History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 25

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXV.

SOCIETY.

1887.

Evolution of a new race — Indians and Meztizos — Climate and Epidemics — Benevolent Institutions — The Mexican of the Present Time — Slavery and Peonage — Negroes and Léperos — Orders and Titles of Nobility — Social Manners and Customs — Artisans and Rancheros — Condition of Mexican Women — Marital Relations — Innovations on the National Costume — Holidays and Festivals — Observance of Holy Week — Gambling — Theatres and Country Amusements — Horse-racing — Popular Drives and Walks — Highwaymen — Travelling in the Interior — Immigration Unsuccessful — Relative Positions of Foreigners in Mexico.

The peaceful, semi-dormant times of colonial rule were undoubtedly favorable to the evolution of a race which is rapidly absorbing the Indian and Spanish parent stock and advancing toward a fixed type. What this will be is wholly a matter of speculation. If left to themselves the mestizos must in time become the national race, as already represented by a large body among them,^[1] but our age is not one of exclusiveness, and growing intercourse is opposed to strict conservatism. Mexico is exposed in an exceptional manner to the encroachments of universal progress, lying as she does on the borders of a nation impelled above any other by the spirit of the age. The territory ceded by the treaty of 1848 is rapidly transforming itself, and now railroads are opening wide paths into Anáhuac for an irresistible advance, prompted by material interests, and to be welcomed from similar motives, despite the warning cry of patriotic mentors. Here lies, then, a modifying influence toward a white race, even if a counteracting element for political preservation is introduced in the form of European colonists. Even this, however, does not point to a fixed type, which depends upon geographic environment. I will here merely allude to the national type unfolding in the United States, with its several marked Indian features, for the purpose of assuring the champions of the aborigines, that although their protegés are disappearing, they may yet be avenged upon their conquerors by nature herself. Yet must they not overlook the powerful factor presented by universal intercourse, which is affecting, in a greater or less degree, all the nations of the earth.

Statistics regarding the changes in a population so remarkable and prominent in its progress must be of particular interest. Unfortunately, those that exist are not very reliable, for no complete census has ever been taken,^[2] owing above all to the continual political disturbances, the fear of levies for taxes and military service, and the periodic movements of populations between towns and country for employment and gathering of fruit.^[3] Hence the figures are widely based on estimates, according to which the number of inhabitants may now be placed at over 10,000,000. The period of the independence war is generally regarded as stationary, but after this the increase is reckoned at about eight per mille, a figure far below those yiven by Humboldt and Navarro, and lower still when we consider the greater lease of life attained to some extent in Mexico with the aid of modern conveniences and medical knowledge. Yet their ratio does not appear extravagant for the peaceful colonial era,^[4] as compared with republican times, with its constant revolutions, and consequently unfavorable condition for rearing families. To this must be added the withdrawal from Indians of the protective measures of a paternal government, leaving them exposed to a competitive struggle with races possessing superior advantages and ever ready to abuse them.

The contact with the Europeans is undoubtedly prejudicial to the aborigines, though less rapid in its effect than in the United States. During colonial times, new and intensified epidemics appear as prominent annihilators, by which a large population was reduced to about three millions and a half at the opening of this century. Since then, other less direct causes must be regarded as mainly contributing to the decrease of their number, a decrease which becomes very marked on comparing it with the growth of the other occupants of the soil. With a fairly strong constitution, and fecund women so generally attributed to them, they should have participated to some extent in the increase of over fifty per cent, exhibited by the total population. Instead of this they declined, thus swelling the proportionate rate of growth for the other races to double or even treble.

An official report ascribes this to some hidden evil,^[5] which, however, reveals itself distinctly on one side in a criminal lack of care during the periods of maternity and childhood. This is proved by the enormous death rate among children below the age of ten, which in some districts reaches fifty per cent or more of the total.^[6] In bringing forward their array of retarding causes, as given in the foot-note, most writers overlook that most of the injurious features complained of have nearly always existed, and are shared by the fast-growing mestizos, who, moreover, expose themselves more to the vicissitudes of war than any other class. It must be admitted that the contact of races with its active and passive influence is entitled to greater consideration, although not to the same extent as in the United States, where the relative conditions of life are so widely different.^[7]

In this connection must be weighed the effect of absorption by the mixed race, generally embraced under the term mestizo,^[8] which has grown at a comparatively enormous rate, at the expense of both Indians and whites. Its former proportion of twentytwo per cent to the total population has now expanded to about forty-three, while the whites have increased only to twenty per cent, and the aborigines declined from sixty to thirty-seven. The negro mixtures are practically merged in them, and the greater part of the so-called whites are really mestizos of a lighter hue.^[9] The eagerness to be classed among the faircomplexioned race is nearly as strong as in colonial days.

An interesting study is the effect of climate on a population here scattered throughout three different zones. The belief is general, especially abroad, that the tierra caliente, or coast region, is less adapted to either natives or foreigners than the tierra fria of the plateau. This rests mainly on the prevalence in the marshy shore districts of fevers which attack newcomers, and on the preponderating ratio of inhabitants on the uplands. But it has been found that where malaria is absent the coast region, and above all the intermediate tierra templada, permits a more perfect development of mind and body, even natives finding relief here from the languor that grows upon them in the rarefied atmosphere of the table-land.^[10] Statistics show a greater proportion of births in the low and intermediate zones than above, and if the increase of population does not exactly correspond, it must be ascribed to movements in favor of the uplands.^[11]

With the spread of vaccination and other remedial agencies, the ravages of diseases have been restricted, here as elsewhere, with the result of prolonging somewhat the average lease of life. Unfortunately, like all public measures in this country, efforts in this direction have been too spasmodic to produce much good, in face of the prevalent indifference and conservatism. Thus small-pox, for instance, has inflicted grievous havoc at different times; and impelled by dread, both the government and the public have then taken rather tardy precautions.^[12] The matlazahuatl has been merciful, but a new scourge came instead in the form of Asiatic cholera, which, during its first attack in 1833, carried off, at Mexico, 1,200 or 1,400 daily, and at other places in proportion.^[13] During later more or less severe visitations,^[14] energetic measures were taken as regards cleanliness and sale of certain articles of food; and scientific investigations were made into the nature of the epidemic.^[15]

Yellow fever, at first confined to the gulf of Mexico, has extended to the Pacific shore, as shown by the severe visitation of this disease in 1885.^[16] Other malignant fevers have at different times left a sad memento, notably one which, in 1813, carried off about 20,000 persons at the capital alone.^[17] Of leprosy, there is one modified type known as tina or pinto, which has shown alarming symptoms of increase, although confined to a belt which extends from Tabasco and Chiapas northwestward by the Pacific, and is especially prevalent in Guerrero and Oajaca, so much so that people from this region are often known as Pintos.^[18] The symptoms are a cough, lustrous skin, with irregular spots of reddish, white, and notably blue colors, sometimes advancing into scab and ulceration, with bad odor, but confined to the skin alone. It is most common among mestizos and mulattoes, next Indians, and least among whites and negroes.^[19]

The medical board of colonial days, which exercised beneficial control over the profession, was quickly curtailed in its jurisdiction under the federal system. The government of each state formed its board of health,^[20] and regulated the recognition and practice of medical men, and each municipal community had its committee to watch spasmodically over sanitary measures.^[21] Inferior colleges began to issue certificates, and abuses crept in by different ways. On the other hand, a good tone has been imparted by the influx of practitioners, such as French doctors and German apothecaries, and by the resort of students to Paris and other continental schools, so that the foremost practitioners are not far behind the Europeans in medical knowledge. The numerical increase of the profession has not had the effect of reaching a proportionately larger number of sufferers, for it must be borne in mind that friars and curates used to practise the healing art in a limited degree; and with the decline of their influence were lost many of the benefits flowing from their hands.

