History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 3

by Hubert Howe Bancroft



 

CHAPTER III.

FRENCH OCCUPATION.

1862-1363.

Napoleon's Instructions — Arrival of Forey's Army — Zaragoza's Death — Forey's First Movements — His Neglect of the Conservatives — Their Subserviency — March on Puebla — Indecent Devices — General Condition of Mexico — Bombardment of Acapulco — Siege of Puebia — Forey Offers Honorable Terms — They are not Accepted — Unconditional Surrender — Treatment of Mexican Prisoners — Affairs at the Capital — Flight of the Government — Juarez at San Luis Potosí — The French Occupy Mexico — Initiatory Policy

Napoleon and his cabinet approved the action of Saligny and his colleague; but in the chamber of deputies the republicans, orleanists, and legitimists jointly opposed the course of the imperial government in Mexico,^[1] and found fault with Almonte for calling himself supreme chief and trying to establish a government. The news of the disaster of May 5th reached them on the 16th of June. Imprecations were heard everywhere against the Spanish government, Prim, and the Mexicans who had induced Napoleon to send out the expedition. After that the diplomatic functions were left in Saligny's hands. Napoleon wrote Lorencez not to be discouraged on account of the reverse at Puebla. He approved the protection afforded Almonte and other Mexicans who had sought it. He did not wish to force any form of government upon Mexico, desiring only her prosperity and independence in her relations with Europe. He approved Lorencez' conduct, though misunderstood by some.^[2] Nevertheless, on deciding to despatch more forces, General Forey was appointed commander-in-chief, with powers as plenipotentiary; and the emperor wrote him, on the 3d of July, giving his views as to the policy he was to pursue in Mexico.^[3] The expeditionary corps placed under Forey's command was to consist of about 30,000 men.^[4] Portions of it had been arriving from time to time, and on the 21st of September the new commander landed in Vera Cruz, where, owing to the bad condition of the roads, he had to tarry till the 12th of October, seeing the havoc caused in his army by the black-vomit.^[5]

Some days before the coming of the third expedition Mexico and the liberal party sustained a heavy loss in the death of Ignacio Zaragoza, the hero "of the Cinco de Mayo, which took place at Puebla on the 8th of September, caused by typhoid fever. The nation had centred its hopes in him; and he has since been recognized as a true type of republicanism and patriotism, united to a sterling character.^[6] The government paid his remains the highest honors, and they were conveyed to their last resting-place attended by a large concourse of all classes.^[7]

Forey reached Orizaba on the 24th of October, and on the 10th of the following month Lorencez, who had been permitted at his own request to leave the country, started on his return to France. Forey's first proclamation, dated at Vera Cruz September 20th,^[8] but made public a few days later, was a repetition in different words of the sentiments expressed in former documents of the French plenipotentiaries.

communications being interrupted, he could not get to Lorencez' quarters, but advised the latter, by a letter in cipher, taken by an Indian, of the near arrival of reënforcemnts with Forey, and of the emperor's order for a march straight on to Mexico. On his return to France he described matters in Mexico as being in a bad way, and the condition of the French force as deplorable. Niox, Exped. du Méx., 196-7. The French expedition was reënforced in Feb. 1863 with 400 or 500 negroes from the Soudan, furnished by the khedive of Egypt, and secretly embarked on the 8th and 9th of January. They were intended for special service on the coast. It was the old war-cry of the military party of France, calling, as Edgard Quinet said, armed invasion a war for civilization. On the 26th Forey suppressed Almonte's authority, which having been set up without the nation's sanction could not be, as he alleged, approved by the intervention.^[9]

Forey forgot his instructions to treat the Mexicans with benevolence, and thus win their coöperation. He, and with him nearly all his officers, assumed the haughty air of conquerors, thus belying the pretended object of their mission. Mexicans, either civil or military, were not treated as friends and allies, but rather as objects of contempt. To rule the country according to his own will, he appointed Commandant Billard director of policy. The director knew no more of the country whose political affairs he was to direct than his commander. Forey's ideas were at variance with those of the conservatives, whose coöperation was needed to render the French intervention effective. In Córdoba and Orizaba he issued new proclamations,^[10] and lost much precious time at the last-named place, which seemed to offer him many delightful pleasures. He might have been in Mexico by the middle of November, for the Mexican government was not prepared to withstand such a force. Instead of making a rapid movement, he sent General De Bertier with a brigade to Jalapa, and encamped the main army in Orizaba and the surrounding country. Gonzalez Ortega who now had the chief command of the liberal eastern army, lost no time in fortifying Puebla, bringing artillery and supplies in the face of De Bertier from Perote, a place the French could have taken the first day, meeting with little or no resistance.^[11]

Gonzales Ortega having sent Forey a few Frenchmen of the wounded in the affair of May 5th, together with a zouave's medal, the French commander transmitted a copy of his last proclamation, adding that he received Ortega's courteous letter as one from a brave soldier, and not from the government he was serving, with which he, Forey, could not correspond without repugnance. He also expressed the wish that Ortega's sword would be in the near future employed in a better cause. This insult to the Mexican government, accompanied by a hint that Ortega should become a traitor, wounded him deeply. The Mexican general replied with dignity on the 16th, assuring Forey that whatever ground the diplomatic question might be placed on by military events, the French representative would have sooner or later to treat with the chief magistrate holding his powers from the nation, and whose generosity had released the French prisoners. He further said that the true interests of France did not lie in coöperating with a few malecontents to upset a government sustained by the Mexican people, nor in waging war against a nation entirely in sympathy with liberal France. As for himself, leaving aside his personal regard for Juarez, he would have Forey understand that he was freely serving his country as an independent citizen.^[12] He concluded to return Forey's letter and proclamation, which, he said, could have no place among his records. There were at this time between 300 and 400 Mexican officers of all ranks without troops in the French camp; and wishing to do service even as private soldiers, organized themselves into a battalion, called the Legion de Honor, and made General Taboada their commander. To counteract the bad feeling of the policy observed by Forey and his agent Billard, Almonte issued a proclamation to assure his friends that he would remain with the French until the intervention produced the beneficial effects intended when the London convention was signed October 31, 1861.^[13]

Many complaints having reached Napoleon's ears, Billard was restored to the military service, and Saligny, toward the end of January 1863, assumed the position left vacant.

