History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 6/Chapter 8

by Hubert Howe Bancroft



 

CHAPTER VIII.

IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT.

1865.

Provisional Constitution — Personal Guarantee — No Slavery — Fondness of Maximilian for Law — making — Promotion of Colonization — Finances — Cabinet — Maximilian Protests against his Austrian Renunciation — French Loan and French Troops — Attitude of the United States — Republicanism Gains Strength — Maximilian Alarmed — Bazaine Blamed — Terrorism

In 1865, on the anniversary of his acceptance of the crown, Maximilian issued the provisional constitution of the empire, according to which the emperor represented the national sovereignty, and exercised it in all branches, the form of government being moderate monarchical, and hereditary, with a catholic prince.^[1] There were to be nine ministerial departments; namely, of the imperial household, of state, of foreign affairs and navy, government or interior, justice, public instruction and worship, war, fomento, or public works and material development, and finance,^[2] the whole to be connected with an auditorial tribunal, with administrative and judicial power for inspecting and revising all financial matters.^[3]

The council of state had to frame bills, decide in ministerial disputes, and give advice. The private cabinet, forming the medium of communication for the sovereign, comprised two departments, for civil and military affairs.^[4] The country was divided into eight military districts,^[5] each in charge of a chief, and at times placed temporarily under a commissary for correcting abuses by officials, inspectors being also appointed to make tours through departments for the same purpose. The departments, fifty in number,^[6] were to be ruled by prefects appointed by the emperor, and guided by a departmental council.^[7] Districts were placed under sub-prefects,^[8] also assisted by councils, and municipalities with no less than 3,000 inhabitants were governed by ayuntamientos, popularly elected.^[9] Smaller municipalities were controlled by comisarios.^[10] There were five grades of tribunals, of which the superior judges held office for life. The people received the guarantee of equality before the law, security for person and property — slavery and confiscation being forbidden — and liberty to proclaim their opinions. Care was taken to alleviate the oppression weighing upon laborers, especially Indians, by limiting the deduction for debts to one fifth of the pay, abolishing corporal punishment, and prohibiting fathers from binding their children to employers.^[11] But these, like many other excellent measures, were frustrated by corrupt officials, disorderly state of affairs, and other circumstances.

The emperor certainly had a greater taste for issuing laws than firmness and power to carry them out; and toward the end of this year there came in a flood of enactments, many of them being revivals of colonial decrees.^[12] A characteristic effort was made in behalf of education, for the spread of rudimentary knowledge and the establishment of secondary schools,^[13] while the empress fostered benevolent institutions.^[14] Amid the great care lavished on court routine, it may be readily understood that the theatre received attention. Colonization was given a hitherto unparalleled prominence, both in projects and decrees. An immigration bureau was established,^[15] with a most favorable decree for the appointment of agents, the grant of free lands, and other privileges.^[16] All races were to be admitted, and a special-contract law was issued regulating the term of service and treatment of colored persons.^[17] Arrangements were also made for French, United States, and German immigration into littoral and interior districts; but the leading project was the formation of colonies by refugees from the southern United States. Prominently connected with this plan was William M. Gwin, formerly United States senator from California, who proposed a semi-independent settlement in Sonora, and received such countenance from Napoleon as to lead to an outcry against a supposed absorption of that state by France. Even the United States intimated that the establishment of hostile southerners along the frontier would not be regarded with favor.^[18] But the disturbed condition of the country, and the lack of aid to efficiently promote colonization, neutralized the projects, so that hardly anything was done.^[19]

Finances remained inextricably confused, especially after Mexican officials received charge of the empire. Their ill-will and inability became manifest in decreasing revenue; and notwithstanding a growing dislike for the French, Maximilian found it necessary to apply to Napoleon for an able director, and to arrange with Bazaine for French agents in the leading towns to supervise the collection of revenue. The Mexicans naturally objected to foreign interference, and arrayed themselves against it, so as to seriously interfere with the projects elaborated by Bonnefous, who came out as inspector-general of finances. This opposition served to render the need for money all the more pressing. By this time the news of military successes, and the glowing report of an agent^[20] sent from Paris to examine the resources of Mexico, had so inspired the French government itself as to induce it to lend official countenance to the loan placed in April 1865 on the market. It was consequently obliged later to assume the responsibility.

