History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 15

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XV.

REPUBLICAN RECONSTRUCTION.

1867-1868.

Movements of Marquez and Diaz — The Last Imperial Cabinet — Progress of Republican Arms — Marquez in Mexico — Diaz Besieges the City — Results of Intervention — Juarez' Entry into the Capital — New Republican Cabinet — Treatment of Rebels and Traitors — Proposed Reforms — Parties and Principles — Election Laws — Popular Discontent — Diplomatic Relations

We will now follow briefly the fortunes of Marquez and Diaz, and the progress of affairs subsequent to the downfall of the empire. In pursuance of preconcerted arrangements, under the emperor's orders, Marquez made on the 2 2d of March, 1867, a successful sally with 1,200 cavalry. His departure became known soon after, however, at Escobedo's headquarters, and the fact was at once communicated to Porfirio Diaz, who commanded the republican forces operating in the valley of Mexico; a division of cavalry, 4,000 strong, was also despatched to act in concert with the troops of Lalanne, Cuéllar, and others, and prevent the passage of hostile reënforcements that might leave the capital.

Marquez effected a difficult though rapid march through the sierra without meeting with any serious opposition from the enemy,^[1] and reached Mexico in the morning of the 27th.^[2] He lost no time in carrying out his instructions to reconstitute the cabinet, which he did with the following ministers, namely: Santiago Vidaurri, minister of the treasury and president of the council; Tomás Murphy, of foreign affairs; José María Iribarren, formerly the imperial commissioner in Sinaloa, of government and fomento; Manuel García de Aguirre, of justice and ecclesiastical affairs, and during his absence in Querétaro the portfolio was to be in charge of the under-secretary Pedro Sanchez Castro; General Nicolás de la Portilla, of war; and Cárlos Sanchez Navarro, of the imperial household. Lares and Marin were relieved.^[3] Tubera and O'Horan retained their respective offices, the one as general-in-chief of the garrison, and the other as political prefect.

The selection of Marquez, Vidaurri, and Iribarren implied an energetic policy. That of Marquez would hardly call for any comment; it was intended to forward the aims of Maximilian and his supporters, which I have explained elsewhere; that of Vidaurri presaged that there would be no half-way measures in financial affairs, and as for Iribarren, he had shown himself in difficult positions to be a man of indomitable energy, and seemed to be a proper person to coöperate with the others.

Marquez found the condition of affairs not so favorable as he expected on leaving Querétaro. Events soon proved that it was a change of measures as well as men that had recently taken place. Vidaurri summoned to his presence the chief merchants and property owners, and demanded from them a prompt contribution of funds to enable the government to resume military operations. And in order to avoid superfluous discussion, a list was produced, setting forth the amount each was expected to contribute.^[4] By surprise, not entirely unaccompanied with a secret terror, Vidaurri obtained $300,000, which sum was placed at Marquez' disposal for military purposes.^[5]

The city of Puebla had been closely invested by the republicans under Diaz since the 9th of March. The garrison consisted of about 2,500 men, mostly rural militia got together by the commandant, General Manuel Noriega, including the 16th battalion of the line. No reënforcements having reached him, notwithstanding his urgent demands, Noriega's situation had become critical, but he was determined to defend the place at all hazards. The besiegers, on the other hand, made repeated assaults, gaining considerable advantages.^[6] Noriega again, on the 22d, wrote the minister of war that he was left almost without efficient officers or money, and that his ammunition would last only six days; furthermore, the town "was not the Puebla of 1856, its inhabitants having now become either hostile or indifferent." This letter was laid before the lugarteniente on the day of his arrival in Mexico,^[7] who, after a consultation with Vidaurri and the other ministers, concluded that Puebla should be relieved; for if the republicans were permitted to take the place, Diaz would march on the capital, allowing no time to prepare the resources so much needed at Querétaro Marquez hoped by a timely defeat of this commander to bring on a most favorable change for the empire; he could then return to the capital with Noriega's troops and the war material in Puebla, raise more forces, which might be also augmented by the prisoners taken, and then, with a large train of artillery, money, and plenty of ammunition, march to the aid of Querétaro, and force the republicans to abandon the siege. The republicans looked upon this plan as the only one that could give the imperialists the victory, and were therefore anxious that Diaz should take possession of Puebla before Marquez could succor it.^[8]

Marquez started on the 30th of March from Mexico, with 3,480 men^[9] and 17 pieces of artillery, taking the route of the Llanos de Apam, as it afforded greater facility for manœuvring with cavalry. At the hacienda of Soltepec he received on the 2d of April the alarming news that Puebla had fallen, and that the imperialists were concentrated upon the fortified hills of Loreto and Guadalupe. On the next day the hussars were despatched to Huamantla to ascertain what had really occurred at Puebla. From that and other sources no doubt was left in Marquez' mind that Puebla and the hills before named had fallen into the enemy's hands, and that the whole republican force under Diaz would be soon upon him.

 

After his successful campaign in Tehuantepec, General Diaz returned to Dajaca, where he was met by several commissions from the republicans of Puebla, Vera Cruz, Tlascala, and Mexico, asking him to come among them, and inaugurate active military operations. A large supply of arms and ammunition, sent by the Mexican minister in the United States, had arrived at Minatitlan, but armament for cavalry and other things were needed for the troops then being organized. He would not leave Oajaca till these troops were ready. But finding the delay too long, he appointed General Alejandro García governor and military commandant of Oajaca, and toward the end of January or early in February, took his departure with only 200 lancers, his aids and a few officers of the commissariat and medical departments, bound for Acatlan el Grande.^[10] Before reaching this place Diaz demanded the surrender of the considerable imperial garrison occupying the city of Matamoros Izúcar, which, believing itself in danger of an attack by a largely superior force, hurriedly fled to Puebla.

Diaz lost no time in concentrating the republican forces in northern Oajaca, Vera Cruz, Mexico, and Puebla for future operations. He at once assumed control of the districts in the valley and south of Puebla, giving his personal supervision to administrative and financial as well as to military affairs.^[11] He also established his authority in the military line of Chalco and Tezcuco, and placed it in charge of General Cuéllar;^[12] and afterward retired García from Oajaca, making him governor and comandante general of Vera Cruz, with headquarters at Orizaba; and to his former position as governor appointed J. M. Maldonado, and to that of military commandant Colonel Félix Diaz.

During Diaz' sojourn in Acatlan an episode occured which is worthy of mention. E. Bournouf, representing himself as an emissary from Maximilian, came to tender Diaz, in the emperor's name, the command of the imperial forces in Puebla and Mexico, coupled with the assurance that Marquez, Lares, and others of that clique, should be driven from power, and that Maximilian would leave the country, first placing the republican party in control of the situation. To which proposition Diaz answered that he had no right to hold with the archduke other relations than military laws and usages allowed with the commander of a hostile force.^[13] Bournouf also asked that Maximilian should be permitted to pass unmolested with 5,000 Belgians and Austrians to Vera Cruz, where they would embark. Diaz' reply to this was that if such a force appeared near his lines he would certainly attack it.

On the 9th of March Diaz already had his headquarters on the Cerro de San Juan. His force consisted of two divisions of infantry under the respective command of Alatorre and Bonilla, and one of cavalry under Toro.^[14] After the southern division at Cuernavaca had been incorporated with his army, the line of observation of Chalco and Tezcuco established, and the telegraph lines in the plains and Rio Frio repaired, Diaz' authority extended from Tabasco and Chiapas to Pachuca and Toluca. He had to devise means to procure resources for supporting his troops without imposing too heavy burdens on the people, in which he was singularly successful.^[15]

Puebla.

The operations against Puebla were carried on with the utmost vigor, the besiegers gaining some advantage every day, till on the 2d of April at 4 o'clock in the morning their artillery opened fire, under cover of which assaults were undertaken simultaneously at different parts, which culminated in the capture of the place. In less than one hour the assailants were assembled in the place d'armes, the survivors of the garrison having taken refuge in the Loreto and Guadalupe forts.^[16] The latter offered on the 4th to surrender if honorable terms were granted them, but Diaz would listen to nothing but an unconditional surrender, and they had to comply. Being amenable to the death penalty for high treason, many of the prisoners employed that day in preparation for it. But such was not to be their fate. The victorious general had a difficult problem to solve. He had in Dajaca over 1,000 prisoners — Mexican officers of all ranks, and foreign Officers and soldiers — and those of Puebla were more numerous, for even leaving out the rank and file, they must have exceeded 600.^[17] To shoot them was out of the question, and to set them at liberty, though a magnanimous act, might not meet with the approval of the government.^[18] He adopted the latter course.^[19] That same day he issued a general order to the military commandants to release all the prisoners, who were to remain for the time under the surveillance of the local authorities, and subject to the disposal of the supreme government. Such of the foreign portion of the prisoners as selected to reside in the country were to be allowed to do so under the same conditions, and the rest might freely leave the republic.^[20]

Diaz' triumph had not been without heavy casualties in his army, which had 154 killed, 223 wounded, and 87 missing, in the first division alone.^[21] The victorious republicans now went in hot pursuit of Marquez, who took to flight, but was overtaken on the 9th in the hacienda of San Lorenzo, and routed on the 10th.^[22] This was a disastrous day for the empire. Marquez had his heavy artillery that he could not carry along thrown down the barranca of San Cristóbal, and ordering his Austrians to continue the resistance, escaped at full gallop to the capital, arriving there on the 11th. The republican army tarried in Tezcuco, pursued its march on the 11th, and reached Tacubaya on the 12th. The enemy made some resistance at both places, but was dislodged, and sought safety in flight.^[23] The republican general headquarters, after Chapultepec had been made safe, were transferred to the city of Guadalupe, and the operations for investing Mexico were begun at once.^[24]

March of Diaz to Mexico.