 

Meanwhile the days darkened at the capital. Heavy taxes were decreed, also a loan of thirty million dollars wherewith to erect defences in the city, and to furnish supplies to Ortega's army.^[14] The government had been over a year without customs revenue from Vera Cruz. The French received mules and supplies from the United States; but war material, so much needed by Juarez' government, was not allowed to be exported thence.^[15] Congress, on the 10th of December, decreed that French prisoners should be treated by the Mexicans as Mexican prisoners were treated by the French.^[16]

The people manifested a determination to sacrifice everything for freedom and independence. Ortega's plan of defending Puebla was approved, and Comonfort, who had reached Mexico about the middle of October, was to aid him. Juarez seemed resolved to defend his country at all hazards. Congress, however, just as the people were ready to sustain him, and when the foreign invading army was already 15,000 strong, deprived him of the ample powers he had to make war. But it soon receded from that position and issued a manifesto accepting war with France, and granting the executive the fullest powers for six months, or till one day after its reassembling.^[17] Comonfort, who had been restored to the rank of general of division, was placed in command of the army of the centre, together with that of the federal district, which was under martial law. Congress closed its session about the middle of December.^[18]

The French had allies not only in Marquez and others acting with him, but in the reactionary forces of the interior which constantly distracted the government.^[19] The rebels of Colima, 2,000 strong, attacked Guadalajara and were repulsed. The region of Tepic, as usual, was in a disturbed state. On the 10th of January, 1863, a French squadron bombarded Acapulco about eight hours, doing much damage. The next two days it fired on the fortifications, three of which were silenced. In the evening of the 12th the squadron sailed out of port.

The French generals Bazaine and Douay went up the mesa or tierras altas in January, this being the first French movement toward Puebla. On the 3d of February Taboada's brigade, of which the legion de honor formed a part, started from Orizaba, accompanied as far as El Ingenio by some French officers and a number of citizens. Early in this month Cuapiaxtla was occupied, and the next place entered by the auxiliaries was Huamantla. Comonfort then extended his army of the centre to the town of Ixtacuixtla, and went to Tlascala to see to its defence. Marquez established his headquarters at Ixtenco. Juarez visited Puebla in February and reviewed his army. Gonzalez Ortega had been working incessantly on the fortifications. The city was surrounded by nine important outworks, besides other minor fortifications, with ditches, ramparts, and parapets. The following were the names of the nine forts, and hills on which they were built, namely: Guadalupe, on the hill of the same name; Independencia, on La Misericordia; Zaragoza, on Los Remedios; Ingenieros, on the Totimehuacan; Hidalgo, on the Cármen; Morelos, on the Parral; Iturbide on the San Javier; La Reforma, on the Santa Anita; Cinco de Mayo, on the Loreto.^[20] The inner line depended upon the blocks of buildings, strong where they centred around some one of the numerous churches and convents with their massive walls. These had parapets, and were crenellated, and connected across the streets by a network of barricades with embrasures, the number of cannon being about 200.^[21]

At last on the 23d Forey began his march, after a five-months sojourn in the country, waiting, it was said, for his siege artillery. His army was near Amozoc early in March, and on the 10th Ortega declared Puebla under martial law. Four days later he invited families to leave the place at as early a day as possible, and notified foreign consular agents that an attack was impending. On the 16th the French were in front of Puebla at the hacienda de Álamos, and took possession of the Navajas and Amalucan hills, opposite and to the north of those of Loreto and Guadalupe. The next day they occupied those of El Tepozuchil and La Resurreccion, and pitched camps in Amalucan, Álamos, Navajas, and Manzanilla. Going round the position, they appeared on the Mexico road, occupying the San Juan hills,^[22] where Forey established his headquarters, and thus completing the line of siege. On the 21st they occupied La Noria and the church of Santiago. From that day began the actual fighting between besiegers and besieged, and five days later the bombardment with eight mortars and fifty heavy pieces of artillery, after two assaults on Fort Iturbide had been repulsed.

The army under Ortega at the beginning of the siege consisted of a little over 22,000 men. The general staff was as follows: quartermaster-general, Gonzalez Mendoza; chief of artillery, Paz; chief of engineers, Colonel Colombres; chief of medical department, Ignacio Rivadeneira; inspector-general, O'Horan.^[23] The division commanders were generals Berriozábal, Negrete, Antillon, Alatorre, La Llave, and Antonio Alvarez, who had charge of the cavalry.^[24] From French sources we have it that the investing force consisted of 26,300 men.^[25] Every assault except the last made on Fort Iturbide — which resulted in its capture on the 29th of March^[26] — had been repulsed. The taking of this fort cost a good deal of blood. Before that whenever a body of the besieged troops wished to break the lines, it rarely found difficulty in doing so.^[27] After the loss of the Iturbide, Ortega strengthened his second line running between forts Hidalgo and Reforma, his left being supported by the former and his right by the latter.^[28]