The present issue was increased to 250 million francs, which, less the bonus of 32 per cent and expenses, including a lottery amortization, yielded a net sum of barely 97 millions, very little of which reached the Mexican government. The original debt of 81 million pesos, at the beginning of the intervention, had now swollen to 253 millions, and was growing rapidly under French military expenses. The interest alone, of over 10 millions, threatened to absorb the greater part of the imperial revenue, which, at the time Maximilian accepted the crown, was estimated at 15 millions; and we know, from the tenure of the Miramare convention, how little of the remainder could be claimed by Mexico. During 1865 the receipts increased to 19 millions, whereof 11 millions were from maritime custom-houses; but they were rapidly drooping.^[21] Notwithstanding the reluctance of Maximilian to increase the burden on the country, fresh taxes had to be imposed in different directions, even on manufactures that should have been protected.^[22] Langlais, the successor of Bonnefous,^[23] prepared an admirable plan for the finance department, but he died before the application could be made, and little came of it between ministerial objections and countermeasures, and the change of French projects.^[24] The process of reorganizing the administration was hampered at every step, as we have seen, by the lack of means, financial and military, for maintaining order and giving effect to the many commendable measures that were proposed. Party spirit and personal jeal- ousy added their pernicious influence, which penetrated also to the council and cabinet, without, however, leading in this quarter to the discord that would long since have produced radical changes in any other Mexican government under similar circumstances. In October the cabinet still embraced Ramirez, who filled also the place of the absent Velazquez de Leon, Almonte, Peza, Robles, and Escudero, but Cortés Es- parza had resigned the portfolio of gobernacion, now held by José María Esteva. Manuel Siliceo, a liberal, had taken that of instruction and worship; and Fran- cisco de P. César had replaced Campillo as under- secretary of finance, Langlais being actual head of this department.^[25]

The fact that the cabinet had held together so well, consisting as it did mainly of liberals who were known to be at heart hostile to the imperial cause, indicates at least a zeal, combined with absence of prejudice, that merits admiration for Maximilian Eagerness for office seems a leading quality on the opposite side. He desired the best men for his purpose, irrespective of creed or popularity; but he was too readily per- suaded or imposed upon to be esteemed for judgment. Siliceo, for instance, was on the point of being ex- pelled for maintaining correspondence with Juarez, when Ramirez managed to change this order for a seat among the ministers, on the ground that it was necessary to win over republicans.^[26] The gain in this direction must have been counteracted by the irritat- ing appointment of L. Détroyat, a French lieutenant,

as assistant secretary of the navy,^[27] of French inspectors, agents, and police,^[28] not to mention again the preëminence of foreign military officers; one effect being to promote a passive or even hostile attitude with regard to many commendable measures of Maximilian.