Another blow at this source of charity was the secularization of all benevolent institutions, notably hospitals, by decree of February 2, 1861, in accordance with the anti-clerical constitution of 1857, the government taking charge of their management, as well as estates, by a board of officers subject to the secretary of the interior.^[22] A politically created body could hardly enter into the spirit of benevolence, like those who gave their lives to it, and consequently the aims of an institution were often misdirected, and the wishes of donors neglected; yet a certain gain accrued from a united administration, guided by advice from the managers of the establishments concerned. Of still greater importance was the government protection which now interposed against the loss and neglect occasioned by political and other disorders. Previous to this new régime, we find laments from all directions about the decline or abandonment of charities. Few of the minor asylums, which churchmen had ever made it a duty to sustain, remained. Now and then, an appeal obtained aid from private or public source, toward reëstablishing some institution, perhaps only temporarily.^[23]

The capital has suffered less than many other towns, owing to the concentration there of wealth and prodigality; and yet of hospitals alone seven have disappeared with their vast estates, a few being merged in the seven more poorly endowed houses that now exist.^[24] One of these is a lying-in hospital, and two are for insane persons. The asylum, with its schools for the blind and deaf-mutes, is of recent creation, and there is an ophthalmic institute.^[25] The foundling hospital has an invested capital of nearly $300,000, besides rich gifts, and supports about 300 children, which are rapidly adopted even at an early age. The consideration for bereaved children is further manifested in other orphan asylums not under government control.^[26] There is also an industrial school at Santiago for training children in useful arts, and another of a penal character at Momoluco. The asylum for the poor remains, and there has recently been founded one for beggars, with a view to abate this pest in the city.^[27] In addition to all this, there are benevolent bodies, as they always have, to seek out the suffering, aided by private and even government funds. Mutual associations have been formed, including two founded by Spanish and French residents.^[28] In this connection may be mentioned the continuous good service rendered by the Monte de Piedad, or public pawn-shop, now extended to several branches, with discounting and commercial loan department, safety deposit, and savings bank.^[29]

The restrictions imposed by the colonial government against interring bodies within the precincts of towns had to be renewed in republican times on more than one occasion, with a few exceptions in favor of certain distinguished officials.^[30]

The mestizo is the most flourishing branch of the population. The mixture from which he springs, with its European blood and dashes of African fire, favors rapid development. It is perhaps too rapid, too forced, to allow of a sound maturity. Hence a lack of depth and earnestness which is revealed to the world in the inconsistencies of the government, with its additional traits of conceit, bombast, and irresolution — all tending toward those weak and half-way measures that have promoted anarchy. The Mexican — the mestizo being now dominant and representative — has remained in a state of adolescence, as indicated by his capricious, thoughtless, and even puerile traits. While tenderly susceptible, he can be ferociously cruel; treachery and fidelity go hand in hand; his generosity degenerates into prodigality; lofty desires sink for want of patience and determination; in short, he lacks reflecting prudence and sustained purpose, and yields more than the Indian to passions and prejudices.

The assumption that the half-breed of Mexico inherits the worst traits of their progenitors is hardly correct. If these characteristics appear conspicuous, with a stronger stamp of the inferior race, it is due rather to his equivocal position which places obstacles, especially of a social nature, against his efforts for higher models. Like the mediocre parvenu he lacks certain essential elements, above all sound principles; and failing to reach the higher level, a blind race pride urges him to grasp tenaciously for the lower, with its many objectionable features. A sense of inferiority, as among the Indians, might originally have saved him from this mistake, and promoted a healthful earnestness. The type is now approaching a national uniformity, subject to modification by semi-dormant traits inherited from either side.

The best attributes transmitted from the white progenitor are sprightliness, energy, unsustained though it be. Thus is the mestizo raised conspicuously above the Indian, compensating for many of the drawbacks that hamper his competition with the pure white race. It tends to make of him the inflammable, turbulent element to which is mainly due the protracted civil wars; but it also makes of him that amiable, jovial being, ever ready for convivial amusements and gallantry. He is a brave fighter, but given to lawlessness, yet less to stealthy acts and cunning thefts, which belong rather to the Indians. Unfortunately, his energy is spasmodic, and insufficient to rescue him from the all-pervading indolence. This renders him too easily content, and indifferent to the need for bettering his condition. The general improvidence, which so many ascribe wholly to a generous climate, is fostered by the indulgence of passions, and by the political and social disorders thereby engendered. The impulsive, fitful temperament requires above all early restraining discipline by prudent parents; but these have yet to be formed. Brightness and good-nature are two strong elements, however, ever ready to aid improvement when the impulse shall have been given.^[31]

The characteristics indicated serve in themselves to explain the antipathy which still exists between the races. Republican laws have abolished caste distinctions, but what avail codes against nature and customs. The white men still retain the lead by virtue of wealth, education, and intelligence, and the mestizos, while seeking to level the wall between the two, widen for the same reason the gulf separating them from the oppressed Indians. The latter retaliate for the contempt bestowed upon them by nicknames, the mestizo being generally alluded to as a jackal.^[32] They submit patiently to indignities, and tacitly acknowledge their inferiority, yet this admission tends to hold them aloof, and to confirm then in tenacious adherence to aboriginal customs, even to partial idolatry. They care little for the strife of political parties, and fight on any side. The slaughter among other races affords them a secret satisfaction, perhaps the lingering hope that it may bring them nearer to a restoration of their ancient rights as owners of the soil. The prolonged war of extermination in Yucatan has cruelly reminded the whites that the sentiment is not passive. Thus race feeling, as well as political and other difference, serves to split this unhappy nation. Yet a brighter prospect is opening with the rise into prominence of such men as Juarez, whose ability and efforts cast a redeeming lustre on their race, and serve to lessen the social obstacles.^[33]

Any relief for the Indian would tend to raise also the grades above him. Spanish policy had partly through misdirected kindness reduced him to a state of tutelage, or even worse, that of an irresponsible being. This was his condition when a republican government suddenly took from him the substantial protection and privileges on which he had relied, gave in exchange certain rights, which to him were empty terms, and sent him forth to compete with men who held every advantage. On one side he fell a victim to political intriguers, on the other to masters who, with the aid of a debtor's law, managed to hold him in the slavery known as peonage, sometimes so oppressive that his wife had to toil in the field with him, and his children serve like beasts from their early years.^[34] And yet the tax collector overlooked him not, as he often does the richer man. In this his own land, where the law grants him the title of citizen, he is regarded by the few as a useful machine only, and by the mass either as an undesirable intruder, an incubus, a dead weight, or as an outcast.^[35]

No wonder, then, that he draws back in sullen stubbornness, and clings to old memories and customs. A striking illustration of this lies in the fact that more than a hundred aboriginal idioms are still spoken after three centuries and more of national mingling:^[36] During the war of independence, the Spanish authorities were induced to court Indians as well as others with exemptions from forced service and tribute, and other privileges^[37] which promised to lift them in the social scale; but republican laws have not yet effectually promoted this desirable aim, leaving them unprotected against the political schemers and selfish employers, who swindle, flog, and otherwise maltreat them with connivance of abject or interested local officials. The same spirit prevails as in colonial times, when the aborigines were considered a fair prey. Their only true friend, the benevolent friar, has disappeared. Still, there are a few men who earnestly advocate their redemption, regarding them as capable of improvement, and as citizens entitled to every consideration. The measures proposed affect all the humbler classes, embracing as they do the extension of public schools, the abolishing of any enslavement for delt, the discouragement of isolated communities, and the distribution of land in small proprietary holdings, the government purchasing large tracts and selling them in parcels by instalment.^[38] This would give impulse to dormant ambition and political pride, and direct the plodding patience which prevails to some extent among the Indians.^[39]

Although only an insignificant percentage among them attain any prominence, a, considerable proportion accumulate money; not for adding to their comfort, however, but to invest in herds, or in some stately though useless dwelling; or to secrete it, even from their descendants. They prefer the garb of poverty and the humble life of their own people, perhaps with the esteemed position of leaders, to an equivocal standing among others, subject to the contemptuous slurs of the lowest half-breed. Even Indian women show little of the common feminine desire for finery.^[40] As for the mass of villagers and laborers, they live from hand to mouth, content with a mere shed, or even the free sky for a roof, with a scanty covering for the body, and for food, maize, frijoles, and chile. The least possible labor provides for these wants, and careless for the morrow, they squander any surplus in drinking, usually in the neighboring town. On the approach of fest days, there is a general effort to accumulate a small sum with which to join worthily in the religious processions and other customary celebrations,^[41] to say nothing of the drunken orgie which follows.