Forey now began a systematic inroad on the line of house blocks behind the Iturbide works, and his success from the first caused much alarm among the besieged. General Diaz, who had been commanding Berriozábal's second brigade, was detached and placed in charge of the most exposed quarter, consisting of seventeen blocks, the strong point of which was the Iriarte house, or meson de San Márcos. He planned a new system of defence, but before it could be completed, the French, who had worked the whole day at opening breaches and advancing their guns, canie upon him in force. Toward sunset the balls crashed through the masonry of the San Márcos, and soon made yawning breaches at both extremes. Then, under cover of the gloom, a party of zouaves made a dash for the nearest breach leading into the first court, which they gained, driving the defenders into the inner court; but they were not permitted long to hold so important a position. Diaz rushed to the spot, and reanimating his men,^[29] they charged upon the assailants and drove them from the place. By 10 o'clock the meson had been recovered, and the breaches were soon after repaired. This success was followed by another after the reveille along Cabecitas street, where a conflict had raged, the line here being wider, and the number of contestants larger. The gaps were soon filled, and the damages duly attended to. Rest was needed, but the French were roused, and allowed no time to be lost. Assaults were made at different points during the day, specially in Cholula street, where Colonel Manuel Gonzalez, who in after years became president of the republic, though wounded, made a stout resistance, and thus aided Diaz in repelling the assailants.^[30] San Márcos was also attacked, but without other result than adding to the heap of dead and wounded. On this line, as well as at the advanced points, the besieged several times repulsed the invading army, several columns of which were taken prisoners. One breach was defended forty days The eastern army never lost a foot of the position, holding it till the 17th of May.^[31]

After several checks, notably one in the position of Santa Inés, April 25th, Forey entertained the idea of suspending operations till heavier siege-guns could be procured, or till he had taken the city of Mexico; but neither proposition was regarded with favor by his generals.[32] And it was then resolved to push the operations against the southern side, which was the next weakest line. Even here the besiegers made little progress. Diaz and his troops were now enabled to render efficient service where danger most demanded it. The besiegers, on their part, felt more encouraged on hearing that both ammunition and food were becoming scarce within the walls.

At a conference, invited by General Forey, and held between him and Lieutenant-colonel Togno, an aide-de-camp of Ortega's, the French commander spoke of the uselessness of Ortega's tenacious defence, carried so much beyond the requirements of military usage, and seemingly for the sole purpose of winning renown. If such was the case, he need go no further; fame should be his, and he might now well give up the struggle for humanity's sake. He expressed his readiness to grant honorable terms of capitulation, and assured Togno that he would sooner or later take the city. He knew that the garrison was suffering for want of provisions. If Ortega did not surrender the place till after the rainy season had set in, he, Forey, would strengthen himself therein, and march on to Mexico during the coming winter. Yet more: the wily Frenchman threw out the bait of the presidency to the Mexican commander, as an inducement for him to surrender, accompanying it with certain propositions, which, if accepted, would facilitate a settlement of the questions at issue.^[33] Were none of them accepted, he would like an interview with Ortega, at such a place as the latter might designate. To all which Ortega verbally instructed his aid to say to Forey that his proposals all involved French intervention in Mexico's affairs, and would not be entertained. He refused to hold any conference.

In the lines defended by La Llave, Berriozábal, Porfirio Diaz, and Auza, subterranean galleries were made to blow up the buildings occupied by the French. The mines were completed, but there was no powder to charge them with. Toward the end of April there was nothing that could be utilized for food but the horses, mules, and dogs, and of these there were none by the 10th of May.^[34]

On the morning of the 8th of May there was heard in Puebla a brisk firing from the direction of San Lorenzo. Comonfort had not even hinted to Ortega a movement by way of San Lorenzo. The uncertainty of the garrison continued the whole of that day and the greater part of the next; it was only late in the afternoon of the 9th that news of the disaster experienced by Comonfort the previous day reached the city. Forey himself wrote Ortega that his army had defeated Comonfort's at San Lorenzo.^[35] It was indeed too true that the army of the centre, in attempting to introduce a train into Puebla, had been routed by Bazaine and Marquez, and had afterward retreated to Tlascala. Ortega, while yet in time, and before this terrible disaster befell the army, had thought of abandoning the city, but he was kept back by the hope of relief; and after the San Lorenzo defeat, he endeavored to effect that purpose but failed. So the defence continued a few days longer with the little powder on hand, till the 16th, when there was nothing left; ammunition and food, all had been consumed.^[36] Not a line or sign had been received from Comonfort. In view of the situation, a council of war was held, which resolved that the general-in-chief should endeavor to obtain from the French a capitulation, with the privilege of marching out of the city. This was not acceded to by Forey.^[37] At a council of war it was decided, and at one o'clock in the morning of the 17th of May the order was issued, to destroy all the armament; after which the white flag for surrender without conditions should be hoisted, the officers being left free to act as they pleased.^[38] The money in the military chest was to be distributed among the rank and file. The plan was carried out on the 17th, Forey being apprised that the general, field, and company officers awaited his pleasure, as his prisoners, at the palace.^[39] Ortega and the officers all ranks refused to sign paroles as required of them by the French commander.^[40] According to the historian of the French expedition, Puebla surrendered with 150 pieces of artillery. The number of prisoners is set down at 26 generals, 303 superior officers, 1,179 subalterns, and 11,000 rank and file.^[41] Over 2,500 dragoons had escaped from Puebla during the operations. The French casualties, as given by Niox, were: killed, 18 officers, 167 rank and file; wounded, 79 officers and 1,039 rank and file, many of whom afterward died from the effects of their wounds. The same authority adds that 5,000 of the Mexican rank and file were made to serve in Marquez' army, 2,000 were employed in destroying barricades and intrenchments, and the rest were put to work on the railroad.