The discontent attained a marked manifestation even in the cabinet, where Escudero, the minister of justice, was pointed out as having joined a conspiracy. The plot really belonged to them, with the archbishop and General Zuloaga for leaders, the object being to unite, under the potent name of Santa Anna, the host of nominal imperialists who had become dissatisfied with Maximilian and his foreigners, and the numerous republicans who had grown tired of Juarez and the bloody conflict for the constitution of 1857. At the time of Tirana's removal from the Juarist army of the centre, in the middle of 1864, several of his officers indicated a readiness to conciliate conservatives with a modification of that organic law, and the latter, including the clergy, had been gradually approaching a similar state of mind, seeing that fully as good terms could be obtained from the liberals as from Maximilian. Michoacan, then in a state of ferment, was looked upon as a favorable cradle for the movement, from its central situation, and it was believed that Porfirio Diaz, and Álvarez with his Indians, might be induced to coöperate. Santa Anna launched from his retreat at St Thomas a proclamation to the two great parties to unite for the holy struggle of casting the invaders from the soil — an appeal which could not fail to obtain response also among the masses.^[29] He proposed to dedicate the whole of his still vast fortune to the cause, and hinted at the active coöperation of the now idle United States armies. The plot was not allowed to develop, however, owing to vigilance of the secret police employed by Bazaine to watch in particular the conservatives.^[30] Another source for pretentions against Maximilian had already been removed by his assuming the guardianship of the two grandsons of Iturbide and pensioning the sons.^[31] The act created a wide-spread belief that he intended the boy Agustin, then in his third year, for his successor, either because he had no children, or in view of a possible departure from Mexico. The latter rumor, though officially denied, was strengthened by a protest made by Maximilian at the close of the preceding year against the renunciation of his rights as an Austrian archduke. Many, indeed, began to assume that his liberal policy and assiduous law-making in Mexico were intended greatly for achieving popularity and reputation in his native country.^[32] The protest certainly encouraged the liberals, as it created distrust among imperialists.

So passed the twelvemonth, amidst alternate hopes and fears. French successes in Oajaca and in the northern provinces rendered the outlook in the spring so glowing that Bazaine spoke as if the war was practically over. With Maximilian the illusion seemed to be impressed by the enthusiastic reception accorded him during a tour from April into June eastward, through Tlascala and Puebla to Jalapa,^[33] districts blessed for a long time with comparative peace, and therefore more ready to yield to exhilarating intercourse with rare royalty. Even greater demonstrations were evoked by the later visit of Charlotte through Vera Cruz to Yucatan,^[34] as might be expected from Mexican gallantry. France caught the infection, and subscribed eagerly for the new Mexican loan issued in April, under the guarantee implied by Rouher's utterance that the French army should not return till it had triumphantly accomplished its task.^[35] This was supported by a letter from Napoleon to Bazaine, authorizing him to retain all his troops, contrary to the agreement formed at Miramare, and to the statements made before French representatives.^[36]

These hopes and assurances were to be shaken by the decisive federal victories in the north, which left the United States at liberty to look freely into French aims and operations in Mexico, and to speculate upon the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, impelled by a natural sympathy for the republican cause, and sustained by a host of trained soldiers. Notwithstanding the popular pressure, headed by Grant and his party, who clamored for the fulfilment of the doctrine to the letter, and the immediate withdrawal of French troops,^[37] the United States government wished by no means to rush into another war, and swell its enormous debt. It even endeavored to maintain a fair neutrality toward both of the contending parties, although officials did manage to favor the Juarists somewhat.^[38]

Encouraged by this attitude, Maximilian ventured to write to President Johnson, only to find both his letter and envoy ignored.^[39] In August, in connection with the Gwin colonization scheme, the American minister at Paris declared in an official note that the American people sympathized warmly with the republicans of Mexico, and looked impatiently on a continuance of French intervention. The French reply, while somewhat haughty, was reassuring; and in pursuance thereof, an effort was made two months later for a recognition at Washington of the empire, with a promise that this would hasten the departure of French troops. The United States refused, and, encouraged by the deferential tone of the notes from Paris, they assumed so hostile an attitude that the prospect of a rupture seemed to many inevitable.^[40] During the progress of these humiliating negotiations the imperialists were racked by serious forebodings. In the middle of 1865, already an ominous gathering of troops and vessels in Texas and along the Rio Bravo induced Bazaine to concentrate most of his men in the northern provinces, to the neglect of provinces below, like Michoacan and Guanajuato. The result was a revival of republican operations in these regions, which only too plainly showed that the empire rested wholly on French bayonets.^[41] It could not be denied that the intelligent and active Mexicans were nearly all imbued with republican ideas. A large proportion had listened for a while to the promises held out by a part} 7 in behalf of a strong central government under a permanent head; but these proving weak and illusive, national jealousy and impatience hastened the return to former principles. As for the Indians, they looked on with passive indifference.