Meantime Marquez exerted himself to place the city in condition for a desperate defence. But he encountered great difficulty in procuring funds wherewith to pay expenses. Vidaurri, minister of the treasury, acknowledged his inability to provide any, and placed his resignation in the lugarteniente's hands.^[25] All denials to the contrary notwithstanding, the fact was that Marquez and Vidaurri were no longer in accord, owing to the latter's disapproval of O'Horan's violent course in collecting the forced loan. J. M. Lacunza became president of the council.

Marquez paid no regard to right or common decency. He continued to extort money in the emperor's name^[26] His emissaries forcibly entered private dwellings to make seizures. He also resorted to the unjustifiable device — so bitterly censured by the conservatives when Juarez' minister, Mendez, used it in 1863 — of confining those who resisted his demands, barely allowing food enough to support life, with the intent to force the payment of ransom.^[27]

The imperialist press assured its partisans that their triumph was certain; Escobedo and Diaz would be compelled to retire from before Querétaro and Mexico.^[28] Encouraging news reached Marquez on the 6th of May from Maximilian, announcing his victory of April 27th, and giving the assurance that he would soon march to the relief of Mexico.^[29] Marquez needed

no spurring to bring out his characteristic energy and activity, and his subordinates closely followed his example.

Forage was now extremely scarce. General M. Diaz de la Vega, who had charge of the exterior line of San Cosme, make a sortie in force on the 12th of of May, and drove the besiegers from their positions, pursuing them to the Hacienda de la Ascension y Popotla. Meanwhile Quiroga's brigade foraged at ease. The object being accomplished, the imperialists went back with loaded horses.^[30]

The siege, though unaccompanied with fighting to any great extent, was producing horrible effects on the poor of the city, who had no means to procure the necessaries of life at their enhanced prices. ^[31] The garrison held out stoutly, in the expectation of immediate succor, when, on the 16th of May, a rumor circulated through the city that Querétaro had fallen. The news, as communicated in a telegram of Alcérreca to Diaz from San Juan del Rio, had been thrown into the town enclosed in bombs and grenades. It naturally caused much alarm; but after a while the idea began to prevail that it was a ruse of the enemy, deserving of no credence whatever. The news was true, for all that; 15,000 men of all arms, under General Ramon Corona, started from before Querétaro on the 17th of May to the assistance of Diaz. Riva Palacio with his division, and Marquez Galindo with his brigade, returned on the 22d from Querétaro.^[32] On the 24th Corona reported himself with his 15,000 men. General Félix Diaz came the same day from Oajaca with cavalry. The general-in-chief, leaving Guadalupe in charge of Corona, transferred his headquarters to Tacubaya. The division of the north occupied Atzcapotzalco and Tacubaya. The investment was now complete, and the besiegers could not comprehend what made the garrison hold out, exposing itself and the city to utter destruction.^[33] The cause was that Marquez would give no credence to any report not coming direct from the emperor. Even after he saw a letter from Vicente Riva Palacio to his wife, saying that he would soon be with her, he persisted in the defence, and to this end resorted to imposture.

At last, after many consultations as to whether the regency appointed by Maximilian at Querétaro on the 20th of March, 1867, should assume its office, it was resolved that Mariano Riva Palacio should repair, on the 28th of May, to Diaz' headquarters and ascertain the facts. That same morning Diaz placed in his hands Maximilian's telegram to Baron Magnus, requesting him to come to Querétaro with counsel to defend him, with which he returned to the city on the 29th.

Marquez still resolved to resist till the government was reconstituted pursuant to Maximilian's decree of May 11th. On receiving the information of the surrender of Querétaro and Maximilian's capture, Marquez attempted, in the night of the 17th-18th of June, a sally with 6,000 men,^[34] throwing a bridge over the wide fosse surrounding the city, but was driven back by Diaz in person.^[35] In this state of affairs, the Austrian chargé directed the Austrians to abstain from further service.^[36] His right to do so has been denied, but the Austrian officers at once notified General Tabera of the receipt of this command.^[37] Through the intercession of Baron Lago, Diaz agreed, on the 19th of June, to grant the Austrians terms of capitulation, assuming the responsibility of his act before his government, and pledging his word that the terms should be carried out.^[38] That same day Marquez, who had received positive advice of the executions on the Cerro de las Campanas, concluded to resign his position, leaving the commanders of the garrison free to act as they might think proper. And being aware that if captured his execution was certain, he went into concealment, his family doing the same. His example was also followed by Vidaurri, Lacunza, O'Horan, and Manuel Ramirez Arellano.

General Ramon Tabera, upon whom had devolved the chief command, sent commissioners to Diaz to treat of capitulation.^[39] He also had a conference with Diaz, at which the latter assured him that he could entertain no propositions which did not recognize the supremacy of his government. Tabera feared the application to himself and his companions of the law for the punishment of high treason, and told Diaz that rather than to submit to it the garrison would fight to the last.^[40] The brief truce agreed upon having terminated without reaching the desired end, the besiegers reopened fire upon the town, and again set their columns in motion, the general's purpose being rather to feign an assault than to effect one.^[41] After a few moments the white flag was again hoisted on the fortifications, and as soon as it was descried the firing ceased. This was on the 20th of June. Commissioners came out, to surrender the town and garrison at discretion, and Diaz instructed them how to effect the delivery, resolving to enter the city on the next day, due precautions against treachery being first taken.^[42] After adopting measures for the preservation of order, and for supplying food to the inhabitants, Diaz had three prisons prepared for the servitors of the late archduke.^[43] A term of forty-eight hours was allowed for all such to present themselves, during which Tabera alone responded. The time was extended twelve hours, and within the first six the prisons were full;^[44] only such men as Marquez, Lacunza, O'Horan, Vidaurri, and a few others having failed to report themselves.^[45]

A résumé of the war of intervention, from April 1863 to June 1867, shows that there took place within that period 1,020 battles, actions of war, and skirmishes, in which 73,547 republican and 12,209 imperialist Mexicans were placed hors de combat.^[46] To these victims must be added those of the French and other nationalities, for which Napoleon's unjustifiable policy, in aid of a body of traitors to foist a monarchical government on this unfortunate country, is mainly responsible. Probably not less than 50,000 persons in all yielded their lives in this struggle, to say nothing about the money and misery connected with it. Surely it was a small enough matter, and one entirely justifiable, to throw in with the rest the lives of the leaders in this most iniquitous invasion.

President Juarez made his entry into the capital in an open carriage, at 9 o'clock in the morning of the 15th of July, accompanied by his ministers Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, José María Iglesias, and Ignacio Mejía, and was welcomed amidst the shouts of the people, the roar of artillery, and the ringing of bells. The same day he issued a manifesto to the effect that during the four years he had been away from the city he had contracted no obligations prejudicial to the independence and sovereignty of the republic, the integrality of her territory, or to the respect due to the constitution and laws. He displayed benevolence toward the vanquished, and hoped all good Mexicans would aid in securing for the country the benefits of peace.^[47] The day after his arrival at the capital a number of imperialists were sentenced to death by court-martial at Querétaro.^[48] A strong petition was telegraphed him from there on behalf of the prisoners and of their families. The sentence was commuted to imprisonment. O'Horan, who was captured a few days later, was not so fortunate. He was tried, convicted, and shot on the 21st of August, Juarez refusing to spare his life, notwithstanding the supplications of his mother and other members of his family, and the numerons petitions addressed to him from all quarters.^[49] Vidaurri, who had been arrested in the capital on the 8th of July, was not allowed even the privilege of a trial. His identity being established, he was shot forthwith. Severo del Castillo, also sentenced to execution at Querétaro, had the good fortune to obtain a commutation of his penalty. Marquez, Lacunza, and Ramirez de Arellano succeeded in escaping from the country.^[50]

 

The time had now come when the government might have disarmed party hatred, and gained the support of its former opponents; but the men in power adopted the policy of persecution, continuing to punish the imperialists with confiscation of their estates, thereby reducing whole families to indigence. Howsoever justifiable such a course, not all the liberal party looked with favor upon the proceeding, a portion of the progressionist press strongly condemning it as unconstitutional.^[51] The confiscation was decreed pursuant to the law of August 16, 1863; but the president, exercising his discretional powers, finally commuted it, deciding that the persons who had incurred it should pay instead a fine, to be fixed by the secretary of the treasury.^[52] The imperialist prisoners were disposed of in an order of July 14th; many of them were sentenced to imprisonment, and together with those from Querétaro were sent to Perote. A still larger number was liberated, but to continue under the surveillance of the authorities.^[53] Twelve of the most prominent imperialists were expelled from the republic.^[54]

A portion of the press was trying to prevail on the government to issue an amnesty law.^[55] This was rather pleasing to the president and his cabinet, who would have acceded thereto but for the office-seekers, who kept up their clamor of treason against the fallen party. But the government tempered its rigor as far as it could without running the risk of being charged with weakness by the opponents of amnesty. It evidently intended to gradually give way,^[56] so as to arrive at the end desired by the friends of a general amnesty, without too openly antagonizing the most radical portion of its opponents. This was frankly acknowledged by the conservative Revista Universal. But the radical element would sanction no half-way measures. Several attempts were made from time to time, and a general amnesty bill was favorably reported on by the committees of judicial and government affairs in congress, but failed of passage, its antagonists claiming that it would be dishonorable and immoral to pardon the traitors.^[57]