The siege of Puebla, though it ended in a success for the French, must be admitted to have shed no glory on their arms. No great military skill was displayed; and, indeed, it seems as if Forey's purpose had been to go on the Fabian plan, rather than to conquer the enemy by repeated hard blows. The siege was certainly prolonged beyond necessity, when we consider that the place was defended by a garrison of militiamen, whose officers, from the general-in-chief down, had not, with some exceptions, been educated for the profession of arms,^[42] and that it had been hastily, and in a measure imperfectly, fortified to withstand the assaults of a powerful foreign army directed by scientific commanders. Ortega and Forey had a conference on the 19th, when the former assured the Frenchman that he would find the great mass of Mexicans resolute to defend the national honor. He was soon contradicted, however, by his ecclesiastical fellow-citizens; for on the same day, the cathedral of Puebla being in gala dress, they received the invaders, chanting a te deum, and with every demonstration of joy.^[43] At the same time the field and company officers, including some of Ortega's aides-de-camp, were made to start, on foot and unarmed, for Vera Cruz; and on the next day Ortega and the generals received orders to prepare for departure on the 22d for France as prisoners.^[44] Their journey was made in carriages closely guarded. At the town of Morelos, Ortega heard that his officers were treated by a French naval officer as convicts; that one captain had been shot, some prisoners allowed to starve, and other outrages committed.^[45] He became very indignant, and determined to escape, whatever the consequences. His purpose was finally effected, though not until hundreds of his fellow-prisoners had got away. Most of the escapes were between Orizaba and Vera Cruz. Ortega, La Llave, Patoni, Pinzon, García, and Prieto liberated themselves at Orizaba; and Berriozábal, Antillon, Porfirio Diaz,^[46] Ghilardi, Negrete, Caamaño, and others at different places.^[47] So that by the time of embarkation at Vera Cruz the number of prisoners was greatly reduced.^[48] The news of the capture of Puebla was received in France with great rejoicing.^[49] Very different was the effect in Mexico of the fall of this city and the dissolution of the army of the east, which the government announced in feeling terms to the country. The survivors of the campaign were awarded privileges and honors.^[50] The French commander-in-chief appointed Colonel Brincourt chief commandant of Puebla, and directed him to reorganize the local administration, Saligny and Almonte designating the persons to whom the administrative offices were to be intrusted. Pursuant to the suggestions of the former, and of Budin, chief of finances, he adopted a number of important political measures.^[51] Upon the receipt in Mexico of the disastrous news from Puebla, President Juarez placed the federal district under stringent martial law, accepting Comonfort's resignation of his command. He demanded forces from the states; and believing the defence of the capital possible, stated in a proclamation his resolve to carry on the war to the last extremity, refusing to listen to any peace overtures from the French. But the defence of the capital was impossible, 14,000 men, which was all the force the government had, not being enough for the purpose. Congress understood it at once, and authorized the president to do everything possible to defend the country. His almost unlimited powers were to hold good till thirty days after the reassembling of the chamber. The only restrictions placed upon him were in regard to arrangements with the enemy.^[52] It also ordered that the chief federal authorities should transfer themselves to San Luis Potosí. On the 31st of May congress closed its session. Pursuant to the decree, Juarez, accompanied by the greater part of the public officials, left the capital for San Luis Potosí,^[53] where on arrival he issued a proclamation on the 10th of June, setting forth the reasons for abandoning the capital. He sent circulars to all the governors, investing them with ample powers,^[54] and forthwith organized his government.^[55] He drew resources from Matamoros, where, in consequence of the civil war in the United States, an active trade was carried on.

The most active measures were at once adopted for an energetic struggle in defence of the sovereignty of the country and its republican institutions. Both the general and state officers used their best endeavors to organize military forces; and by the latter part of June there were concentrated in Querétaro about 12,000 men of all arms. We are assured, however, that even at this critical period intrigues were going on around Juarez, who was led by Plácido Vega, it is said, to believe that Ogazon and Doblado had placed a numerous army under General Marquez de Leon to overthrow his government. The result was that Ogazon threw up his office of governor of Jalisco. Doblado received orders to surrender his command to Antillon, and Marquez had to turn over his to J. M. Arteaga.^[56]

In a circular of the minister of war to the governors, after speaking of the evidences of hatred to the invaders displayed on thę journey, and of the necessity of forgetting party dissensions to think only of saving the country, they were reminded that authorities set up by the foreign bayonets were spurious and did not constitute a government, the governnent both de facto and de jure being in existence; and therefore, the republic could not and would not be bound by any treaties, compacts, or pledges, or by any acts of commission or omission of those functionaries, so-called.^[57] The governors replied with assurances of their unswerving fidelity to the republican government.^[58] Several of the states, San Luis Potosí at their head, having contemplated a coalition for their common defence, to which Zacatecas refused her assent, the president disapproved the scheme as unconstitutional.^[59]

 

The reactionists at the capital lost no time in their preparations for coming events, their action being directed by General Bruno Aguilar. On the first of June, at a public meeting, they adopted a preamble and resolutions to accept the aid of and submit to the foreign intervention.^[60] José Mariano Salas, the ex-president, assumed ad interinm the military command of the city. Bazaine's division of the invading army entered it on the 7th of June, occupying the main entrances, and tendering protection to the reactionary party against the enraged populace. The reception of the French in Mexico has been represented by Forey and others as so full of enthusiasm that it almost verged on delirium.^[61] It is more than likely that the interventionists had prepared beforehand some exhibition of the kind.^[62]

A committee of reactionists, presided over by Juan N. Pereda, laid the aforesaid preamble and resoluA tions before Forey, who rode into the city of Mexico on the 10th of June, with Almonte on his right and Saligny on his left, and immediately after made Lieutenant-colonel De Potier commandant of the district. A local government was organized;^[63] a press law was enacted, claimed to be liberal, but in reality very restrictive, inasmuch as no discussion was permitted upon the laws and institutions, and much less upon religious topics. Sales of property by liberals after a certain date were annulled, the object of which was a sort of moral suasion through the pocket of the individual.^[64]