Slavery, in the legal sense, never prevailed to any extent in Mexico,^[42] and it may be said to have ceased in 1810, with the outbreak of the war for independence, both parties offering freedom to gain the adhesion of their bondsmen.^[43] Nevertheless, a few remained, and it was not till 1829 that the republic formally declared slavery abolished. A more powerful bondage existed, however, in the debtor's law, whereby persons without property were required to render service in payment cf debt. It was applied only to Indians, whose careless, stupid, and feast-loving disposition readily induced them to accept the yoke for a small advance, especially on the occasion of marriage. The creditor, usually owner of a plantation, takes care that the small wages agreed upon shall be paid in food and other articles from his own supplies, and in such a manner that the bonds increase till the children are within the coils. The debt may be transferred, and with it the enslaved.^[44] Love for the home region and stubborn conservatism stand in the way of liberation, and so they toil away till death relieves them.^[45] Repeated protests were made against this abuse, but it did not suit the interest of those in power to yield, and it was only in November 1873 that a constitutional amendment abolished peonage. This has not had full effect, as may well be understood; partly because the Indians can be controlled by honor, family ties, and other means; but the conditions are now less oppressive.

The export traffic in Indians is another evil, which has afflicted especially Yucatan. Here it was begun by the state government with Indians captured during the war of races some forty years ago, as a means to obtain war material, and the feeble protest of the general government only encouraged this infamous slave trade, till at last more stringent laws had to be issued for its suppression.^[46]

Negroes can hardly be said to have increased, although they continue to add their infusion of blood into the other races. While their social position here is relatively higher than in the United States, yet they must be assigned to the lowest stratum,^[47] unless indeed it is insisted upon that the léperos^[48] shall be so classed. The latter are the same lazy, half-naked vagabonds as of old,^[49] save that their number has been increased by itinerant hawkers and musicians, vicious idlers and thieves, fostered by political disorder, drink, and gambling, and many of them with fair education and ability.^[50] A mild climate with few pressing wants leaves them rather good-natured, and a firm attitude or severe sentence intimidates them. Nevertheless, thieving vagabonds are not desirable, and more than one stringent measure has been taken to suppress them, by forced enlistment, imprisonment, and chain-gang labor;^[51] but of course with little effect. Mexico district, and similar large centres, swarm as usual with them, while quieter agricultural regions like Michoacan and Colima are comparatively free from the pest.^[52]

The persistency of race distinction or color rank has naturally tended to intensify the class lines, so widely fostered by inherited Spanish pride and aboriginal conservatism; and this so far as to create no little distress among a shabby-genteel set, whose fair complexion makes them still regard as degrading any labor which is supposed to belong to colored people. During the war for independence, royalty made an appeal to the besetting weakness by granting titles to men worth winning, and by creating the special American order of Isabel la Católica.^[53] Iturbide did the same by creating the imperial order of Guadalupe for civil and military services.^[54] It fell with the empire, but was revived for a time by Santa Anna, and finally by Maximilian.^[55]

Titles of nobility which had received a new lease under Agustin I. were abolished by decree of May 1826,^[56] yet the republic maintained the taste for distinctions by granting high-sounding appellations to officials and corporations, Santa Anna during his last dictatorship assuming that of Most Serene Highness. Crosses, coats of arms, and titles like benemérito de la patria were also bestowed both by general and state governments, and permission could readily be obtained for receiving them from foreign governments.'

Maximilian showed himself most generous in the distribution of honors, in the shape of medals, orders, and patents of nobility. He moreover created the imperial order of the eagle, making it superior to that of the revived Guadalupe,^[57] and the order of San Carlos for women,^[58] in addition to which a number of foreign insignia were bestowed.^[59] With the fall of the empire, these novelties were swept away. The new government has shown a disposition rather for substantial pensions and grants than empty honors.^[60] Entail was abolished already in 1820, but several subsequent decrees have been required to enforce the order.^[61]

Intercourse with foreigners has since colonial times changed materially the life of the upper classes, who manifest a decided preference for Parisian manners, dress, and ideas. The desire for show remains rooted, and it is not uncommon for a bride to stipulate for a carriage and a box at the theatre, however much the home may suffer by the condition. Others will expend their all upon dress; and while impressing the stranger with their rich appearance, they would not dare to expose its reality by inviting him to their dwelling.

The housewife has few of the English ideas concerning neatness, conveniences, and domestic amenities generally. Slovenliness prevails everywhere, and the mistress mingles freely among her dirty servants, taking her food with them and the children in the most unceremonious form. The home, as we understand it, does not exist, and the absence of fire-places indicates one great obstacle to those family reunions which have so important an influence on our society. Dinner-parties are rarely given, and home entertainments are restricted mainly to the so-called tertulias, with their medley of singing and dancing, forfeit games and gambling, but otherwise with little of our free and animated intercourse between the sexes. The piazza, or the flat roof of the town-house, is often selected as the scene of these merry reunions. Visiting is exacted with frequency, and on all occasions of interest to a family, and with all the old-fashioned Spanish formality — of manner, at least, yet the conversation falls, as a rule, into society gossip. With the rise of inferior and colored persons, by means of political influence and military intrigues, parties present a greater mixture than formerly. Nevertheless, the innate politeness of the Mexican, and his natural suavity of manner, permit a comparatively easy adaptation of tone. With their fondness for show, it may be understood that the revival of a court under Maximilian was not distasteful to society, at least, however much political writers declaim against its affectation and formalities, forgetting that their own presidents have indulged in most unrepublican pomp.^[62]

Besides climate, there are numerous reactionary influences which tend to lower the inducement to labor and advance, especially among the great mass which forms the sinews of a nation. The sway of passions, manifest above all in social and political disorders, the insufficiency of educational facilities, the still abnormal control exercised by a retrogressive clergy, and the absorption of land by large holders, are the principal of these retarding causes.

One instance of this is found in the condition of artisans, which is nearly as low and poverty-stricken as that of the laborer. A main cause hereof is the imitative ability of the Indian, who manufactures excellent articles, and hawks about small lots till he can procure the means for a new venture. Like the other humbler classes, known as gentalla,^[63] they live from hand to mouth, very much as the Indians, with idling and drinking for chief pleasure, and superstition for mental exercise. Those earning more increase their personal finery; otherwise, the surplus goes to feasts and gambling and drinking instead of adding to home comforts. Under colonial rule, a number of restrictive laws tended to check these propensities, but since then the lower classes have been allowed to drift and yield to the perverting influence surrounding them.^[64] A few days' labor now and then, even at low wages, suffices to provide for all their simple wants, and why care for the morrow?^[65]

There is one representative element among these classes, of purely national type, whose character and condition form a brighter picture, and that is the ranchero, or petty farmer, and cotter, known in some parts, as in Vera Cruz, by the name Jarocho, and presenting in many respects traits superior to those of his confrère in Europe, especially in manners and accomplishments. He is modest in his belongings, content with an airy shed for dwelling, and a small patch of soil on which to cultivate a little maize and chile, some beans and yams, and sustain a few head of live-stock. Trees laden with figs and oranges, and the plantain and banana, add to his larder, and to the picturesque appearance of his home, with its background of stately palms and variegated undergrowth.

Woman is regarded by the man rather as a toy and ornament than a companion. Nevertheless, she is here above all entitled to the term better half, because she fills better than the man the narrower sphere assigned to her, exhibiting less of the weak effort and half success which characterize him in economical and political affairs.^[66] It has been observed that in the Orient the seclusion of women has tended to make the men more effeminate. She avenges herself for the injustice, as a French writer happily observes, by wielding greater influence on the temperament. This appears to be the case also here to some extent, for the men certainly display a sensuous indolence and irresolution, with an undue fondness for dress and other feminine vanities. They also assume a multiplicity of menial and light tasks which we delegate to the other sex, and among the lower classes there is a reversal, by imposing heavier labor on women. With the growth of culture, however, there will doubtless appear that proper division of labor and freer intercourse between the sexes prevailing among the most advanced nations.

