has 800; Rivera, Hist. Jal., v. 685, gives 600 Austrians and 400 Mexicans, and in Pap. y Corr. Fam. Imp., 209, 800, and 400, respectively. Diaz, Datos Biog., 86-92; Diaz, Miscel., pt 43, p. 3; Perez, Dicc., iii. 217-18.
75. Gen. Diaz was regarded as the most humane of the Juarist leaders, treating foreigners with consideration, and showing most severity toward those whom he regarded as native traitors. See his own letter on forbearance, in Vega, Doc., iii. 421. See also Elton's testimony, With the French, 186-91, and Niox, 678. Diaz admits shooting the Mexican officers. He claims in this last battle, on Oct. 18th, to have obtained 700 rifles. Biog., MS., 263. This work gives the fullest details of this campaign.
76. And active steps were thereupon taken to restore order in the administration, Lic. Juan M. Maldonado being appointed governor and Félix Diaz comandante militar. II., 277.
77. Jonuta, the only place held by imperialists in Tabasco, in the early part of 1866, fell in the middle of April; retaken, it finally yielded in Aug. Period. Ofic. (Chih.), July 27, 1866; Vega, Doc., iii. 248. Full details of operations are given in Mendez, Reseña, 62 et seq.; Par. Var., civ. pt v. Yucatan movements. Voz e Mej., Feb. 13, Nov. 6, 1866; Diario Imp., Aug. 27, 1866; Pap. Var., civ. pt v. 66 et seq.
78. The leading spirit in these operations had been Gen. Benavides and Alejandro García, the latter now made a general for his achievements, and soon after governor of the province, Benavides being set aside. Diaz, Biog., MS., 266-7, 270. Alvarado was captured by Lozano at the end of July, and Tlacotalpan a month later. Iglesias, Revistas, iii. 670.
79. Mainly by the capitulation of Jan. 15th, with Major Schonowsky. Iglesias gives Alatorre 477 men against 1,500 of the imperialists. Liberal terms were granted, like those to the Huastecans. Le Saint, Guerre Mex., 156.
80. Calderon was allowed to withdraw the small Austro-Mexican garrison to Puebla, Nov. 11th. Rivera, Hist. Jal., v. 686; Pap. y Corr. Fam. Imp., 83– 100, 199-200; Cinco Mayo, Sept. 27, 1866.
81. Aymard on Jan. 8th taking away the Austrian garrison, which had been closely pressed since its relief in Nov.
82. Notably Col Rodriguez, who established himself at Los Llanos in Sept.
83. Rodriguez' attack on Tlascala was repulsed Nov. 20, with assistance from San Martin, but Apam yielded. Tehuacan had to be reënforced against Figueroa, and Aymard, then commanding in Puebla, took up a position at Palmar with a strong force so as to render aid to either side. Col Dupin, whose contre-guerrillas guarded the coast, assumed the command in Vera Cruz. In Dec. Douay reached Puebla with his troops and assumed the command there. For his retreat thus far, see Elton's With the French, 169-72, 184; Niox, Expéd., 674-80, Diario Imp., Oct. 13, 1866, etc., and other journals.
84. Among other victims were the Belgian envoy, Gen. Foury and his aid, Capt. D'Huart, bringing news of the coronation of Leopold II. They were attacked at Rio Frio on March 4, 1966. Their death created no little sensation. Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 84. The Mexican escort was accused of cowardice. Pap. y Corr. Fam. Imp., 179-81. Toluca was nearly captured by Régules in Aug.
85. The Belgians were severely repulsed when at the close of Sept. they sought to retake Ixmiquilpan from Martinez Iglesias gives their leader, Col Van der Smissen, 350 men. Revistas, iii. 673. He had to retire to Tula.
86. Twice, early in Dec. and in Jan., had French troops gone to the relief of Toluca.