Forey issued a long proclamation on the 12th, declaring the military occupation an accomplished fact. The 10th of June, he said, must have caused all delusions to disappear, convincing the late government of its impotence to retain the power it had made such a wretched use of.^[65] About the political question he gave the Mexicans much advice, freely using the words 'fraternity, concord, and true patriotism'; they were to be no longer liberals or reactionists, but become Mexicans; meaning, it is presumed, that they should be of one mind, and cheerfully accept the intervention, which would make them all very pious conservatives. He promised much that he knew he could not accomplish, nevertheless he found many to believe him. The country had been disturbed so many years, and ruin had overtaken so many, that there were not wanting some who were really disposed to accept anything. There were, however, certain words in the address which produced disagreeable impressions on the ultra conservatives and clericals,^[66] who saw in them the true inwardness of Napoleon's instructions to Forey on the religious question; he was to show much deference for religion, and at the same time give assurance to the possessors of national estates. Thus the people of Mexico were soon made aware that the policy of the French government was wholly at variance with the national thought and traditions. He remarked further, that the courts would be organized so that they should in future administer justice uprightly, and not sell it to the highest bidder.^[67]

 

 

1. Among the prominent speakers were Jules Favre, Thiers, and Berryer.
2. 'J'ai approuvé votre conduite, quoiqu'elle ne semble pas avoir été comprise de tout le monde.' Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 199.
3. First, on arrival, issue a proclamation, the chief points of which would be suggested to him; 2d, to receive with the utmost kindness all Mexicans joining him; 3d, not to support the quarrels of any party — to declare that all is provisional till the Mexican people have spoken for themselves-to show a great deference for religion, but at the same time quieting the mind of the possessors of national property; 4th, to feed, pay, and arm, according to his means, the Mexican auxiliary troops, allowing them the most prominent places in battles; 5th, to maintain the strictest discipline in both the French and auxiliary forces, repressing vigorously any word or deed that might wound the Mexicans, it being necessary not to forget the fierceness of their character. On arriving in Mexico he was to summon the prominent men of all political shades who had joined him to form a provisional government, which would submit to the Mexican people the question of the political system that was to be definitively established; after which an assembly should be convoked according to Mexican laws. He was to aid the new government to secure regularity in the administration, specially of the treasury, for which competent men would be placed with them; not to force upon the Mexicans any form of government not to their liking, but to aid them to establish one offering stability, and which might secure to France the satisfaction of past grievances. Of course, if they preferred a monarchy, the interests of France demanded that they should be helped in that direction. The motives of France are then explained. Prosperity of America is necessary to Europe. France has an interest in the U. S. being powerful and prosperous, but cannot permit them to hold the whole gulf of Mexico, and control from there the Antilles and South America, and be the only dispensers of the products of the New World. He refers to the scarcity of cotton for the European factories. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 212-16; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 87-9; Hidalgo, Apuntes, 151-4; Zamacois, Hist. lé., xvi. 278-81; North Am. Rer., ciii. 121-2; Flint's Mex. under Max., 37-40; Chynoweth's Fall of Max., 39-41.

   Henry M. Flint, Mexico under Maximilian. The object of the author was to remove the prejudice existing in the United States against the government of Maximilian. He wrote the book before the emperor's downfall, his preface being dated Feb. 22, 1857. Flint maintains that Maximilian's government had done more for the prosperity of Mexico, more for the enlightenment of the Mexican people, during the three years of its existence, than any republican government in Mexico ever did in thirty, forty, or fifty years.' The author describes the deplorable condition of the country and people at the time of the intervention, and then narrates and discusses the political change which followed, showing himself so strong a champion of the anti-republican party as to classify the Monroe doctrine as absurd, and argue that it ought to be repudiated. A number of official letters and documents are supplied in this volume.