The existing relationship naturally reduces love to a lower level, lacking as it does certain sustaining elements of social culture and strong character. The fault lies partly in higher circles with the duenna system, which imparts the idea that the temptation of opportunity is not to be resisted, partly with the frivolous conduct of the husband; for the woman is modest in language, dress, and manner.^[67] Finally she yields to an indulgent opinion and to the flattering idea of conquest, and accepts a lover,^[68] with little effort at concealment. So contagious an example set by the upper classes fails not to increase the influences which affect the people in general, such are the lack of real homes and proper education, the frequent limitation of families to one room, in small and flimsy houses, the union of the sexes at an immature age,^[69] and the restrictions against divorce; but climate and national characteristics must be considered, and even more so the caste distinctions whose great social barriers are a standing encouragement of illicit relations. So tolerant is the public to the prevalent looseness, that pseudo-wives find the doors of almost any family open to them, while husbands not infrequently maintain several households without much attempt at concealment. A redeeming feature in all this, however, is the comparative absence of mercenary motives, love being the impelling cause.

Spanish laws were not very strict in these respects, as we have seen, nor the more liberal republicans; ^[70] but a better tone is spreading with foreign influence,^[71] as manifested also in more guarded utterance on delicate subjects, perhaps with a tendency to that extreme English euphemism which only intensifies the significance. The smoking habit among women is declining, and the government has taken steps to check obscene songs and disorders attending wakes and other reunions.^[72]

A greater measure is the institution of civil marriage,^[73] in accordance with the spirit of the liberal constitution of 1857, and on the ground that the clergy fostered immorality by their exorbitant fees and other restrictions, and by abusing this sacrament for political purposes.^[74] The law naturally met with great opposition from the clergy and their adherents,^[75] but has been sustained, to the increase of legal unions, if also of divorce.^[76] The extravagant habits and inefficient education of the higher classes will ever prove an obstacle to marriage, and the unceremonious intrusion and meddling of a wife's mother and sisters is a custom which foreigners, at least, seek to guard against by seemingly harsh restrictions. Yet mothers are not given to match-making schemes.^[77] Lovers must sigh at a distance, and even after betrothal their intercourse is exceedingly formal.^[78] Children are bright and well-behaved in a remarkable degree, although left too much to the servants, and treated in an over-indulgent manner.^[79]

The influx of French fashions has almost wholly transformed the dress of city folk, even to some extent among humbler classes;^[80] and although certain Spanish features, like the mantilla and capa, remain, we must go to the country for the old national costumes, which remain comparatively unchanged. Men affect dress relatively more than the other sex, with a closer adherence to Parisian models. They are also less slovenly than women. Their position in this respect seems the reverse of English. Indian women are strikingly deficient in the so common feminine weakness for display.^[81] The sex shows an unequal appreciation for certain parts of dress, regardless of their fitness or conformity; and this applies especially to jewelry, for which political disorders have fostered a taste, as a safe and convenient means of investment, alike against petty and recognized marauders.^[82]

Holidays and festivals have undergone a certain change with the substitution of republican ideas and the decline of religious influence. Days dedicated to royalty were replaced by anniversaries connected with the independence,^[83] notably September 16th,^[84] on which Hidalgo proclaimed the revolution. The national holidays, which are somewhat numerous, are opened with artillery salvos and ringing of bells, followed by high mass, attended by the authorities and government officials. Then follows a formal audience at the palace, in front of which the people gather to listen to national speeches and music. Everywhere may be seen floral and other decorations, here and there a triumphal arch. Then follow performances by athletes and actors, and general merry-making, with illuminations. Many of the ceremonies are prescribed by law, and fees were at times demanded from managers of entertainments, the government allowing in return a sum of money toward public diversions.^[85]

Religious festivals have undergone changes in their official observance, and consequently in the relaxing estimation of the public; nevertheless, the national disposition for festivities has tended to sustain them, although in a degenerate form, with less attention to their true intent. Lent declined in observance, and Christmas and certain other periods became the occasions of such disorders that the government had to issue restrictions.^[86] The most impressive ceremonies are to be seen during holy week, and on the days of corpus christi and virgin of Guadalupe, the Mexican patroness.

Palm Sunday is a day of mirth, with display of palms. On the three following days the churches are crowded, mainly by persons eager to confess and obtain absolution for past derelictions. But all these festivals are more or less degraded by an indecent and boisterous conduct before the very altars, that is due partly to national levity, partly to inherited aboriginal rites. As holy Friday approaches, the abuse of strong liquors abates. A lull falls upon the people. Churches are draped in black; on Thursday the deep-toned organs yield to the subdued harp and violin, and steeple bells are silent. Without, carriages are banished from the streets. On the following day processions issue from the temples, bearing Christ crucified, with a train of saints and paraphernalia. On Saturday noon, after service, the organ bursts forth again, and amid a peal of bells the black curtain before the altar parts to disclose a dazzling scene of brightness. Carriages now throng the thoroughfares; the explosion of rockets, the creaking din of rattles, and all kinds of noise break the enforced quiet; the iniquitous Judas is destroyed in effigy; and fireworks form a brilliant feature of the evening programmes.^[87] Carnival is celebrated with nearly the same exuberance as in southern Europe, with a predilection for casting flour and breaking egg-shells filled with little bits of colored paper. The masked balls are less vivacious than among the French, but disorderly enough to have more than once called out episcopal remonstrance and restrictive laws.^[88] Most of the disorders are due to the excessive indulgence in strong liquors, which is apt to drive the excitable mestizo ta the knife and other means of violence. The other passion, gambling, which predominates among both sexes, never carries him beyond the control of his temper. With wonderful nonchalance, he wins large suns or loses perhaps his entire fortune. The utmost order prevails at the tables, a dispute concerning the ownership of a stake hardly ever arising. The only lack of control is over the mania itself.^[89] After seeing his last dollar disappear, with beggary staring him in the face, the Mexican never thinks of suicide, but looks around for sources whence to draw future stakes. While this passion lies rooted in the very character of the people, yet the prevalence of mining and the lack of other amusements no doubt foster it.

The favorite game is monte, but roulette and lotto are also much patronized. The government has at times sought to check, or even prohibit, games of hazard, only, however, to yield again, or to leave the laws unfulfilled.^[90] At the annual fairs, restrictions have seldom been enforced, so much so that these commercial institutions have become to a great extent mere vehicles for the vice. The Whitsunday festival of San Agustin de los Cuevas, or Tlalpam, near Mexico, is still famed chiefly for its gambling-tables. Owners of secret gambling establishments at the capital, often persons of prominence, now publicly rent houses for their purpose. Among the host of tables the stakes vary from a gold piece to a silver or copper coin, and ever children are indulged to try their fortune in securing confectionery or toys. At the gambling-table the woman of wealth and the beggar mingle; and in the cockpit President Santa Anna, for one, hesitated not to bet with the vagabonds.^[91]

Lotteries and raffles, more than once forbidden or restricted,^[92] flourish in considerable number, some bearing the names of charitable institutions, for which they are working, and all contributing a fair revenue to the state. Of late years the receipts have exceeded two million dollars, out of which the public receive over sixty per cent in prizes.^[93]

The days of more frequent and rapid communication with foreign states has had the effect of fostering theatres, by alluring dramatic companies, and adding novelties in a wider range of performances. This encouraged local talent, and within a quarter of a century after the independence, the capital alone possessed three recognized theatres,^[94] one of them left exclusively to the populace. Boxes are usually let by the month or year, and serve as reception places for friends of the family. This obviates the necessity of giving parties at home; but such domestication in public, as it were, with its attendant flirtation and languid indulgence, can hardly be commended. There is no wide theatrical field in the country, and in the capital the audience at the better theatres is composed mainly of a set; hence a frequent succession of novelties is required, which operates against good acting, and correct representations in dress and scenery. The prompter is constantly in demand, and this assists to reduce the performance too often to mere bad recitation. As in colonial times, the theatres have been subjected to an officially appointed body, to watch over plays and management, and to dispense the fund for public amusements, or the subsidies occasionally granted,^[95] especially for inducing celebrated singers from Europe to give a season of opera, which for that matter never failed to receive liberal patronage.