 

The imperialist commander Olvera had surrendered on the 27th of May, with his force, to General Martinez at Huichapan, on condition of not being molested for the past on account of political opinions,^[58] so that all military resistance to the government's authority had ceased. After the embarkation of the French troops, the city of Vera Cruz, which had been under the imperialist generals Taboada and Herran, made some resistance for a while, but on the 27th of June capitulated to the republican troops of Alejandro García and Benavides.^[59] The last stronghold of the imperialists, namely, that of Nayarit, submitted on the 22d of July, when Lozada and his subordinates, with the civil authorities and people, recognized the supreme government of the republic.^[60]

 

Among the president's first acts was the reëstablishment of the portfolio of fomento, calling Blas Balcárcel to take charge of it; and upon the resignation of José María Iglesias from the department of justice and public instruction, Antonio Martinez de Castro was appointed his successor.^[61] He also decreed that the supreme authorities — legislative, executive, and judicial — of the several states should not reside at seaports, and that all should return to their former respective capitals.^[62] Next came a general order of the 23d reducing the four corps d'armée, Centro, Oriente, Norte, and Occidente, to as many divisions with a force of 4,000 men each.^[63] The fifth division, Juan Álvarez' command, was to garrison Acapulco. This decree, sending into poverty two thirds of the army which had fought the battles of the republic against both the foreign foe and imperialism, and at the same time striking a blow at many aspirations, was not well received the soldiers, and erelong their displeasure was manifested in an alarming manner.^[64] All discretional powers given to divers generals during the war were revoked by the same general order.

General Diaz, out of deference to the president's wishes, accepted the command of the eastern division for a limited time; at the expiration of two months he retired to private life.^[65] The discretional powers vested in Juarez were by him applied to several other uses in the promotion of the country's interests.^[66] The government now had an opportunity to carry to completion the intended reforms, and to reconstruct the political edifice. The reorganization of the several administrative branches was a long task, much pruning being needed to retain in service only competent and useful men. It was of paramount importance to establish the judiciary, and Juarez did so at the earliest opportunity, appointing Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada president ad interim of the supreme court.^[67] Another decree made valid all judicial acts passed during the existence of the empire, the lawyers and notaries who took part in them being restored to the exercise of their offices. Marriages contracted during the same period were also validated.^[68] The government had to encounter and overcome the anarchical tendencies showing themselves in many places, and to free the press from the thraldom it had been under during the late war,^[69] and citizens in general from an insufferable tyranny.^[70] Several political organizations, among the most prominent of which was the Zaragoza club,^[71] were endeavoring to aid the government, their aims being to have the constitution amended by legal means, constituting the congress in two chambers, and establishing fairness in public elections; to encourage foreign immigration; to raise the communal or municipal element to the rank of a fourth power; and to promote the permanent existence of an American continental congress.

The liberals were quite hopeful that the principles they had struggled so long for would soon become established. But, unfortunately, the call for general elections again divided the progressionist party, and brought on a great deal of trouble. The discretional powers the president held, though never abused by him, were displeasing to the majority of the people, who feared — martial law being still retained in force to protect freedom of elections — that the public liberties were imperilled, when subjected thus long to the will of one man. The long-delayed electoral law was finally enacted on the 14th and published on the 17th of August, calling on the people to choose a president of the republic, members of a fourth constitutional congress, and a president and justices of the supreme court. The people were also asked to express their wish on certain proposed amendments to the constitution; among others, if it was the national will that the ordinary congress should effect the changes without the requirements of the 127th article of that fundamental law being fulfilled.^[72]

The proposed reforms were good in themselves, but the manner suggested to effect them met with public disfavor. They were not urgent, and might be introduced without infringing the supreme law of the land. The idea of allowing ecclesiastics the power to interfere in elections was distasteful to the more advanced liberals. In fact, the whole proposition produced such a bad effect that Juarez found it expedient to make explanations;^[73] but his words failed to allay the popular discontent, which was exhibited in the protests of political clubs, ayuntamientos, and other corporations, every such act increasing the general disquietude.^[74] Distinguished members of the liberal party recommended a complete abstention from voting on that part of the electoral decree comprising the proposed amendments.^[75]

These differences led to the organization of a compact party calling itself constitucionalista, and favoring the election of Porfirio Diaz to the presidency:^[76] Nevertheless, when the elections took place early in October, Juarez obtained the majority of votes for president of the republic,^[77] and Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, who had also had Diaz as a competitor, for president of the supreme court. At the opening of the fourth constitutional congress, Juarez surrendered his discretional powers, though he was authorized to hold them thirty days longer, and shortly after accounted for the manner in which he had exercised them.^[78] On the 19th of December he was declared by congress the president elect, and on the 25th assumed the duties for the term ending on the 30th of November, 1871.^[79] The constitutional reforms he had proposed to the people were put out of mind for the time.^[80]

 

The republican government of Mexico, since the time of the European intervention and subsequent establishment over the country of a monarchy which was recognized by all the powers of that continent, had been permitted to hold diplomatic relations solely with the republics of America, all of which, during the nation's struggle to shake off the foreign incubus, manifested at every opportunity their sympathy and wishes for the success of the republic. The relations of amity with the United States were continued after Juarez government resumed its functions at the national capital. At the opening of the Mexican congress, in December 1867, President Juarez took occasion to express his acknowledgment of the constant sympathy of the people of the United States, and of the moral support its government had extended to the republican cause in Mexico.^[81] The good feeling toward the United States was specially manifested upon the visit to Mexico of William H. Seward, late secretary of state, in 1869.^[82] The long-pending question of claims was finally adjusted by arbitration.^[83] A balance appearing against Mexico, her government has been since paying it off in yearly installments of $300,000. Other conventions were also entered into by the two governments; one on the 10th of July, 1868, to determine the nationality of citizens of either republic emigrating to the other.^[84] A consular convention was likewise signed at Washington July 10, 1868, but failed to be ratified by Mexico.^[85]

Diplomatic relations with the powers of Europe were only gradually renewed,^[86] the Mexican government pursuing an independent and decorous course toward them. It avoided offending them; and without asking for any favor, had resolved to oppose no unnecessary obstacles to the reëstablishment of amicable relations, and the negotiation of new treaties, particularly for the furtherance of trade. European subjects received protection to their persons and property, and were assured of its continuance.^[87] The government likewise decreed measures for the payment of certain British and Spanish claims.^[88] Italy was the first European nation to reopen diplomatic relations with the republic, which she did by accrediting a minister near the Mexican government in 1868, and entering into treaties.^[89] The king of Prussia, in the name of the North German Confederation and the Zollverein, also made a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation with Mexico, in 1869.^[90] Spain in 1871, having changed her dynasty, reëstablished friendly relations with Mexico, accrediting a minister near her government, and asking for the Mexican legation to be reinstalled at Madrid.^[91] The government of the United States, through whose friendly offices diplomatic relations had been restored between Mexico and the kingdoms of Italy, Prussia, and Spain, was negotiating in the same spirit in 1873 to bring about a similar result with the republic of France, and everything presented a favorable aspect.^[92]

 

 