4. Commandant D'Ornant of the general staff was sent out to make preparations for the coming army, and arrived at Vera Cruz July 26th. The
5. The fever season had passed, but the massing of a large force in the city revived the malady, filling the hospitals with sick French.
6. Marquez de Leon says that he loved his country, was greatly moved by the sufferings of the soldiers, and detested immorality in every form. Mem. Post., MS., 216.
7. The national congress in after years erected a monument to his memory, the corner-stone of which was laid by Juarez, Sept. 17, 1869. Baz, Vida de Juarez, 242; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 633; Diario Debates, 10th Cong., ii. 751; Diario Ofic., Sept. 29, 1869; La Vozde Méj., Oct. 7, 1862; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 274-5.
8. Niox, Exped. da Mex., 218-19.
9. Almonte was ordered to dissolve his cabinet and aid in organizing the Mexican army. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 92; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 217-18. He remained in the country as a private citizen till he was again called to do Napoleon's work, and for his subserviency was made a knight grand cross of the legion of honor.
10. The second one was disliked in France, and the minister of war advised Forey 'de ne pas faire abus des proclamations.' Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 221. Manuel Payno, ex-minister of the treasury, sent a long letter to Forey on claims of the allies, giving the history of each and accompanying documents. Payno, Carta, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1832-75, no. 6, 3-79.
11. Forey neglected Alvarado, Medellin, and Tlacotalpan, strategic points whence the liberals frequently cut off supplies from Vera Cruz. Soon afterward he also abandoned, about the 19th of January, 1863, Tampico and Tuxpan which, being on the seaboard, could have been held with insignificant forces. But he wanted all his strength for Puebla. One of the French gunboats got aground and had to be destroyed. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 335-13.
12. He was not beholden to the government. A free republican, not even a soldier by profession, he had come from a long distance to render his best service to the government chosen by the people. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 259-60, 264-67.
13. This manifesto hears date Jan. 12, 1863. Arrangoiz, Méj., 107-10. The conservatives lost early in this month one of their chief men, in the death of Haro y Tamariz at Orizaba. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 343.
14. A personal tax of three reales, when not paid in coin, had to be made good with work in the fortifications. This tax, yielding more abuses than money, was substituted by a loan of $600,000. Negotiations were begun in New York to raise the 30-million loan. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 633. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 527-9, 565, 575, 578-81, 588-9, 636, 654; Diario Debates, 3d Cong., i. 135-8; Diario Ofic., Oct. 10, 1868; La Voz de Méj., Dec. 30, 1862.
15. U. S. Govt Doc., 37th Cong. 3d Sess., Sen. 24, 389-90.
16. Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., 349-50; reiterated by the president Aug. 16, 1863. Méx., Últ. Notas Diplom., 17-31.
17. La Voz de Méj., Nov. 29, 1862. The decree was issued Oct. 27th; the time was extended May 27, 1863. Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., 178-85; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 548-9, 622.
18. Among its last acts was one on the 13th of Dec., declaring null all acts of the so-called authorities appointed by the invaders. The law also nullified all contracts executed before or authorized by them; and provided that traitors should not be favored in any arrangements the government might enter into with France. Buenrostro, Hist. Seg. Cong. Constituc., 373; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 566; Diario Debates, 3d Cong., i. 159-61.
19. These forces depredated, and presented at times a threatening attitude in various parts. Bands of highwaymen infested Durango, Zacatecas, and other states.
20. The defence of the line comprised between forts Cinco de Mayo, Guadalupe, and Independencia was intrusted to Gen. Berriozábal of the 1st division, with generals Hinojosa, Gayoso, and Osorio under him; that between forts La Reforma or Demócrata and Iturbide, to Gen. Antillon of the 3d division, with Col Macías and Gen. Rojo under his orders; that between forts Hidalgo and Morelos, to Gen. Aiatorre of the 4th division, with Gen. Ghilardi and Col Auza, in command of those forts respectively; that between forts Zaragoza and Ingenieros was in charge of Gen. La Llave of the 5th division, the forts being commanded respectively by generals Pinzon and Patoni. Ortega, Parte Gen., 15-16; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 250-1, 256-7; La Estrella de Occid., Jan. 16, 1863.
21. Gen. Mejía, commanding a detached brigade, was under the immediate orders of gen. headquarters, and had charge of the interior defences. Gen. Negrete, commander of the 2d division, formed with it the general reserve of the army corps.
22. This position, though advantageous for its elevation, was not fortified, because it would have called for isolated defences with a large garrison.
23. The army was formed of 8 sections of artillery, each brigade having 4 batteries; 5 divisions and one brigade of infantry; one division and two brigades of cavalry. Gen. Orders of Feb. 19th, in Diaz, Porfirio, Biog., 40.
24. In command of brigades were Porfirio Diaz, who in after years became president of the republic, Hinojosa, Lamadrid, Ghilardi, Mora, Patoni, Pinzon, Ignacio Mejía, and Carbajal, of the rank of general, and colonels Caamaño, Rioseco, Escobedo, Prieto, Macías, Herrera, Auza, Yarza, and Ayala. Col Prisciliano Flores was adjutant-general of infantry, and Col J. Nicolás Prieto of cavalry. Id., 41-2, 44.
25. Eighteen thousand infantry, 1,400 cavalry, 2,150 artillerymen, 450 engineers, 2,300 troupes d'administration, 2,000 Mexican allies. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 247. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 112, gives the force at 36,000, which is probably somewhat in excess, 'tan superior al sitiado, en número, disciplina, y recursos,'
26. This was effected by first capturing El Penitenciario, which had not been at first fortified; the fall of the Iturbide following as a consequence. According to Arrangoiz, Forey might have taken it the same day that he came in sight of Puebla. Méj., iii. 111.
27. In the night of April 13th, O'Horan and Col Vicente Riva Palacio with about 1,500 cavalry broke the lines and marched to Tlascala through a narrow road, though guarded by the French 83th, a number of whose men were slain and wounded, and some taken prisoners. The escaping force did not lose a man.
28. At this time Comonfort, in order to carry out a plan of attack, asked Ortega for 5,000 or 6,000 men, who were not furnished him, for obvious reasons. Juarez in a confidential letter justly approved of Ortega's action. Ortega, Parte Gen., 65-6.
29. Loading with stones, there being no other projectiles at hand, a gun that covered the entrance, he fired it at the zouaves, causing much havoc among them.
30. Diaz himself speaks in glowing terms of Gonzalez' gallantry. In the general orders of that day the deeds above related received special mention. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 183-90; Diaz, Porfirio, Biog., 46-8.
31. Berriozábal, La Llave, and others tried more than once to induce Ortega to evacuate the place to save the army. Gen. Paz also spoke to him on the subject, but merely in compliance with the request of others. His own opinion, like Ortega's, was to hold the city until necessity demanded its abandonment. Ortega, Parte Ofic., 72-4, 102-10.
32. The suspension of assaults was apparently from necessity. Ortega believed it so, and when rumors reached him — most of them traceable to the French camp — that a general assault was contemplated to obliterate the repulse of the 25th of April, he did not heed them. Niox has it that in this affair the left column of the French lost 9 officers, and the right 1 killed, 5 wounded, and 2 missing; 27 men killed, 127 wounded, and 176 missing. Later information showed, in addition, 130 men, of whom 7 were officers, had been made prisoners. Expéd. du Mex., 272.
33. Let him make himself the president of the Mexican republic, and the question is at an end; let him agree that new elections for chief magistrate of the nation be held, and the question likewise ends; and if to carry out either of these projects he should encounter any difficulties, the French army will support him; if he will not admit these propositions, tell him to make me others equally honorable for both France and Mexico.' Ortega, Parte Gen., 161-3.
34. This state of things was formally made known in the general order of May 17th. Diaz, Porf., Biog., 48-9.
35. Comonfort lost 1,000 killed and wounded, 1,000 prisoners, among whom were 56 officers, eight pieces of artillery, and a number of other arms, three flags, 20 loaded wagons, 400 mules, sheep, etc. Ortega, Parte Gen., 164-9; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 274-8; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 113.
36. The rations served out to the garrison on the 15th and 16th of May consisted of a decoction of orange-leaves.
37. He agreed to grant everything but that Ortega's troops should remain in condition to continue the war against France, as that would be but a change of position. The chief of staff said that no doubt his commander would allow the garrison all the honors and guarantees, but if they destroyed their arms before surrendering, as had been hinted, all prisoners falling into his hands would be transported to Martinique. Forey seemed to disapprove of the remark, and energetically said: 'I transport to Martinique robbers, banditti, but not brave officers, such as those forming the garrison of Puebla.' Ortega, Parte Gen., 190-2.
38. Forey claimed, on the 20th of May, that the surrender had been forced by his fire of the 16th on the Totimehuacan, which had done great damage to the works, and exposed their weakness on the east side. His words to the bearer of a flag of truce were, that if the garrison waited for a general assault he would, under the laws of war, put it to the sword. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, 276.
39. A little before 3 a. m., and before the message was forwarded by the hands of released French prisoners, Ortega received a note from Gen. Yañez, dated at the bridge of Texmelucan, May 14th, at 6:30 P. M., saying that Comonfort had gone to Mexico; that the disaster of San Lorenzo had not been so great as Forey represented it to Ortega; but the troops of the central army certainly were too much demoralized to be led into battle. An hour later the artillery was blown up.
40. Ortega, Parte Gen., 203-4, 210-13; Diaz., Datos Biog., MS., 192; Diaz, Porf., Biog., 48-50.
41. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 282. There is considerable discrepancy on this point. Forey reported 26 generals, 225 superior officers, 800 subalterns, 16,000 rank and file, 150 cannons, a large quantity of muskets and ammunition. Almonte spoke of 26 or 28 generals, 1,200 officers, 12,000 men, 280 useful cannons, 10,000 muskets, and much ammunition. An officer of Marquez says that only 30 guns had been burst, and there were found over 200 guns, many muskets, and some ammunition. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 472-3. A Mexican official list, made on the 17th of May, gives 21 generals, 280 superior officers, and about 1,120 subalterns. Diaz, Porf., Biog., 50-79. Negrete and Régules had escaped. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 636. Ortega stated that there were missiles, but no powder.
42. It has been said that Juarez gave Ortega the command, though believing him incompetent for it, because the nation had come to look upon him as a great man. He hoped that what Ortega lacked of military skill would be supplied by some of his subordinates. A sinister purpose in connection with Ortega was also attributed to Juarez. Marquez de Leon, Mem. Póst., MS., 217-19.
43. See his Parte Gen., 215.
44. It is alleged that this course was adopted because, most of the officers being old guerrillamen, it was dangerous to let them remain; 'exaltés et dangereux, étaient fort gênants.' Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 282.
45. Among them the execution of a private, whose body was thrown on the road by which Ortega and his companions were to pass a few minutes later. The above-stated facts were communicated by Ortega from Zacatecas, Sept. 16, 1863. Parte Gen., 216-23.
46. Diaz got away the day before the prisoners were despatched to Vera Cruz, and together with Berriozábal went to Mexico and tendered their services to the government. Diaz, Datos Biog., MS., 193.
47. The comforts and facilities afforded the prisoners by their countrymen at Orizaba angered their captors. Fifteen young women were for that reason imprisoned, of whom Guadalupe Talavera was long kept in durance. Iglesias, Interv., ii. 52-3.
48. The number actually sent was 13 generals, 110 field-officers, 407 subalterns. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 282-3. On the 15th of Oct., 1863, and 15th of Apr., 1864, the prisoners were offered a return to Mexico if they would submit to the government set up in Mexico by the French intervention. Some accepted the offer and were sent back. The rest, 126, of whom Gen. Epitacio Huerta was the highest in rank, were retained till after Maximilian's acceptance of the Mexican crown, when they were released; but no provision was made for their support or transportation. They suffered greatly, but managed to find their way back to Mexico. Lejévre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 323, 338-41; Huerta, Apuntes, 1-92.
49. Niox, Exped. du Mex., 283-4.
50. The families of the prisoners were afforded relief, or at least it was decreed to them. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 32-3, 37; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 614-20, 628-31;Diario Debates, 3d Cong., ii. 34; Ortega, Parte Gen., 249-52. Jesus Gonzalez Ortega, Parte General que da al Supremo Gobierno de la Nacion, respecto de la defensa de la plaza de Zaragoza, Méx., 1871, 8vo, 252 pp. This is a full and detailed report made from Zacatecas on the 16th of September, 1863, to the minister of war of Mexico, by the general-in-chief of the late eastern army and comandante general of the state of Puebla, of the operations of the siege and defence of the city of Puebla-Zaragoza, beleaguered by the French army under General Forey, from the 3d of Feb. to the surrender of the place on the 19th of May, and subsequent acts connected with the disposal of the Mexican prisoners by the French commander-in-chief. It is a clear exposition of these events, stated apparently with a view to furnish the facts without reservation or exaggeration.
51. A journal was established in French and Spanish, entitled Moniteur Franco-Mexicain, Bulletin des actes officiels de l'Intervention. The land customhouses were restored. A decree of May 21st, to sequester the property of all persons bearing arms against the intervention, did not meet the views of the conservatives, and caused in its application many embarrassments, and was later disapproved by the French government, and consequently annulled. Another of May 22d prescribed the revision of sales of mortmain estates, that is to say, of the ayuntamiento and several benevolent establishments, Sales ordered by Juarez' government, of which a large number were said to be tainted with fraud. May 27th, the exportation of coin, and of gold and silver in any form, was forbidden. On the day of the feast of corpus christi, Forey, for effect, caused his troops to march in the procession. The organization of courts was decreed and their emoluments were fixed. Mex., Boletin Ley. Imp., 11-36; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 286-7; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvi. 4,4-5.
52. He was strictly forbidden to enter into treaties or diplomatic conventions admitting foreign interference in the country's affairs. Rivera, Gob. de Mex., ii. 636; 7d., Hist. Jalapa, v. 576.
53. The departure, though rather precipitate, owing to a despatch from Gen. Diaz based on reports of his scouts that the French were on the march, was effected in good order, taking away artillery, money, archives, etc. Iglesias, Interv., ii. 5; Marquez de Leon, Mem. Póst., MS., 231; Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 9-13; La Voz de Aléj., July 16, 1863. Forey knew it the next day, but did not send a force in pursuit. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 115.