Bull and cock fighting are as much in vogue as ever, notwithstanding the efforts made at times to restrict or abolish the former sport at least. In the country, the people are reduced to a modified form of the excitement, in the form of colear, that is, to chase a bull in open field and throw it by a twist of the tail. It requires cool and skilful horsemanship, and the lasso is ever kept ready to save miscalculating coleador from the animal's fury. Lassoing is in itself exciting, and much practised by children on smaller animals, which fosters a taste for bloodier realities.

With the independence, restrictions on riding were abolished, and consequently the use of the horse increased more than ever among this indolent, impulsive people. Englishmen introduced regular horse-races, to which the gambling mania readily adapted itself.^[96] Owing to the rarefied air, long distances are not in favor. Hunting, fishing, and cognate sports are little followed by the impatient Mexican, and the climate does not tempt in that direction;^[97] but excursions to the country, dias del campo, are a feature among recreations.

With residents of the capital, the daily promenade is now, as formerly, the essential and main exercise. The Paseo de la Vega, toward Chalio, is now less seldom used than the Paseo Nuevo, running in the direction of Chapultepec; and here during the late afternoon may be seen sometimes over a thousand carriages and several times that number of horsemen^[98], a few of whom still appear in the old national riding-dress. The exchange of greetings and flying flirtations goes on continually, as one of the objects of the promenade. Humbler pedestrians line the paseo or resort to the Alameda park, which forms one of the chief sights of Mexico.

In the country may still be seen the heavier travelling carriages, perhaps a dozen feet between the axles, swinging on leather straps, and drawn by about four spans of mules, with postilions. On the Vera Cruz route to Mexico, American stages and drivers were introduced half a century ago, with good effect. Before the present energetic government took control, the proverbial highway robberies were one of the attendant evils of travelling. Robber bands had emissaries along the routes, often in league with innkeepers and officials,^[99] or they stalked abroad with impudent recklessness, confident in the fear entertained of cruel retaliation on those who betrayed or entrapped the member of a band. When the baggage promised good returns, an attack was made, but seldom with bloodshed, for the escort generally managed to be behind, and Mexican passengers on such occasions seldom went armed, in order to afford no provocation for maltreatment. Foreigners as a rule showed more determination, and were consequently less frequently molested.^[100] In the northern provinces invested by roaming Indians, travellers combined in caravans, and formed enclosed camps for the night.^[101]

Another trouble connected with travelling is the lack of good inns. Along a few of the main routes accommodation has been improved, but elsewhere it is circumscribed by the very moderate ideas of comfort and cleanliness entertained by the class to whom innkeepers belong.^[102]

The solution of many evils, such as travelling facilities, hotel accommodation, and a host of greater ones, is looked for by liberal-minded Mexicans in immigration. Hitherto little encouragement has been afforded for settling, and foreigners as a rule are attracted only by the prospect of speedy gain in trade, mining, and other industries, with the ultimate intention of returning home after a few years' stay. Hence, notwithstanding its wealth and beauty, its proclaimed liberality of government, and bids for colonization, its proximity to the enterprising people of the United States, and its one-time occupation by a European court with Germano-Latin armies, this country has until lately received a comparatively small influx of foreigners.

The cause must be sought partly in the many restrictive enactments elsewhere spoken of,^[103] partly in the civil and political disorders, bad administration of justice, military and tax levies, lack of ready communications, credit system in trade, inability to recover capital vested in improvements, unreliability of workmen, and general insecurity. Another powerful cause, to which the restrictions are mainly due, lies in the native jealousy of foreigners, whose energy and ability are too marked not to be acknowledged and bitterly felt. Hence, also, the persecution and outrages indicated by numerous and constant reclamations against the government. The least objection is entertained against the related Spaniards and the semi-cognate French, despite the frequent outbreaks in former years against the one — now almost forgotten — and the political troubles with the latter, whose polite and assimilative qualities are favorable features. Then come the Germans, against whom are counted their success as merchants and their protestant faith; while their cold and selfish demeanor tells against the English. The Yankees bear, since 1846, the additional and menacing form of bugbears, from whom everything is to be feared, to the loss of possessions, independence, and nationality itself. In remote districts may still be found lingering some of the old absurd notions about foreigners, as beings excluded from the communion of the faithful, and speaking diabolic tongues. The term Jew, so long applied to them, was in the early days of the republic widely modified to English, who came in considerable numbers to open mines and trade.^[104] After 1838 the French became best known, and lately the North Americans, as citizens of the United States are called.

While tacitly recognizing the danger of foreigners monopolizing industries and usurping territory, yet the benefit of their presence to the people in other respects is admitted by the most intelligent Mexicans in their teachings and example; by developing agriculture, mining, trade, and industries generally; by checking civil wars and increasing general security; by promoting better political and judicial administration; and by invigorating the race, particularly the Indian, both physically and mentally, with an infusion of fresh blood.^[105] The preference is naturally for European immigration, with which to counteract the ever-threatening encroachments of the United States; but what avail mere wishes and projects against the force of circumstances, as foreshadowed by the railroads now extending from the north into the very heart of the country? Indeed, many men of deep patriotism seek in the United States the only regeneration for Mexico.^[106] The failure of European colonies indicate that the sudden transition to strange soil and climate is a serious obstacle, and one that disappears before the advance from the north, acclimatized as it were in the approximate environments of the border regions.^[107]

 

 