1. He had a trifling encounter with a republican party at the place called Puerto de los Chivos. Peza and Pradillo, Maxim., 110.
2. The people were greatly surprised on seeing Marquez and Vidaurri unexpectedly enter the city at the head of 1,000 men. Masseras, Un Essai d'Empire, 185.
3. They were restored to their former positions; Lares to the presidency of the supreme court, and Marin to that of the superior court of the valley of Mexico. Maximilian wrote each of them a letter of thanks for services in the cabinet, accompanying to the former the cross of grand officer in the order of the Águila Mexicana, and to the latter that of commander in the same order. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xviii. 1177-8. Lares died in Mexico in Jan. 1870. He was held to be a man of large information and a distinguished jurist. El Derecho, iv. 97-8.
4. Foreigners obtained a reduction of one half, owing to the interference of Dano, supported by the Spanish and Prussian ministers. Masseras, Un Essai d'Empire, 187-8.
5. It may well be surmised that this device caused much displeasure. Vidaurri called together the editors of newspapers, on the 2d of April, and explained the pressing necessity for the funds. The editor of the Cronista de Méjico unhesitatingly said, and his words were supported by the others, that the necessity was well understood, and the government's right to procure funds was not disputed; that the objections lay in forcing people to contribute more than they were able, and in the despotic manner employed in the collection. Vidaurri then said that O'Horan had been, and would be again, told to employ gentler means. He added that the government had been compelled to procure money to remit the emperor for his army, and $100,000 had been sent him on the 1st; and on Marquez' return, after defeating Diaz' army, the imperialist forces would be increased, a sufficient garrison left in the capital, and aid forwarded at once to the relief of Querétaro.
6. In the assault of March 19th the imperialist generals Calderon and Prieto were seriously wounded.
7. Minister Portilla's letter embodying Noriega's report is given in Zamacois' Hist. Méj., xviii. 1180-2.
8. The republican general, Gonzalez, an eye-witness, said in a letter of Sept. 15, 1867, to a newspaper of Mexico, that if Diaz had been repulsed from Puebla, 'Marquez, 15 days later, could have marched on Querétaro with 14,000 men and 60 or 80 pieces of artillery,' and compelled the besieging army to beat a retreat, and break up. Marquez' right to go to Puebla in the face of Maximilian's instructions has been questioned. But even allowing that his orders were positive to return to Querétaro at once with the funds he could gather and the garrison of the capital, it is doubtful, from a military standpoint that he could leave Puebla to its fate. He had only 5,000 men. Had he attempted to go back, without affording relief to that town, it would have surrendered at once, and then Diaz, with the forces of Leyva, Cuellar, Lalanne, and others, together with Guadarrama's 4,000 men, would have annihilated him, and the fall both of Mexico and Querétaro must follow. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xviii. 1184 7.
9. His force has been variously estimated at 4,000 and 5,000, but the number given in the text is believed to be correct, as follows: infantry, 2,001; cavalry, 1,281; artillery, 198. Peza and Pradillo, Maxim., 112-4. The news received at the republican headquarters was that Marquez had marched with 1,900 picked men of infantry and 1,600 horse. In a letter from him to Noriega at Puebla, dated March 27th, he promises to go to his aid with 8,000 men of all arms. Diaz, Porf., Biog., 105, 124.
10. He had on the 15th of Jan. written Godoy, Mexican consul in San Francisco, Cal., that in the course of the next month he would take up a position between Puebla and Mexico, with from 10,000 to 15,000 men, exclusive of garrisons in republican towns. La Estrella de Occid., March 8, 1867.
11. He declared contraband of war all effects — exempting only such as had been seized from private parties — sold by the French on their retreat to the coast. Diaz, Porf., Biog., 95.
12. Early in March Diaz received the orders of the government adding to his command the federal district, and the three districts of the state of Mexico.
13. Bournouf had been introduced in the camp blindfolded. Having signified his inability to go at once on account of ill health, Diaz deemed it advisable to communicate those facts to the governors and military commandants, which he did in a circular, saying, besides, that it was surprising such a proposition should be brought to him, who had indignantly rejected sinilar ones made him in Oajaca in 1864, and again when he was a prisoner in Puebla in 1865. He then concludes with words to this effect: These Europeans must hold us in poor estimation when they act with so little discretion, and in the manœuvres of their arduous diplomacy ignore even the plainest dictates of common sense.' Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 275-80; Diaz, Porf., Biog., 97. The circular was published in nearly all the republican journals, among which may be mentioned La República of Jalapa, and La Estrella de Occid., May 3, 1867.
14. While here he despatched an invitation to Diego Alvarez to join him with his 1,500 men; Leyva was ordered to occupy Chalco with his brigade, and Cuéllar was placed under him. Siege operations had already begun, when the general government, now on its way to San Luis Potosi, asked him to reënforce the army besieging Querétaro. A force, composed of troops from the 1st and 2d districts of Mexico, and one Puebla brigade, was accordingly forwarded under Gen. Mendez. Diaz, Porf., Biog., 99-102.
15. He established a custom-house in Apizaco, and a property tax of 1%, on the strength of which he raised a loan in Orizaba to meet urgent needs. He sent an inspector of customs to the gulf, reorganized the custom-house at Tabasco, closed the port of Vera Cruz while it should be in possession of the enemy, and made Alvarado a port of entry. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 295;
16. The same day Diaz wrote the minister of war at San Luis Potosí of his success, and that the traitors Febronio Quijano, Mariano Trujeque, and 20 others had been executed. La Estrella de Occid., May 17, 1967; Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 316-17; Mier y Terán, Apunt. Biog., 30-6; Pera and Pradillo, Maxim., 121-57.
17. Among them were the bishops Colima, Berea, and Covarrubias.
18. Diaz remarked to one who recommended the release, "Va á creer Juarez que le disputo el porvenir.' Diaz, Porf., Biog., 112.
19. Diaz took with him the imperialist generals Noriega and Tamariz to the place where the prisoners were confined, and addressing them, said: The nation has expressed her judgment on the empire's cause, but will not do herself justice unless she forgives the errors of her children; you are all free.' Then turning to those accompanying him he added, 'I was not born to be & jailer nor an executioner.' Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 314; Diaz, Porf., Biog. Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 188-91, 256-61; Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 681.
20. The order bears date April 4th, and included the prisoners taken in the battles of Miahuatlan and La Carbonera, in the occupation of Oajaca, and in the assault of Puebla and surrender of the forts. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 315-16; Diaz, Porf., Biog., 113. Gen. Noriega, in a letter of Dec. 31, 1869, explaining his conduct at Puebla, and contradicting statements of Prince Salm-Salm, speaks of the danger he and his companions had been in of being executed, from which they were saved by Diaz' clemency, 'que todo el mundo conoce y merced á la cual no subimos al cadalso.' Peza and Pradillo, Maxim., 151-74.
21. Official report in Diaz, Porf., Biog., 115–21. Bazaine's words, that if Diaz attempted the siege of Puebla his destruction was certain, did not prove true. Id., 101-2.
22. Notwithstanding the glowing accounts of imperialist writers who called the flight of Marquez' column from Huamantla to Mexico the battle of five days, it was nothing but an exhibition of panic and lack of military skill. Marquez succeeded, however, in saving himself. Descriptions of the operations at San Lorenzo appear in Peza and Prudillo, Maxim., 111-24; Arellano, Últ. Horas, 94-106, 152-3; Héricault, Maxim., 212-32; Salm-Salm's Diary, 294-302; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 706; Diaz, Datos Biog, MS., 321-36; Diaz, Porf., Brog., 129-31; Masseras, Un Essai d'Empire, 189-91.
23. The demonstration on Tacubaya was intended to make sure of Chapultepec. As the march against Marquez was begun the day after the fall of the Loreto and Guadalupe forts, Diaz had been unable to bring into immediate use the immense war material captured from the enemy. Another circumstance that could not be revealed at that time was that Guadarrama, who was sent to watch Marquez, had been recalled to Querétaro. Later, Diaz had been asked not only to reënforce the army of the interior, but on the 27th or 28th of April to go there himself with his main force. He was offered the command in chief of the besieging forces, and wrote Escobedo that he would join him in eight days. 'Mantenga V. sus posiciones por algunos dias mas, seguro de que dentro de ocho me pondré en marcha para ese campamento.' But final orders released him from going to Querétaro. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 341.
24. Marquez has been blamed for the abandonment of Chapultepec and
25. 'No me es posible cubrir ni el ramo mas preferente del ramo militar.' Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xviii. 1437. Diaz had on the 19th of April reminded all concerned of the law of April 12, 1862, prohibiting under the penalty of death all aid to the foreign enemy, manifesting his determination to make it effective upon all that should supply provisions to the beleaguered city. Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 259-60; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 423.
26. From the house of Barron he got $125,000; from Beistegui $100,000; and lesser sums from others.
27. On les met au régime de la diète forcée, jusqu'a ce qu'ils se décident à payer rançon.' The Prussian count, Bennecke, paid $6,000 to escape that treatment. Masseras, Un Essi l'Empire, 214-15.
28. The Boletin Oficial and La Union were the organs referred to.
29. In another letter to Iribarren, published in the Diario del Imperio on the 7th of May, he spoke of his hopes to be able to compel the republicans to Guadalupe, forgetting that to defend those positions and the extent of seven leagues the city would require a garrison of 20,000 men, whereas he had only 5,000 or 6,000. raise the siege of Mexico, urging that the defence should be continued, and the supply of war material increased.
30. Salm-Salm, Diary, ii. 312, erroneously places this first sortie on the 18th, giving the Austrians the whole credit of its success. Marquez thanks Vega for that service on the 12th. No Austrians took part in the sortie. Peza and Pradillo, Maxim., 136-9.
31. A board of charity and the sisters of St Vincent de Paul relieved the indigent as well as they could.
32. The Boletin de Oriente, a republican journal published in Diaz' camp, said, on the 24th of May, that the valley of Mexico was becoming the rendez-vous of the uprisen nation.
33. Diaz felt that with sufficient sacrifice of life and destruction of property he could at once take the city; but there was no pressing need, and he preferred to spare both his men and the town, together with its inhabitants. As he has said himself, 'comprendió que con algunos dias mas de fuegos artificiales se rendirian.' Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 343-4. Masseras confirms it, characterizing Diaz as 'un homme qui s'était fait une loi de sacrifier l'impatience du succès au souci de ses conséquences.' Un Essai d'Empire, 196.
34. In the preparations, lasting 48 hours, his agents used the most violent means to obtain men, money, and horses. Masseras, Un Essai d'Empire, 222.
35. He was met by Diaz on the puente de los cuartos with two small brigades. On his way back he was a long time under the besiegers' cross-fire. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 345.
36. He wrote the Austrian colonel Khevenhuller that the emperor had told him he would send the Austrian officers an autograph letter requesting them to stop further bloodshed for him. Baron Lago felt certain that the emperor had written the letter, and it must have been intercepted by Marquez. Masseras, Un Essai d'Empire, 222-3; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xviii. 1624-5; Boletin Republicano, June 27, 1867.
37. The action of the Austrians has been set down as selfish, and far from honorable. They had, under the conditions of their reënlistment, pursuant to Maximilian's proclamation at Orizaba Dec. 6, 1866, ceased to be Austrians, and had become Mexicans. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xviii. 1626-7.
38. 1st. The Austrians were to abstain from all participation in hostilities against the republican forces. 2d. Should they leave the capital on the 20th and present themselves at the general headquarters of the besieging army, Diaz would furnish them transportation to Vera Cruz at the expense of the Mexican government. Their baggage was also guaranteed. The officers were allowed to retain their arms and horses. All other arms and horses must be given up by them. 3d. Should the stipulated time elapse without the Austrians having availed themselves of it, though observing the condition expressed in article 1st, if the Austrian soldiers, in the event of a fight, retired therefrom and hoisted the white flag, Diaz guaranteed, if he succeeded in taking Mexico, only their lives, leaving the rest to the supreme government to decide. 4th. Austrians desiring to reside in the country would be permitted to do so, with guarantee of person and property. 5th. Austrians stationed at distant posts were allowed till the morning of the 21st to come in under clause no. 2; after that time they would be entitled only to the concessions in clause no. 3. 6th. The same terms were extended to other foreigners. As to the Mexicans, Diaz could not anticipate the resolution of the republican government by granting them terms which might be contrary to its determinations. 7th. Diaz wished to be timely informed when they would march out of Mexico, in order to afford them all the aid in his power. Those terms were accepted by the Austrians. Id., 1638-9, 1641-2; Domenech, Hist. du Mex., iii. 438-40.
39. The white flag being hoisted, and the call for a parley sounded, Ottenburg, the U. S. chargé, came out in a carriage, with the proposition that the city would surrender on the condition of life being guaranteed to its defenders. This was what the bearers of the flag of truce had asked for. Diaz refused to listen to the proposition, and allowed seven minutes for his return to the city. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 346.
40. 'Esas leyes son de sangre y exterminio, y ántes que poner el cuello bajo la cuchilla del verdugo, preferiremos seguir peleando como hombres resueltos.' Diaz, Prof., Biog., 139.
41. 'El general solo se habia propuesto simular un ataque y no practicarlo.' Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 346.
42. Further particulars from republican as well as imperialist sources may be seen in Boletin Rep., June 27, July 22, 1867; Peza and Pradillo, Maxim., 121-36; Pájaro Verde, Jan.-June 1867; Salm-Salm's Diary, ii. 303-28; Héricault accuses Marquez of incapacity or treason, and praises Diaz' conduct. Маxim., 185-241, 269-85, 375-82.
43. One for his secretaries of state, councillors, and generals; the second for other high civil officials and field-officers; and the third for lower officials and subalterns. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 348-9; Boletin Rep., July 5, 10, 1867.
44. No harsh treatment of the prisoners was allowed. Their families and friends had free access to them. The sick were permitted to remain at their homes. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xviii. 1655-6.
45. The Hungarian and Polish cavalry, quartered in the National palace, having remained neutral from the time they heard of Maximilian's fate, was allowed as a mark of honor to retain during three days its arms and horses. The privilege was also granted, for the same reason, to Chenet's French guerrilla force, which was quartered in San Pedro y San Pablo.
46. Republicans: killed, 31,962; wounded, 8,304; prisoners, 33,281. Imperialists: killed, 5,671; wounded, 2,159; prisoners, 4,379. These figures indicate that the actual number of Mexicans who lost their lives on the field of battle was 37,633, and the number of wounded 10,463. Gallardo, Martirol., 49. The general title of this work is Martirologio de los Defensores de la independencia de México. Mex., 1875. Oblong fol., 50 pp. The author, Basilio Perez Gallardo, claims to have obtained his data from official reports in the Diario del Imperio, and from La Sociedad, said to be the most sensible of the publications of the intervention, disregarding letters of correspondents, or information furnished by newspapers of the so-called departments. The work purports to give the encounters between the interventionist and republican forces to the date in 1867, when the city of Mexico was reoccupied by the republican government, together with the number of Mexicans killed, wounded, and prisoners of both armies, the year, month, and date, state, and place of each encounter; names of commanders or leaders, and some notes of considerable importance. The work was dedicated to President Juarez, who warmly thanked the author for his patriotic service.
47. The document seems to have been dictated by a desire to conciliate opposing elements. Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 286-8; Boletin Rep., July 10, 17, 21, 1867; Dublan and Lozano, Ley. Mex., x. 7–28; La Estrella de Occid., Aug. 30, 1867.
48. Casanova, Escobar, Ramirez, Valdés, Moret, Reyes, Herrera y Lozada, Calvo, Magaña, Liceaga, Monterde, Othon, and Prince Salm-Salm. Méx., Col. Ley., 63–7, iii. 246-50; Salm-Salm's Diary, ii. 101, 119-20; El Estado de Sin., Oct. 4, 1867.
49. 'Algo se debia á la justicia y á la venganza nacional. Baz, Vida de Juarez, 302. Among the petitioners were Porfirio Diaz and other liberal generals. Full particulars on his case in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xviii. 1661-85; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 714-15; Salm-Salm's Diary, ii. 102-3, 120; Masseras, Un Essai d'Empire, 386-7; Boletin Repub., July 23, 24, Aug. 21, 25, 1867; La Estrella de Occid., Nov. 15, 1867.
50. It is understood that Marquez, after a six months' concealment, during which his aged mother was in constant agony dreading his arrest, resolved to hazard an escape, and effected it in daylight, disguised as an Indian charcoal vender, occupying 16 days to reach Vera Cruz, all the time in danger of detection. He had to tarry five days at the port, where he finally embarked for the U. S., whence he went to reside in Habana, at which place he eked out a living as a pawnbroker.
51. El Monitor Republicano of Aug. 3, 1967, declared it a violation of the constitution of 1857, and altogether unjust.
52. All claims such persons might have against the government were forfeited, however. The benefits of the decree were not extended to persons declared traitors to the country. Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 321-3; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., X. 42-3, 109-10, 112; Tovar. Hist. Parl., i. 65-400, passim.
53. Such as captains and subalterns, and officials of an inferior order. Méx., Col. Ley., 1963-7, iii. 278-9, 259.
54. Among the last were Bishop Ormaechea, and the ex-ministers Marin, Mier y Teran, Portilla, and Torres Larraínzar.
55. La Orquesta, edited by Riva Palacio, favored the measure. Francisco Zarco's paper, El Siglo XIX., opposed it.
56. Four days after their imprisonment, 14 were allowed to go to their homes on the plea of old age or sickness; on the 10th day 58 others of the least culpable were released; and on the 731 those who were to be liberated but to continue under surveillance. La Revista Universal, Oct. 10, 1567. This was a conservative journal.
57. The arguments for and against are given in Tovar, Hist. Parl., i. 65-383, passim.
58. The arrangement was disallowed on the 7th of June by the government at San Luis Potosí, and Martinez suspended from command. Subsequent events must have made it an accomplished fact. Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, ii. 206-9.
59. The authorities and other compromitted persons sought refuge on foreign vessels. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 715; Salm-Salm's Dairy, ii. 100; La Estrella de Occid., Aug. 2, 1867; Zamacois Hist. Méj., xviii. 1649.
60. In order to accomplish it, Guadarrama's cavalry, of Corona's command, secured the strategic points. La Estrella de Occid., Aug. 9, Sept. 13, Oct. 4, 1867; El Est. de Sin., Aug. 9, Sept. 13, 1867. It has been said that it was effected through the influence with Lozada and others there of Barron, Forbes, & Co., whose good-will had been secured by confirming to them the concession made by Maximilian to build the Vera Cruz railroad. Marquez de Leon, Mem. Póst., MS., 312-7. Tepic was made a military district directly dependent on the general government. Riva Palacio, Hist. Adm. Lerdo, 112, 412–4.
61. Decrees of July 20 and 21, 1867. Mex., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 280-3; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 28; El Derecho, i. 15.
62. On the 22d of July, 1867. Diario Ofic., Aug. 21, 1867; Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 293-4; Dublin and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 28–9.
63. The central division was placed in command of Nicolás Régules, with headquarters in Mexico; the eastern was given to Porfirio Diaz, headquarters in Tehuacan — including the garrisons of Vera Cruz and Tabasco; the northern was to be under Mariano Escobedo, including the garrisons of Tampico, Matamoros, and other northern frontier places, with headquarters at San Luis Potosí. The command of the 4th or western was given to Ramon Corona, who was to control Manzanillo, Mazatlan, and Tepic, with headquarters in Guadalajara. Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 295–8; Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 352; Boletin Repub., July 27, 30, Aug. 21, 1867.
64. The claims of these soldiers of the republic were neglected. Riva Palacio, Hist. Adm. Lerdo, 23-6. The president, however, decreed on the 5th of Aug., 1867, special decorations to honor their services. Dublan and Lozano, Ley. Mex., X. 36-7; Boletin Rep., Aug. 16, 1867.
65. When he surrendered the command of the late besieging army, which exceeded 20,000 men, all had been paid in full; he had also covered other large expenses, and still had in hand a balance of over $315,000, which he turned over to the general treasury. After his return to Oajaca his pay as a general of division was tendered, but he refused it signifying to Juarez that he would not return to the service as long as the government pursued a constitutional course. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 334-5.
66. Privileges for constructing railroads on the isthmus of Tehuantepec, and from Mexico to Vera Cruz, were renewed special schools of medicine, jurisprudence, engineering, fine and mechanic arts, agriculture, and for the deaf and dumb were created.
67. The associate justices, also provisionally appointed, were Pedro Ogazon, Manuel M. Zamacona, Vicente Riva Palacio, José M. Lafragua, Mariano Yañez, Pedro Ordaz, Guillermo Valle, Manuel Z. Gomez, Joaquin Cardoso, and Rafael Dondé. See the decree of Aug. 1, 1867. Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 302-6; Boletin Rep., Aug. 4, 1867; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 32-3.
68. Decrees of Aug. 20 and Dec. 5, 1867. Id., 62-6, 209–10.
69. Many newspapers had been despotically suppressed, and liberal writers imprisoned for an open expression of their opinions.
70. Scandalous outrages against citizens had been perpetrated in Aguascalientes and elsewhere. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 677. A presidential decree of the 14th of Aug. greatly curtailed the powers of governors with the view of preventing abuses. Méx., Col. Ley., 1862-7, iii. 3.29-9; El Derecho, i. 15; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., X. 56-7.
71. Inaugurated late in July 1867. Boletin Rep., Aug. 2, 1867.
72. Establishment of two legislative chambers; giving the executive the veto power, subject to being overruled by a two-thirds vote of both houses of congress; prescribing the mode of filling vacancies caused by the death or inability of the president and vice-president; restricting the power of the comision permanente to call extra sessions of congress. The people were likewise asked to decide if state constitutions were to be amended to conform with the foregoing changes, if adopted; and finally, if ecclesiastics might have the privilege of voting and being voted for. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., X. 44-50, 67-8; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 678; Riva Palario, Hist. Adm. Lerdo, 33-10; Boletin Rep., Aug. 18, 21, 1867; Tovar, Hist. Parl., i. 1-7; Méx., Col. Ley., 1863-7, iii. 328-9; Convocatoria, Observ., 1-12.
73. In a manifesto of Aug. 22d he said, among other things, that the reform adopted by him had been directed to the development and perfection of the constitution; and that the amendments suggested in his decree of the 14th were an expression of his positive convictions, resulting from past events, and from the dictates of experience in Mexico and other republics. Tovar, Hist. Parl., i. 13-14.
74. At a large public meeting held in the Teatro Principal of Mexico, resolutions were passed against the decree. Nearly all the prominent journals of the country also objected to the innovation. Baz, while acknowledging that the law was 'la manzana de la discordia,' and the opposition just though exaggerated, denies that the latter was justifiable after the government retraced its steps. Vida de Juarez, 300.
75. Among the opponents were Leon Guzman and Mendez, governors respectively of Guanajuato and Puebla, who were dismissed from office. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 679; Boletin Rep., Sept. 2, 1867; El Constitucional, Sept. 26, 1567; La Estrella de Occid., Nov. 22, 1967.
76. Boletin Rep., Sept. 4, 1868.
77. He received 7,422 votes out of 10,380. Tovar, Hist. Parl., i. 91; Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin, 2d ep., iv. 570-85. The fact is, that the majority of the liberal party, Diaz himself among the number, had all along favored Juarez' reelection, duly appreciating 'su comportamiento abnegado y constante.' Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 359.
78. He was called upon by congress on the 18th of Jan., 1868, to do so. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 233.
79. Tovar, Hist. Parl., i. 56-60, 94; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., X. 217, 219; El Derecho, 111, 258; El Constitucional, Dec. 10, 14, 21, 25, 1867; Diario Ofic., Dec. 8, 25, 1867.
80. In 1869, however, congress amended the electoral law, giving the right to vote to the priests or pastors of all religious sects. Rivera, Gob. le Méx., ii. 683.
81. Adding, 'Han merecido y merecen justamente las simpatías y la consideracion del pueblo y lel gobierno de México.' Tovar, Hist. Parl., i. 57.
82. Seward was received at Manzanillo, and every mark of respect extended him by the authorities from his landing to his departure. Clarke's Mex., MS., 3; Evans' Sister Rep., 268.
83. A convention was first entered into by the two governments on the 4tn of July, 1868, leaving to a mixed commission and an umpire to decide on the claims of the citizens of either country against the other, within two years and six months. Further conventions were subsequently concluded, granting more time to the commission, the last one, of the 29th of April, 1876, proroguing the term for the completion of the task till the 20th of Nov., 1976. U. S. Gov. Doc., 40th Cong. 3d Sess., H. Ex. 98, xiii.; Id., 44th Cong. 21 Sess., Sen. 31, 1-103; Id., 45th Cong. 1st Sess., Miscel. 13; Id., 45th Cong. 21 Sess., H. Com. Report, 27, pts 1, 2, i.; Tovar, Hist. Parl., iv. 7836; Mex., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 283–315; Méx., Mem. Rel., 1873, 11-19, apr. v.-vi., annex no. 1, 3-194, and numerous tables; Dublan and Lozano Leg. Mex., X. 585-8; xi. 5-8, 15-16, 23-7, 161, 470-2; Diario Debates, 8 Constit. Leg., ii. 13-14; Aspíroz, Cód. Extrangería, 190-9; Rodriguez, Com. Mixta, 1-67; Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 919-26; Méx., Sinóp. list. Reclam., 11-53; El Constitucional, June 12, 1868; Diario Ofic., Aug. 18, 1868, July 7, 1870; Salv., Diario Ofic., Nov. 5, 1875.
84. Under this convention, American citizens residing five consecutive years in Mexico are considered Mexicans; and vice versa, Americans naturalized in Mexico returning to the U. S. without the intention of going back to the former recover their original nationality. The same privilege is enjoyed by Mexicans returning to their native country. This convention was given force for ten years or more, unless either party was notified by the other within six months after the expiration of the 10 years that it should cease. Aspíroz, Cód. Extrangería, 199-202; Tovar, Hist. Parl., iii. 860, 891-2, 1072, 1120-8; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 583-5; Diario Ofic., May 12, 1869.
85. Méx., Derecho Intern., 21 pt, 175-80.
86. The British minister, on the 8th of Dec., 1867, demanded passports for himself and the members of his legation, which were sent to him. Dublan and Lozano, x. 217; Diaro Ofic., Dec. 20, 1867; El Constitucional, Dec. 23, 1867.
87. Frenchmen specially were told, as they had been on the 12th of April, 1862, 'Los franceses pacificos residentes en el pais, quedan bajo la salvaguarda de las leyes y de las autoridades mexicanas.' Méx., Mem. Relaciones, 1873, annex no. x. 71-5.
88. Decree of Dec. 21, 1967, reiterated Feb. 1, 1865. The Brit. and Sp. bondholders were asked March 11, 1870, to produce their bonds for adjustment. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., x. 220-1, 258-9, 263–6, xi. 21-2.
89. A treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation was concluded in Mexico on the 14th of Dec., 1970, and a convention for the extradition of criminals on the 17th. El Constitucional, Feb. 2, 1568; Méx., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 51796. Diario Debales, 7 Cong., i. 1031-8; Bol. Ofic. Est. Sin., Sept. 28, 1874. Méx., Mem. Rel. Exter., 1873, annex L.
90. On the 28th of Aug. A protocol was added to it on the 26th of Nov, of the same year. Méx., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 80-101; Méx., Diario Ofic., Aug. 23, 1969, June 10, 1570; Diario Debates Quinto Cong., i. 33; Aspiroz, Cód. Extrangeria, 203-14; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., xi. 168-76.
91. The correspondence was reopened with an autograph letter from King Amadeo I. of Apr. 30, 1871, delivered by Feliciano Herreros de Tejada, accredited minister to the president of Mexico, expressing a desire to restore friendly relations between the two governments, which feeling was reciprocated on receipt of that letter in Sept. by Juarez, whose government extended a most cordial reception to the Spanish minister, promising soon to send a representative to Madrid. Prim's friendliness toward Mexico, and the good offices of the U. S. government in the negotiations to bring about the desired result, are gratefully alluded to in the correspondence between the ministers of foreign affairs of Spain and Mexico. Méx., Mem. Relaciones, 1871, 8-9, 32-43; El Monitor, July 1, 1971.
92. The details and correspondence may be seen in Méx., Mem. Relaciones, 1873, 63-5, annex no. 4, 39-10. The author of E. Masseras, Un Essai d'Empire au Mexique, Paris, 1879, 12mo, i.-ii. and 441 pp., had been at different times chief editor of newspapers in the French language, namely, La France, Le Courrier les États Unis of New York, and L'Ere of Mexico. He had advocated, in a pamphlet entitled Le Programme de l'Empire, the necessity of foreign intervention in Mexican affairs, and the establishment of a monarchy in that country under the auspices of European governments, commending the policy of Napoleon III. and denouncing that of the U. S. In his present works he expatiates on the results of the foreign intervention, briefly on Maximilian's administration, but fully and in detail on the events which followed the evacuation of Mexico by the French army; namely, siege and capture of Querétaro by the republican forces, and subsequent trial and execution of Maximilian and his generals Miramon and Mejía; and the final crushing blows struck at the imperial régime in Puebla and Mexico, culininating in the triumphant return of Juarez and his government to the capital. The narrative, which is in clear and elegant language, encis with the republican government's first acts in Mexico, including the surrender of Maximilian's remains to his family. The whole may be called an impartial account of the events. Diario de los Debates, Tercer Congreso Constitucional de la Union. Méx., 1873. Fol., 2 vol., 1st, 200 pp., ii. 104 pp. The first volume comprises the minutes of the first ordinary session of the Mexican congress in 1852; and the second contains those of the second ordinary session in 1863. The national legislature decreed the publication of the minutes of its sessions beginning with the labors of the 1st congress existing under the constitution of 1837; but as there was in the years of the 31 congress, 1862-3, and the preceding ones, no stenographic bureau in the secretary's office, nor any one to keep the minutes, recourse was had to compiling the acts and official documents existing in the office of the secretary, and of the records kept by some journals published at those periods, among which were those of the Siglo XLX., taking therefrom the extracts of deputies' speeches. The utmost exactness having been observed, all facts related are founded on existing acts and documents. Some of the documents the compiler was unable to find, owing, doubtless, to the fact that a large portion of the archives was lost at the time the French ariny occupied Mexico in 1863. Tovar, Pantaleon, Historia Parlamentariu del Cuarto Congreso Constitucional, Méx., 1872-4, fol., 4 vol., is a history of the labors of the 4th congress of Mexico from the 5th of Nov., 1867, to the end of its legal term, namely, May 31, 1869. The compiler, who was a deputy to that body from Puebla, actually began his work on the 4th of Dec., 1867, preceding it with the official text of the congressional acts, and not with the minutes, which he found to be full of errors. All facts stated in the work the compiler assures us he has carefully collated and compared with the acts and official documents of the congress. Vol. i., containing xxvi. and 664 pp., gives the labors of that body during the 1st session, that ended March 29, 1868; vol. ii., with xvi., 627, and 172 pp., gives the doings of the 21 session, from March 31 to May 31, 1868, and the appropriations bill for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1869, vol. iii., with xii. and 1118 pp., has the minutes of the third session, from Sept. 5, 1868, to Jan. 21, 1869; and vol. iv., with xxiv. and 1110 pp., sets forth the congressional work in the 4th session, from Apr. 1 to May, 1831. The pages in Roman contain analyses of the labors of each session respectively. Each volume furnishes also an alphabetical index of the subjects therein contained. Diario de los Debates. Fol., 24 vol. These large and thick volumes give us in detail the daily work of the 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th congresses of Mexico at their several sessions, together with that of their respective permanent committees during the recess of the legislative body, embracing the period from Sept. 1, 1869, to Apr. 1, 1882, and their results.