    José M. Iglesias, Revistes Históricas sobre la Intervencion Francesa en México. Mexico, 1867, 1868, 1869. 12mo, 3 vol., pp. 540, 463, and 690. Iglesias, a minister under Juarez in 1866, etc., and later aspirant to the residency, began in April 1862, at the instance of the Juarez minister of relations and government, to write a series of articles for newspapers on the progress of the French intervention, and the consequent civil war between the republicans under Juarez and the Franco-Maximilian party. These articles at first were issued nearly every month, later at longer intervals, and ceased in Oct. 1866. At the request of the editor of the Diario Oficial they were published afterward in 1867-9 as a feuilleton — since the circumstances of their previous appearance had made them but little known — and then put into book form. In the preface Iglesias promised to fill the gap from the middle of 1866 to the triumph of the republicans, when leisure permitted. Written at the various headquarters of Juarez in his retreat northward before the French, Iglesias, as a member of the official circle, was of course perfectly acquainted with the republican plans and movements, and could have given the best possible history thereof; but the articles being for publication, he evidently dared not reveal these facts, and confined himself to those relating to already known campaigns, and to one-sided statements tending to awe the enemy and to encourage republicans. The chief contents of the articles are reviews of foreign relations, French, English, Spanish, and American debates, and popular views of the Mexican question; ironic and bitter denunciations and comments on the imperialist administration; and short and hasty reviews of military movements for the month, etc. All the articles are compiled with little regard for exactness or completeness; many are jumbled and full of empty talk — repeated in the various letters — on foreign affairs and policy. The material on the French, imperial, and foreign affairs, being obtained from the newspapers of the time, has its value, but is impaired by hasty concoction and one-sidedness; the other smaller portion on republican movements is guarded, garbled for prudential reasons, and superficial.