1. Many writers regard the type as already stamped in the majority of the mestizos, while Jourdanet and others still look for modifications, either toward Indian or white, although they fail to present any well-defined argument. Pimentel, Econom., 180-8, joins Alaman in a despairing wail at the prospective disappearance of the present races like the builders of the present ruins in Central America.
2. Although several have been ordered and many taken with great exactness in certain districts. Arrillaga, Recop., 1929, 190-2; 1831, 216–17; Méx., Col. Leyes, 1854, vii. 38-44; 1855, viii. 80-7; Archivo Méx., Col. Ley., v. 491-8; Bib. Mex., Amen., i. 280, and other authorities. Registration, like other official duties, suffered from the prevailing negligence and political disorders. Among the regulations issued in this respect may be consulted those in Archivo Méx., Col. Ley., v. 528–9; Código Reforma, 171-8; Diario de Debates, Cong. 9, i. 708–10.
3. It has been estimated that two thirds of the people can be classed as more or less shifting, and Garcia Cubas, Escritos Div., 6, assumes that half the inhabitants escape the census-takers, so that their figures are widely estimated. Among the tendencies shown by the state authorities is one to swell the figures in order to increase the representation in congress, and the counteracting one of seeking to escape tax and army levies. It must be considered, however, that the changes in the constitution and government policy have at different times so modified one objection or another as to lay bare most deceptions.
4. Both Cortina and Garcia Cubas so accept it. Jourdanet assumed not long ago an average increase of ten per mille, with a possible addition of two per mille under a peaceful government.
5. Méx., Mem. Minist. Fomento, 1857.
6. Consult Reyes, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ep. 2a, i. 180 et seq. Among the causes enumerated are, the metate grinding and other hard work imposed on women, early marriages, the liquors and medicines taken by prospective mothers, abortion, the lack, in the provinces at least, of lying-in hospitals and foundling asylums, neglect of vaccine and other precautions, injudicious feeding of children on boiled maize and other vegetables and sugar-cane, combined with insufficient exercise and ignorant treatment, and the use of lime in preparing the universal tortilla. As a result, the children are said to become pot-bellied and scrofulous; and growing up weak, they perpetuate their diseases, and fall ready victims to epidemics and famine, both aided by intemperance, improvidence, and filth. It may be observed that pulmonary diseases make terrible inroads, partly owing to the high elevation of the plateau. Reyes shows that they exceed one eighth of the total death ravage. Id., 172; Sartorius, Mex., 10; Hernandez, Mex., 71; Garcia Cubas, Escritos Div., 54; Rosa, Mem., 15; Tylor's Anahuac, 306.
7. In some of the northern states along the United States border, the disappearance of the Indian is very marked.
8. For names of castes and Indian tribes, see Garcia Cubas, Mex., 61 et seq.; my Native Races, i., passim; Orozco y Berra, Geog., passim; Mühlenpfordt, Mej., 199, 208; Tschudi, Peru, 15; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, ii. 37.
9. 'Hay por lo ménos medio millon que rebajar en favor de la raza mezclada,' says a writer in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, xi. 244; and others, like Geiger, Mex., 315, believe that of the number classed as whites less than half a million are of pure blood — perhaps much less!
10. Jourdanet has dwelt considerably on this subject.
11. In Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, xi. 228, are given figures which indicate an annual increase in the colder zone of 3.06 per mille for the 47 years ending in 1857, while the low and intermediate regions show 6.50 per mille. The percentage stands at 8.57 and 9.84, respectively, for the last twenty years of that period, showing the effect during the preceding 27 years of the war strife which prevailed, especially on the table-land. Cortina, in Id., i. 14, places the excess of births in hot regions at 1.5 per cent, but his statistics are not extensive enough to be satisfactory.
12. Instance those in 1830, as described in Atleta, 125-7, 131.
13. At Guadalajara, over 200 died daily during the height of the ravage. Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., vi. 293.
14. Notably in 1849-50, 1853-4, 1857, 1866.
15. Méx., Col. Ley., 1850, 1843-9, 123-7; Id., Legis., 133-5; Arrillaga, Recop., 1832-3, 26-7, 475-80; 1833, 7, 17; 1849, 66. The investigations resulted in a number of speculative pamphlets with recommendations or proclaimed remedies, as Cólera, Preceptos, 1-8; Método Cur., 1-15; Varios Impres., ii. pt ii.; Chabert, Apuntes, 1-20; Dávila, Refut., 1-16; Martinez, Refut., 1-16; Pap. Var., cxliii., clxxi., cciii., cxiii., passim.
16. In the comparatively high-lying district of Jalapa, there were, in 1853, 1,300 deaths from yellow fever and small-pox. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 427.
17. 'Quedando desde entónces desierto el barrio de Santiago,' says Alaman, ascribing the source to the siege of Cuautla. Hist. Méj., iii. 414. A writer in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ii. 76, gives the deaths at 20,385, and in Niles' Reg., vi. 320, we find 27,000 mentioned.
18. 'Porque es muy raro el individuo que no lleva en el cuerpo alguna mancha.' Leon, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., viii. 507. This author speaks of an entry into Tabasco, in 1858, of a band of 500 Chiapanec soldiers, of whom 296 were marked. Shortly before this, Gen. Álvarez had entered Mexico with an army from the Guerrero region, whose aspect created no little comment there. The causes are variously ascribed to uncleanliness, sexual contagion, with hereditary symptoms, insect bites, especially from the gegen, eating certain unclean fish, and 'acceso del hombre con la lagarta,' as a curate declared. Id., iii. 75. The water is also looked upon as a cause, and the smilax sarsaparilla plant; but Leon is rather inclined to attribute the origin to a disease of the maize, the hongo, particularly common in the afflicted belt, where less care is used in preparing this grain for food.
19. It may appear at any age, but children between four and six years are most liable to it. Goitre also prevails in Tabasco, and certain other districts of the belt referred to, and Leon is inclined to attribute it to decaying vegetable and other matter disseminated chiefly through the water used for food. Id., x. 345-53. See also Registro Trimestre, ii. 85-95.
20. As inaugurated already by a decree from Spain of June 23, 1813, and continued in 1820. Gaz. Méx., xii. 69-72.
21. As regulated by state governments, Arrillaga, Recop., 1836, 437-40, and subsequent laws. In Tamaulipas, extensive drainage canals were planned, Eco de Exp., Oct. 8, 1853, 4.
22. See Méx., Cód. Reforma, 300-4; Arch. Méx., Col. Ley., v. 226-8, 648-53; Méx., Col. Ley., 1861, ii. 187-95, 204-9. By decree of January 23, 1877, a Junta Directiva de Beneficencia was created in its place, but this was set aside in 1881 for a department under the Secretaría de Gobernacion. See Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ép. 3a, v. 719-21; Diario Debates, Cong. 9, i. 301, and passim; iii. 259.
23. With such responses as two per cent of confiscation fund. Méx., Col. Ley., 1844-6, 84-5, 114-15; Méx., Mem. Corp. Municip., 237–59, 271-2, and no. 307.
24. For an account of present and extinguished hospitals, see the lengthy though incomplete review of Peza, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ép. 3a, v. 524-721. Comparative accounts may be found in the ayuntamiento reports. Pap. Var., lxxxvi. pt xix. 17; Soc. Anales, Humboldt, 148–59, 193–200, 255-61, 451-8; San Miguel, Rep. Mex., ii. 58-68; Trigueros, Mem. Ram. Municip., 4755; Dicc. Univ., ix. 561-2; Mex., Col. Ley., 1848, i. 647-51; Album Alex., i. 44. A few leading provincial hospitals are noted in Balbotin, Est. Quer., 923, 187; Dicc. Univ., i.-x., passim, under towns and states; Mosaico Mex., v. 505-7; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., i. 156; xi. 312; Jal., Not. Geog., 18-19; Id., Mem. Admin., 42-4; Pap. Var., cxli. pt vii. Also Testimonio á la Letra, 1-22; Hospital Div. Salv., 1-16; Arch. Méx., Col. Ley., v. 642-5; Pap. Var., xlvii. pt ii., lxxxviii., pt x.; Guin., Mem. Gob., 1871, 7-8, 41.
25. Peza, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ép. 3a, v. 610–21, 679-83; Trigueros, Mem. Ran. Municip., 69-70.
26. And in a home where parents may leave their offspring temporarily. Peza, ut sup. At one time a fixed tax was set aside for foundlings. Méx., Col. Ley., 1553, iii. 60-1. For regulation of their hospital, see Arch. Méx., Col. Ley., v. 550-1. In Calderon's Life in Mex., ii. 277–80, is an attractive account of a visit to it.
27. For rules, see Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ép. 3a, v. 582, 591, et seq.; Ordenanza, Hospicio Pobres, 1-16; Arrillaga, Recop., 1830, 410-11.