    Francisco de P. Arrangoiz, Méjico desde 1808 hasta 1867. Méx., 1872. Sm. 4º. 4 vol. The chief aim of this work is to furnish an historical picture of the second Mexican empire, and this it does fully and clearly. The author is evidently well informed on general modern history, and on the international relations of the several prominent powers. So much had been published in France, after the execution of Maximilian, displaying ignorance of Mexican history, manners, and civilization, that the author, prompted by patriotic motives, undertook to throw light on those subjects, and to draw public attention to events connected with his country, about which so little seemed to be known. The narrative for the period from 1808 to 1830 is a mere condensation from Alaman's Historia de Méjico. From and after the last-mentioned year he gives an independent statement of events down to the time when the conservative party and clergy of Mexico conceived, as he alleges, the plan of choosing a ruler from among the reigning families of Europe. From this point his work assumes in a measure the form of a diary, treating events as they arise without any attempt at historical generalization. The author was among the first to suggest to Maximilian the acceptance of the Mexican throne, and was for some time in his service in a diplomatic capacity; but he resigned his office when he saw Maximilian's course toward the interests of the church and conservative party of Mexico. His letter of resignation to Maximilian points out what he considered the errors of that prince's policy, and foreshadowed the fatal result. He asserted that no complete history of Maximilian's rule could be written without having access to the documents in the possession of the French government. Maximilian's unhappy fate is wholly attributed to Napoleon III. and his ministers.