54. He gave them authority to act in urgent cases when unable to receive timely instructions from the government. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 623-7; Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 586; La Voz de Méj., July 11, 1863; Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 277-9.
55. His cabinet ministers then were: Juan Antonio de la Fuente, of relations; Jesus Teran, of justice; José Higinio Nuñez, of the treasury; Felipe B. Berriozábal, of war, who was, Aug. 18th, succeeded by Comonfort. Fuente being sent on a foreign mission, Manuel Doblado took his place from Sept. 3d to 10th, when he was succeeded by Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada. Teran resigned Sept. 1st. The cabinet on the 10th was formed with Lerdo, José María Iglesias, Nuñez, and Comonfort.
56. Doblado advised Marquez to obey without a murmur, using these words: 'Deje V. que se pierda la situacion bajo la responsibilidad de estas gentes; nosotros la levantaremos mas tarde.' Marquez de Leon, Mem. Póst., MS., 231-2 The republican cause had now to mourn the death of one of its most trusty adherents, Gen. La Llave, which occurred on the 23d of June. Funeral honors were paid his remains on the 27th. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 36; La Voz de Mej., Aug. 8, 20, 1863.
57. The circular, which is dated June 13, 1863, further says that all Mexicans exercising functions derived from the French source are offenders against the laws of the country and liable to severe punishment. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 627-8; Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 13-15. On the 29th of September of the same year Mexicans were forbidden to hold office under a foreign government. Id., 146-8.
58. It was evident that with the exception of 'un miserable puñado de traidores' the whole country rejected the French intervention. Iglesias, Interv., ii. 9.
59. Under article 111. Minister La Fuente's circular was dated June 27th. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, i. 38-40. A few days previously, on the 22d, the president had to decree the state of Durango under martial law, because of a military emeute headed by Col Tomás Borrego. Gen. José M. Patoni, the constitutional governor, was reinstated. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ix. 630, 632-3.
60. The resolutions were: 1st, cheerfully accepting the generous aid of the French emperor, they placed themselves under Forey's protection; 2d, Forey was asked to call a meeting, the most numerous possible, to represent all classes, and the interests of parties willing to recognize the intervention, the most prominent for science, morality, and patriotism, consulting Almonte in the choice; 3d, the board, then given the name of Junta Calificadora, was to assemble on the third day from its convocation, and within eight days to decide on the form of government the nation was to be permanently placed under; and to choose a provisional government to hold power till the permanent régime should become installed. Acta de los Traidores, in La Estrella de Occid., July 24, 1863; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., 637; Domenech, Hist, du Mex., iii. 120-7.
61. Hidalgo, the monarchist, says that the troops were almost covered with flowers. Apuntes, 170-3.
62. It has been asserted that the flowers thrown at the feet of the soldiers were paid for with French money. Lefêvre, Doc. Maximiliano, i. 280-1; Méx., Boletin Leyes, 1863, 45.
63. See decrees of June 13th and 14th, appointing an ayuntamiento, and Azcárate as prefect. Méx., Boletin Ley., 1863, 37-9.
64. Budin, the financial man, thus explained it: 'Para volver á traer á mejores sentimientos hácia su propia patria' those who were serving in the republican ranks. Méx., Boletin Ley., 1863, 36-47; Periód. Ofic. Imp. Mex., Aug. 4, 1863.
65. Niox, Exped. du Mex., 289-90%; Мех., Воletin Ley., 1863, ар. 489-93.
66. Bona fide purchasers of nationalized estates would be protected in their possession, but fraudulent sales would be subject to revision. The catholic religion would be protected, and the bishops recalled to their dioceses. 'Je crois que l'Empereur verrait avec plaisir qu'il fût possible au government de proclamer la liberté des cultes, ce grand principe des sociétés modernes.' Niox, Expêd. du Mex., 290-2.
67. In this connection, says Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 119-20, Forey knew not what he said, as on other occasions he had blundered in his sayings and doings, and thereby had done serious damage to the conservative party. Arrangoiz denies that justice was sold in Mexico, unless in as rare instances as in any other country.