28. Dating from 1842, the latter embracing Swiss and Belgians. For details, see Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ép. 3a, v. 668, 710.
29. The latter allows three per cent on deposits. The charges are very low. differing somewhat according to the nature of the security and other conditions. For rules, etc., see Id., 698 et seq.; Id., ép. 2a, i. 444-5; Méx., Col. Ley., 1829–30, 19-20; Brocklehurst's Mex., 42. Trigueros comments on the abuses practised by private pawn-shops, particularly before the improvement of the public establishment. Mem., Ram. Municip., 83-6.
30. Members of monastic orders could also be buried within their convent ground. Arch. Méx., Col. Ley., ii. 721-39; Méx., Col. Ley., 1861, ii. 230-9. No clerical interference was allowed, and no distinction on account of faith. Méx., Bol. Ley., 1864, 130; Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, 338-45; 1834, 1-2; Méx., Legis., 1849, 20–1; Mex., Cement. Sta Paula, 1-16. Separate sections were assigned for children, clergymen, and other classes, and Americans had one. U.S. H. Ex. Doc. 84, vi. 1, Cong. 32, Sess. 1; Id., Journal, 464, 666-7; U.S. Sec. War Rept, i. 7-8, Cong. 42, Sess. 2. The former exorbitant burial-fees have been regulated and reduced. Bustamante, Medid. Pac., MS., ii. 39-41; Id., Hist. Santa Anna, 76-7; Arch. Méx., Col. Ley., v. 351-2.
31. The mestizo, says Pimentel, can be readily cured of his vices by discipline. Raza Indig., 236. Mora blames a despotic gov. for national defects which he acknowledges but does not name. Rev. Méx., i. 81. A native writer under Méx. Nacion Indep., 12-13, 22-4, severely scathes the character of the mestizo. See also Pap. Var., cxliii. pt iii. Thompson, Recol. Mex., 172, comments on the feebleness of the race, and Jourdanet has strong objections to the plateau climate. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, xi. 239, etc. Geiger considers that inherited Spanish arrogance and Indian indolence and callousness have spoiled the mestizo. Méx., 316. Valois calls him Quixotic. Mex., 84-7.
32. Coyol. Sartorios, Méx., 31. The contempt of the whites is implied by the common reproof. 'This is unworthy of a man with a white face.' Pimentel, Raza Indíg., 203. Distinctions before the law were long maintained, the charge for imprisoned whites, for instance, in Oajaca, being two reales, or double the Indian rate.
33. The intermarriage of Juarez, Indian army officers, and others with white women has tended greatly to narrow one gap.
34. Consult Garcia Cubas, Mex., 63. Pimentel, Raza Indig., 206, prints a letter from a native, depicting in graphic terms the thraldom of his people. Cruel serfdom, however, does not extend very far, and the material lot of the mass is not so hard as that of the laboring class in many parts of Europe. Their mode of life as described in a preceding volume, iii. 740 et seq., answers for republican times.
35. Zavala, Rev., introd., Prieto, Rentas Gen., 4, Pimentel, Econ., 180-1, Raza Indíg., 234, etc., and others, speak of him as dead, useless, incapable of regeneration.
36. Id., 201. See also Garcia Cubas, Mex., 65-6, and note 8 of this chapter.
37. Flogging was prohibited under strict penalties, by Spain, Córtes, Diario, 1813, xxii. 410, and by the republic, Méx., Col Leyes, Ord. y Dec., ii. 59-60. Compulsory labor was stopped in 1812. Córtes, Diario, iii. 101-2; XV. 451; Córtes, Col. Doc., i. 45–6.
38. Measures like these have been recommended ever since colonial times, and later most earnestly by Bustamante. Medidas Pac., MS., i. 60-73, ii. sup. 9-13.
39. It is affirmed that their indolence is due chiefly to oppression, which has made it undesirable to accumulate the products of labor. Mühlenpfordt, Méj., i. 229. Geiger believes them to be willing workers if encouraged. Mex., 318.
40. Castellanos relates as an instance of their extreme conservatism: In 1851 a friend of his rewarded some of his laborers with a more complete suit of clothing than they possessed. The following day they returned the gift, stating that their people had threatened to stone them for departing from the inherited custom. This occurred in Cuernavaca district, not far from the capital. Castellanos himself was requested by a village municipality to demand fro:n the king of Spain protective measures in their behalf. Such was their knowledge of political affairs in 1831. Defensa, 20-1; Miscel. Mess., pt vii.
41. Mayer, Mex. Aztec, ii. 29, Ratzel, Aus Mex., 313, and other travellers, confirm these descriptions as given in the early Abispa de Chilp., 256–68.
42. Volume iii. 751, this series.
43. Hidalgo's proclamation was the first. See Dublan y Lozano, Ley. Mex., i. 340. Moreles issued one in 1813. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ni. 49, with fac-simile. A royal cédula appeared in 1817. See Bustamante's cominents, Cuad. Hist., it. 919 22.
44. Pimentel, Raza Indig., 202-3, relates that the bakers of Mexico would not trust their men abroad without a guard.
45. Mayer, Mex. as It Was, 201-2, describes like other travellers how they are lashed, and maintains that this slavery is in many cases worse than that which formerly prevailed in the U. S. See also Leon, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, viii. 435-6.
46. In 1851 and 1861. Méx., Col. Ley., 1830-1, i. 383-4; Dublan, ix. 203; Barbachano, Mem. Camp., ap. 192-8.
47. 'Much more so than in South Carolina,' writes Thompson, Recol. Mex., 6, with prejudiced vehemence.
48. Zamacois points out that the definition of the academy, 'the lowest of the populace,' and the term lazzaroni, are now less applicable than 'vicious vagabond.' Mex., xi. 287.
49. See iii. 754, this series.
50. And including even foreigners. Rivero, Méx., 1842, 230 et seq.
51. Consult Méx., Col. Leyes, 1853, iv. 420-6; Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 296-319, 490; Ward's Mex., ii. 275.
52. Cancelada, Ruina, 63; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, i. 315.
53. By decree of March 24, 1815. For regulations, see Isabel la Católica, Instit., 1-19; Constit. de Isabel la Cat., 1–92.
54. See Gaz. Imp., ii. 424-6; Alaman, Méj., v. 452, 625, 639-41.
55. Mex., Bol. Ley., 1864, 43–5, 121.
56. Ramirez, Col. Doc., 346; Gac. Gob., May 11, 1826; Montiel, Estud. Garant, 97.
57. It was given to comparatively few, including some European monarchs, while the Guadalupe circulated freely under modified statutes. Diario Imp., Jan. I and April 10, 1865, contain the statutes of the eagle order.
58. Regulations in Diario Imp., Apr. 10, June 22, 1865.
59. Gen. Gomez wearing seven. The French legion of honor is also mentioned. Méx. Bol. Ley., Dec. 1864, 83, 186-7.
60. To judge also from the discussion in Diario Debates, Cong. 6, iii. 65, 128, 235-6.
61. Méx., Cód. Reforma, 189-95; Méx., Col. Ley. Ord y Dec., ii. 154–7; Arch. Méx., Col. Ley., iv. 176-82. The laws governing inheritance are to be found in Méx., Cód. Reforma, 126-42; Méx., Col. Ley., Jan. 1853, iii. 74-5; Méx., Legis., Aug. 1853, 32-4.
62. As instanced by Mayer, Mex. as It Was, 70–2.
63. Equivalent to the unwashed. Atleta, 1830, 329
64. Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 124-5, and others, agree upon the deterioration of the Indians and cognate classes.
65. Thirty years ago the laborer received from 11/2 to 21/2 reales a day. Food is less cheap than it might be, owing to the indolence of producers.
66. 'Beaucoup supérieures à leurs maris,' writes Fossey, Mex., 250, with somewhat French exuberance of gallantry; but it is very generally echoed by even Spanish writers. The difference between men and women is no doubt greater among Germanic than Latin races, for among the latter bearded and deep-voiced women are not uncommon.
67. And this Thompson also admits, while referring to an occasional trick in adjusting a reboso for the sake of giving a glimpse of the usually well-formed busts. Recol. Mex., 164.
68. 'No hay matrona distinguida que no tenga su chichisveo,' says a Mexican writer. Revista Amer., ii., pt i. 24. Otherwise she remains faithful to the husband, and domestic peace is seldom disturbed. French writers like Valois, Mex., 84-7, blame nature alone for these vagaries, or see nothing remarkable in such love passages. Vineaux, Mex., 456-7. The verdict is widely disseminated, as may be judged from North Am. Rev., xxxii. 337-43; Beaufoy, Mex. Illust., 129–35, the latter too full of sneers, however. In Cincinnatus, Trav., 76, rises a champion, however, to sustain the defence of many native writers, as presented in Pap. Var., clvii., pt vii. 25-6, and other works.
69. These are among causes pointed out by Mexicans, in Id., cxlii., pt iii. 23; Mexican supplement to Dicc. Univ., x. 329–31. The civil marriage law of 1859 limits the marriage age at 12 and 14 for women and men respectively, but exacts guardians' consent when the parties are below the ages of 20 and 21.