    Emmanuel Domenech — Histoire du Mexique — Jurez et Maximilien — Correspondences Inédites des Présidents, Ministres et Généraux Almonte, Santa-Anna, Gutierrez, Miramon, Marquez, Mejía, Woll, etc., etc., de Juarez, de L'Empereur Maximilien, et de L'Impératrice Charlotte. Paris, 1868. 8, 3 vol., pp. 314, 412, and 453. Beginning with the earliest date of Indian mythology, the author of these volumes carries the history of Mexico down to 1867. The contents of the work are thus divided. In volume i. Indian history previous to the conquest is treated of in the first 136 pages; then follows a narration of the conquest itself in 1519 to 1521, for the statments in which the writer has relied chiefly upon Bernal Diaz. This period occupies 100 pages. The remainder of the volume is taken up by a succinct review of the colonial times from 1521 to 1810. Although Domenech does not name the authorities he made use of in writing this portion of his work, it seems that he was mainly guided by Cavo, Tres Siglos. The 2d volume is devoted to the history of Mexico from 1810 to 1861, in which the war of independence is treated in a very superficial manner, only 42 pages being given to it. With much greaser detail is narrated the history of the succeeding 40 years, full accounts being furnished of the different metamorphoses which the republic underwent during that period. The author here frequently quotes from Suarez y Navarro, Lorenzo de Zavala, Luis de la Rosa, Poinsett, Filisola, and others. Volume iii. is the most important part of the whole work, and is entirely devoted to the history of the tripartite alliance and the French intervention, ending with the tragic death of Maximilian. The author supports his narrative of this period by numerous documents, mainly consisting of letters written by Maximilian, the Empress Carlota, Almonte, Santa Anna, Gutierrez, Miramon, Marquez, Mejía, Juarez, Woll, and others, thus rendering this part of his production not only important, but trustworthy. Domenech resided for 20 years in the U. S. and Mexico, which time he employed in familiarizing himself with the political conditions of these countries and the respective characters of the inhabitants; at the same time he collected the documents — 4,000 in number, as he says — which he has made use of in his work. During Maximilian's government he was director of the cabinet press and chaplain of the army. He speaks of many of the events narrated as an eye-witness. His language is plain, and his statements well and clearly expressed. The author claims he is impartial, and has reasonably succeeded in his endeavors to be so.

    E. Lefêvre, Le Mexique et L'Intervention Européenne. Mex., 1862. 8°, 479 pp. This work is divided into two parts; the first relates to events that preceded the European intervention in Mexico, the second to the acts of the intervention, concluding with a series of documents issued during the first two months after the rupture of the London convention and withdrawal of the Spaniards and English, the whole comprising the period from 1857 to 1862. The main object of the author — evidently a French republican — was to expose the trickery of certain men who held positions as French ministers accredited near the Mexican government, and to prove that President Juarez and his cabinet constituted the legitimate and constitutional government of Mexico.

    E. Lefêvre, Documentos Oficiales recogidos en la secretaría privada de Maximiliano. Historia de la Intervencion Francese en Méjico. Brusselas y Londres, 1869. 8, 2 vol., 1st, 464 pr., 2d, 454 pp. This is another work, but in the Spanish language, by the same author, who was chief editor of La Tribune in Mexico. In the first volume, after a brief review of Mexican affairs, explaining, among other things, the conduct of French ministers accredited to the republic, the difficulties the liberal government had to surmount in order to restore peace and order, and the manner in which the debts of Mexico orginated, the author enters fully upon the question of European intervention, policy of the French, English, Spanish, and American governments, invasion of Mexico by the armed forces of the powers to the tripartite convention, and subsequent events till the occupation of the Mexican capital by the French army, and organization of a usurping government under the protection of that army, followed by the arrangements entered into in Europe under which Archduke Maximilian was forced upon Mexico as its emperor, and afterward recognized as such by the monarchical governments of Europe. The 2d vol. treats of Maximilian's administration, including his relations with the pope and Napoleon III., till the evacuation of the country by the French army, together with the subsequent events that ended with Maximilian's capture and execution. The author assures us that he has been careful not to assert too much on the intrigues which originated the empire; that with the permission of the government of Juarez he made a search among the papers left behind by Maximilian, for documents to clear up those intrigues, without success; but he well knew that such documents existed, some in the hands of the pope, others in those of the imperial family of Austria, and still others, perhaps, in London. Referring to the Journal de Paris as his authority, he declares that in one of the clauses of Maximilian's last will he bequeathed to Prince Salm-Salm all his papers, including those taken to Europe by his wife, Princess Charlotte, and entrusted to him the task of pcblishing the secret negotiations that preceded his departure from Miramare, his general plans, and the causes beyond his control by which they were made to fail. This clause of Maximilian's will, he asserts upon the same authority, was withheld from publication by the enıperor of Austria, who claimed the right as head of the family, and Maximilian's brother and sovereign. The papers were accordingly not delivered to Salm-Salm, but subsequently transferred from Miramare to the archives of the Lorraine family. The pope also returned a refusal to Salm-Salm's demand. Consult Salm-Salm, My Diary, i., Pref. v.-xi. It will be well to state here that Lefêvre in every line of his work disapproves the conduct of France toward Mexico, and shows himself to be a confirmed republican. The Mexican congress, appreciating the sources from which the author derived his material, authorized the government, by decree of Apr. 20, 1868, to purchase 1,000 copies of the work. G. Niox, Expédition du Mexique, 1861-1867. Paris, 1874. 8, p. 770. The author was a captain of the general staff of the French army. His work contains full information on the European intervention in Mexico during the years 1861-7, beginning with the action of France, England, and Spain, and closing with the capitulation of Mexico and Vera Cruz in June 1867, and the restoration of the republican government. The political considerations are given in such a manner as to render comprehensive the causes, chain of events, and consequences of the military operations. The author quotes copiously from official documents, and appears to be fairly impartial in his details, though evidently inclined to blame the Mexican republicans for many of their acts, particularly the execution of Maximilian.