70. I need here only instance one of 1818, wherein the king recommends admonitions and fines rather than more severe measures. Fernando VII., Decretos, 228-9. Republican efforts relied even more to exhortation, as instancel in Méx., Col. Ley., 1848, i. 47-8; yet they sought to check the indulgent regard for the claims of illegitimate children. Laws of Mexico state, for example, had favored inheritance by natural descendants, but they were annulled by the general government. Id., 1853, 27.
71. Notwithstanding the loose personal conduct of foreign residents.
72. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 544–5, 554-6. Unnatural crimes are rare, and comparatively few public prostitutes exist; a fact which leads a native writer to draw some flattering conclusions, Instit. Geog. Estad., i. 25-6, forgetting that the general laxity obviates certain social evils.
73. By law of July 23, 1859. Arch. Méx., Col. Ley., iv. 116-32, with regulations.
74. Refusing to grant it to those who favored the anti-clerical constitution of 1857.
75. Bishops issued circulars against it, and so forth. See Espinosa, Pastorales, pts iv.-v.
76. To That is, with power to marry again.
77. According to Calderon de la Barca, whose Life in Mexico contains so many excellent pictures of Anáhuac society.
78. In Furber's Volunteer, 436, is a detailed account of betrothal and marriage ceremonies; in Mühlenp., i. 336, is given a baptismal feast.
79. Hence also the striking familiarity between them and their masters. Children do not leave the maternal breast sometimes till the age of six, before which time they often begin the use of the cigarette. For additional points on social subjects, I refer to volume iii., Hist. Mex.
80. Fossey thinks that there is not a sufficient distinction between the attire of maidens and mature women. He admires their coquettish use of the fan. Mex., 245-7. Calderon alludes to their dignified position when seated, although the attitude is rather uniform, Life in Mex., i. 127; and Mayer, Mex. Aztec, ii. 230, dwells on their queenly walk, which, with pinched toes and tottering, high-heeled shoes, I should call anything but queenly.
81. 'Ganz frei von der soustigen Neigang und der Eitelkeit des weiblichen Geschlechts,' says Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 123.
82. For descriptions of dress, see Linati, Costúme du Mexique; Tylor's Anah., 168-70; Mühlenpfordt, ut sup., 265-74, Ind., 220–3; Fossey, ut sup., 245-7, 384; Hist. Mex., iii. 764-7, this series.
83. The first regulation by the independent government, March 1, 1822. declared Feb. 24th, March 21, Sept. 16th and 27th, as national holidays, to be celebrated with salvos and masses. Later was added September 17th, for dead patriots. Mex., Col. Ord. y Dec., ii. 575; Alaman, Mej., v. 491, 506–7, 610.
84. While adopted in 1922, it was given the first place only after the fall of Iturbide. President Rayon issued in 1812 a proclamation for its observance. See document in Dicc. Univ., ix. 219.
85. Juarez suppressed in 1861 the allowance of $60,000. Mex., Cod. Reforma, 387-8. For various regulations for order and ceremonies, see Mex., Col. Órd. y Dec., iii. 126; Dispos. Varias, v. 9, 25; Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 150-1, 226-7; 1836, 293-4; Merx, Col. Ley. y Dec., 1840, 787-8; Mex., Legis., 1853, 453-5; Mex., Col. Ley. Órd., v. 156-7; vii. 179, 229; Arch. Mex., Col. Ley., iii. 953-4, 985-6; Dublan, passim; Album Mex., ii. 282-5.
86. Mex., Legis., 1848, 539-40; Mex., Cód. Reforma, 204; Informe secreto, 1-8; Pap. Var., lxxiv. pt ii.
87. For the best descriptions of holy week, and other days of observances, see Mühlenpfordt, Mej., i. 255-60, 326-35; Calderon's Life in Mex., i. 197-214; ii. 133-6, 143-32; Tylor's Anahuac, 48-54; Arroniz, Viagero, 141-8; La Cruz, vii. 232–3; Mayer's Mex. as It Was, 63, 149; Bustamante, Gab. Mex., i. 62-3; Ratzel, Aus Mex., 113 et seq., presents also animated pictures of street life. Different regulations to guard against disorder during carnival times, etc., in Arch. Mex., Col. Ley., i. 682-4, 690; iii. 240–2; v. 347-8; Bullock's Across Mex., 322-36.
88. Bustamante, Voz Patrica, MS., vi. 67.
89. Tylor, Anahuac, 258-9, relates a common anecdote about three well-to-do miners who came back to their home a few days after departure, minus their money, horses, and outfit.
90. Dispos. Varias, v. 8; Gac., Gob., Feb. 24, 1827; Bol. de Notic., Jan. 22, 1951, 3-4; Mex., Bol. Ley., 1864, 72-8. During the American invasion in 1847, the United States military commander recognized the public desire by granting licenses to gambling-houses. Free Amer., Jan. 22, 1848.
91. Description of life there may be found in Tylor's Anahuac, 256-9; Thompson's Recol. Mex., 132-5; Fossey, Mex., 293-5; Ratzel, Aus Mex., 330-2; Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 165-6; Mühlenpfordt, Mej., i. 299-300, 309-12; Masson, Olla Podrida, 118-23, with instances of pernicious effects; Woods' Wandering Sketches, 355; Wise, Los Gringos, 244-5.
92. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec., iii. 251–2; Mex., Ord. Lot., 1-54; Pap. Var., lii. pt x.; Diario Debates, Cong. 9, iii. 71-2, 579. Lists of drawings may be found in the newspapers from Noticioso Gen. of 1817, or earlier.
93. See references in chapter connected with finance. Also Ratzel, ubi sup., and Brocklehurst, Mex., 30.
94. Mayer names, in 1942, the Principal, patronized by the old aristocracy; Nuevo Mexico, the haunt of newer people, who preferred Parisian dramas; and Puente Quebrada, the resort of the populace. Mex. as It Was, 287. The second was in 1844 replaced by the new Santa Anna, later known as the Nacional, which is a fine theatre. Mex., Album, i. photo. 13; Album Mex., i. 379-80, with cut; Casarin, Contest., 1-55: Informe, Comis. Norub., 1-28; Pap. Var., lxxxiv., pts vii., viii.; Fossey, Mex., 243-4.
95. Dublan y Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 508-14; Arrillaga, Recop., 1836, 117-18; Mex., Bol. Ley., 1863, 443; Mex., Legis., 1853, 275-6; Bustamante, Hist. Santia Anna, 76–7; Diario Debates, Cong. 6, ii. 182, 236, 682. A decree of 1861 abolished censorship. Mex., Cód. Reforma, 234. Certain boxes are reserved for officials. Mex., Mem. Ayunt., 1879, 211.
96. Associations for the promotion of horse-racing were formed at an early date at the capital. Mühlenpfordt, Mej., i. 312. Informal races were naturally common enough, with bets and other adjuncts, as instanced also in Alm. Calend., 1839, 30-2.
97. Yet Blazquez of Puebla has been induced to issue quite a book of respectable size on hunting, El Cazador Mexicano, 1868, 12ino, 431 pp., although with little informnation. The love of the horse is enough to afford a welcome to circus companies, and balloon ascents and other daring feats find favor. Medidas Acordadas, 1-4; Pap. Var., lxxi. pt vi.; Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 54.
98. Thompson, Recol. Mex., 126, estimated the number in 1812 at 1,000 and 5,000, respectively. The public carriages in 1879 numbered 200. Mex., Mem. Ayunt., 225-38. The comparatively small town of Querétaro had in 1854 87 private and 26 public carriages, besides wagons, the former valued at $67,420, and the latter at $13,000, including horses, it seems. Balbuena, Quer., 120, 196-8.
99. Instances to this effect are frequent. Thompson, Recol. Mex., 25, relates a well-known story about the conviction of Colonel Yañez, a highly respectable personage.
100. For causes and prevalence of robbery, I refer to the chapter on government. Among the measures suggested to insure greater safety was an armored carriage. Adorno, Anal. Males, 141-4.
101. See Hist. North Mex., i., ii., this series; also Tarayre, Explor., 71-3.
102. In the smaller towns the traveller must still, as in former times, depend on the threefold institution of meson, fonda, and tienda, equivalent to lodginghouse, restaurant, and general store, the former providing rarely anything better than a windowless and untidy cell, with a few rough planks raised to form a bedstead, a bench, and occasionally a table. His horse is attended to; but his own food must be sought beyond the meson, and the choice is usually restricted to frijoles and tortillas — the latter a leathery substitute for bread — to eggs, chicken, rice, and chocolate; milk is rare, and cheese and butter almost unknown. In the villages lodging may be obtained in houses possessing shops. In the cities the mesones are somewhat more comfortable, although far from approaching even our humbler hotels.
103. See chapter on government, wherein colonization is considered.
104. Alaman, Hist. Mej., v. 880-1; Ratzel, Aus Mex., 380-8.
105. Garcia Cubas, Escritos Div., 69-71, expresses himself to the latter effect; and Pimentel, Raza Indíg., 240, Econom., 172-88, more widely so. He points out that the scattered distribution of the inhabitants is in itself injurious to advancement and culture.
106. As did a strong party in California a decade before its annexation. Chevalier looks to the north for the future owners of Mexico, as of Texas. Political movements in the United States are watched with jealous fears in Mexico.
107. The only problem as regards climate is its effect on future generations.