    Manuel Ramirez de Arellano — Últimas Horas del Imperio. (Traducida del francés, y seguida de las consideraciones del Sr N. Hugelmann.) Mexico, 1369. 12, pp. 105. Arellano, a general of brigade in the imperial army, denounces in strong terms the conduct of General Marquez, which he classifies as treacherous. With reference to the manifesto published by the latter in defence of his action, Arellano makes this serere remark: 'El autor de esta memoria lleva la hipocresía, la falsedad y el cinismo á un grado tal, que en honor de la ver las histórica, nuestro deber es refutarlo.' On the following page he speaks of the manifesto as 'setenta y tres páginas de la edicion económica, de que se compone,' in which there is not a word of truth. He maintains that Marquez was the author of the executions at Tacubaya, and that his claims to having won the battles of Ahualulco and San Joaquin were pretensions that Miramon would smile at from the tomb. The Últimas Horas was first published in French at Paris, and afterward translated into Spanish. It elicited a reply from Marquez, under the title, Refutacion hecha por el General de Division Leonardo Marquez al Libelo del General de Brigada Don Manuel Ramirez de Arellano publicarlo en Paris el 30 de Diciembre de 1868, bajo el Epígrafe de 'Ultimas Horas del Imperio.' Mexico, n. d. 12°, p. 371. As these political and military rivals were bitterly opposed to each other, it can only be expected that their counter imputations display bitter animosity. But it is to be regretted that spiteful expressions, marked by want of dignity, creep into their pages. I have already quoted Arellano; Marquez speaks thus of his opponent's publication: Es un fárrago de disparates, un cumulo de necedades, una serie de contradicciones tal, que verdaderamente no se comprende, y se necesita la paciencia de Job para acabar de leer el libro sin arrojarlo de las manos en cien ocasiones.' Page vii. The extreme views of the two political parties are presented to the reader by these two writers.

    Papeles y Correspondencia de la Familia Imperial de Francia. . . Relativos á la Intervencion Francesa en México, Mexico, 1873, 12, pp. 214, with index, contains a series of letters, a few of which are addressed by General Bazaine to the emperor Napoleon. The greater portion of them were written by members of the imperial army serving in Mexico to their relatives in France. As may be expected, they represent one-sided views, but most of them show Bazaine's duplicity, and the intrigues and corruption of Maximilian's ministers and advisers.

    Niceto de Zamacois--Historia de Méjico desde sus Tiempos mas Remotos hasta Nuestros Dias, etc. Barcelona and Mex., 1877-82. 8°, vol. i.-xviii. This heavy work includes what the author terms the four great phases of Mexican history; viz., the period preceding the conquest; the conquest itself, preceded by an account of the discovery of America and following events; the three centuries of Spanish domination; and the independent period, commencing from the first events preparatory to Hidalgo's revolution down to Maximilian's death. The arrangement is chronological, events and government measures being recorded year by year. The last date is December 1967. The author's style is clear, and generally speaking elegant, though at times turgid and diffuse, statements, or matter previously treated of, being often repeated. He has, moreover, a faculty of singling out trifles as subjects for argument or correction, while great questions appear to be beyond reach of his recognition; at the same time, his vanity is evident from the praise he bestows upon him. himself. Vol. xiii. 527. Zamacois professes an impartiality which his treatment of questions does not always bear out. His Spanish instincts (he is a Spanish Basque) warp his judgment. He depicts in glowing colors the prowess and wisdom of his countrymen and government, but touches faintly upon their evil actions; and where he cannot avoid setting forth some heinous deed, he manages to provide extenuating circumstances, except in one or two instances. Even when describing the massacre of the Indian nobles in the temple of Mexico by order of Alvarado, while he disapproves the deed, be defends the motive which prompted it, taking Bernal Diaz, one of the actors, as an infallible authority. But so far as the conquest is concerned, Zamacois has evidently not consulted half the authorities, yet he assumes to chide Prescott for mistakes, and frequently raps at his fingers for deviating from Bernal Diaz, whose work is Zamacois' historical gospel. The fact is, that Prescott found many facts in works not known to the latter. It must be acknowledged, however, that full credit is given to the Indian allies of the Spaniards for their share in the conquest. Much space is devoted to the system of administration by Spain in Mexico and other colonies, comparing it with that of other nations, particularly of England in her North American colonies, invariably giving the fullest preference to the former. The author delights in showing the Anglo-Saxon to have been in those days fanatical and ignorant, as well as given to piracy upon 'harmless' Spain. He rarely misses an opportunity of airing his ill feeling against the English, and abusing their successors in North America. In his reckless onslaught he often exhibits much ignorance. He professes to have consulted, in the preparation of his work, Clavigero, Gomara, Benavente, Sahagun, Camargo, Ixtlilxochitl, Muñoz, Oviedo, Zurita, Acosta, Bernal Diaz, the Anonymous Conqueror, Solis, Las Casas, Gama, Torquemada, Betancurt, Herrera, Robertson. Zuazo, and, as he assures us, 'one hundred other illustrious writers,' among whom appear Prescott, Caro, Alaman, Zavala, Mora, Bustamante, Arrangoiz, Liceaga, Rosains, Tornel, the Riveras, and several manuscripts obtained from friends; he likewise states that he levied contributions from the Archivo Nacional of Mexico, and from precious documents which, till a recent date, enriched the religious houses of Mexico, Cortés' letters, and the letter from the town council of the Villa Rica to the king. Aside from Cortés' own letters, the author gives more credence to Bernal Diaz than to any one else, on the ground that he was an eyewitness, and a frank soldier, who in his narrative did not draw upon imagination. Robertson's work he considers truly estimable, and yet containing 'inexactitudes y contradicciones palpitantes que forman un desagradable lunar en la obra.' Raynal and Pauw are harshly criticised in a few lines as unworthy of credence. Alaman's Hist. Méj. and Disertaciones are spoken of in the highest terms of praise, and full reliance seems to have been at once placed on them, though with the saving clause that the author disagrees with the Mexican on many points. It is noticeable that, while Zamacois copies from that author page after page, giving him full credit, he also takes a large amount of facts, often almost in Alaman's own words, without crediting him therefor — which looks very much like the trick of a common plagiarist. Another peculiarity is observed in this connection: foot-notes are taken verbatim et literatim from Alaman's book, so that the reader is left to suppose that the copyist obtained them direct from the Mexican author's original sources. Zamacois shows a peculiar pleasure in correcting what he calls mistakes of Prescott, Robertson, Solis, and others, coolly asserting in divers places that the escritores extrangeros are ever disposed to misrepresent facts, or to make exaggerated appreciations of them, with the view of stigmatizing Spanish character. He repeatedly enters upon a comparison between Spanish civilization and advancement, as well as political and religious policy in America, and those of England — which is always his bugbear — invariably awarding the superiority to the former, and it may be, in some instances, not altogether wrongly. To the charge of the 'autos de fé,' as telling against Spanish civilization, he answers that they cause horror now, but when practised in Mexico — and they were very few in number — public opinion deemed then useful and necessary to prevent the spread of pernicious ideas on matters of religious faith, and he does not fail to bring forward the horrible tortures inflicted in England and other European nations, and in the American colonies, upon both political and common prisoners, the burning of witches, etc. Zamacois lived many years in Mexico, and died there early in 1886. During Maximilian's empire he was the chief editor of El Cronista, and had likewise been previously known as a novelist. He confesses a strong affection for Mexico and Mexicans, and in his treatment of questions disconnected with Spanish interests endeavors to exercise an unbiassed judgment, feeling his responsibility, and resolving to accomplish his task honorably. On the whole, he ought to be awarded some credit for the good arrangement of events, and for much information on character, literary advancement, and many other points of real interest. Nor should mention of his industry be omitted. He states that for five years he worked daily from nine to eleven hours, and sometimes twelve hours. xviii. 1773. His last three volumes, containing no less than 3,971 pages, are devoted to the tripartite alliance, and the French intervention. Zamacois considers that the governments of the U. S., England, and France caused irreparable injury to the Mexican nation, by their lying promises of sympathy and disinterestedness.' He maintains that there are very few foreign writers who, in their narratives of those events, have not spoken with injustice of Mexico and the Mexicans. Salm-Salm, Kératry, and Domenech come under his special censure for offensive and unjust expressions, the latter being freely quoted and commented upon for his exposure of the immoralities of the Mexican priesthood and their want of enlightenment. Zamacois maintains that Domenech's assertions are false. Among the few impartial foreign writers he mentions Alberto Hans, who knew how to appreciate properly the good qualities of the sons of the country.' The typographical work throughout is good, and all the volumes are embellished with wood-cuts, a large number of them purporting to be portraits of distinguished men of Mexican history.

    Circulares y Otras Publicaciones hechas por la Legacion Mexicana en Washington durante la Guerra de Intervencion en 1862-1867. Mexico, 1868. 2 vol., pp. 507 and 408. These volumes contain a collection of circulars and other publications issued during the years 1862-1867 by Matías Romero, the enroy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Washington. They were sent to Mexico by Romero for the purpose of inspiring patriotism in the people dnring the intervention, and are of a diversified nature, including official correspondence and documents, accounts showing the sales of Mexican bonds and the purchase of war material, speeches and extracts from periodicals, and a great variety of other such matter. In vol. i., 406-48, will be found a biography of Benito Juarez, written by Un Mexicano, and in vol. ii., 306-13, is an introduction by Romero to Historia Militar del General Ulíses S. Grant, written in English by Adam Badeau, and proposed, at the suggestion of Romero, to be translated into Spanish. The names of the collectors and editors of these volumes do not appear.

    As a sequel to the above is, Correspondencia de la Legacion Mexicana en Washington...sobre la captura, Juicio y Ejecucion de Don Fernando Maximiliano de Hapsburgo, which was published in Mexico the same year by Romero, and contains his correspondence with the minister of foreign relations of the Mexican republic and the department of state at Washington relative to Maximilian's capture and execution, and also accounts of conferences hell by him with Mr Seward relative to the intervention of the U.S. on his behalf.

    L. Le Saint Guerre du Mexique 1861-1867, Lille and Paris, n. d., 89, pp. 224, is a French version of the intervention, devoted principally to sounding the praises of the French army and its leaders, as well as of Maximilian, whose course of action is warmly supported. The data relating to' military and political events are comparatively meagre, and the accounts of them favorable to the imperialists. Occasionally documents of an official character are given.