Notwithstanding the eagerness for office, more than one of the prefects preferred to resign rather than occupy an equivocal position, unable as they were to carrv out measures or to enforce order with the scanty troops at their command.^[42] Their representations recalled to Maximilian the warnings uttered already at Miramare,^[43] and in a series of alarming letters he himself depicted the situation in sombre colors, blaming Bazaine as the cause, and declaring him responsible.^[44]

Yet at this very time he had given the marshal, as he now ranked, a beautiful palace on the occasion of his marriage with a Mexican.^[45] Regarding the French as the only reliable and efficient support, he continued to ask Napoleon for more troops, intimating that he preferred Douay for chief. Meanwhile he proposed to remedy the lack of soldiers with terrorism. Taking advantage of recent successes in the north, and the mere rumor that Juarez had actually fled from Mexican soil,^[46] he declared in a manifest of October 2d that the president having left the territory, a legal pretence no longer existed for continuing to war against the empire, and guerrilla bands would henceforth be regarded as malefactors, and subjected to the extreme severity of the law.^[47] To this effect was issued on the following day that much-abused decree of Maximilian, ordering the trial by court-martial and execution within twenty-four hours of any member of such bands, or abettors thereof, the trial and sentence to be carried out by the officer who captured them.^[48] Even those who secreted guerrillas, or withheld information and aid against them, were to be imprisoned or fined.^[49]

Decrees fully as severe had frequently appeared in the course of Mexican revolutions^[50] — instance only that by Juarez in January 1862 — so that this presented nothing very unusual. Unfortunately it was directed by a foreigner; and striking the national jealousy, as well as a rapidly growing sympathy among all classes, it was to rebound upon the author, to frame his own sentence. Maximilian's character was by no means cruel;^[51] and in yielding here to what lay presented as an absolute necessity, he intended rather to convey a menace, as proved by more than one circumstance.^[52] Maximilian's severe decree was prompted as well as felt especially in Michoacan, which, owing to its favorable geographic features, with rich valleys, mountain fastnesses, and approachable sea-coast, formed a good field for guerrillas. They held forth in the south and west, under Régules, Pueblita, Salazar, Riva Palacio, and others; the last named now appointed governor by Arteaga, who, after his defeat in Jalisco, continued here to wield the supreme command. The first important action of the year 1865 was the defeat, with great slaughter, of the leader Romero, at Apatzingan, by Colonel Potier,^[53] for which Salazar obtained revenge at Los Reyes.^[54] After this a reënforcement from Douay's forces assisted in making a partial sweep of the territory, but this advantage was lost by its withdrawal to the north, and Arteaga occupied the region of Tacámbaro, Ugalde and Valdés captured Zitácuaro,^[55] and Régules approached the frontiers of Guanajuato with a force of about 2,000 men. Finding himself checked here, the latter hastened back and surprised, April 11th, the town of Tacámbaro, forcing the Belgian and Mexican garrison to capitulate, after sustaining a heavy loss.^[56] He thereupon advanced by a western circuit against Morelia,^[57] but was overtaken and routed at Huaniqueo by Potier.^[58] After several alternate successes,^[59] including the capture of Uruapan by Arteaga, the entire French force was called northward, leaving only Belgians to aid the Mexican garrisons, Pátzcuaro, Morelia, and Tacámbaro being the only permanent stations occupied. Arteaga advancing against the last-named town in July with nearly 3,000 men, Lieutenant-colonel Van der Smissen boldly attacked him with less than 1,000 allies, and achieved so decided a triumph as to cripple the Juarist general for some time.^[60] The credit assumed for the Belgians in this and other encounters led to such discord with the Mexicans^[61] that the former had to be withdrawn. Colonel Mendez, now chief in command, displayed great activity, and the republican nucleus having reappeared near Uruapan in October with about 1,000 men, he went in pursuit and obtained a signal victory at Amatlan, capturing 400 men, including the generals Arteaga and Salazar.^[62] Maximilian's brigandage decree having just appeared, Mendez availed himself of this to promptly execute the two generals and three colonels, an act which created an outcry throughout the country, for the commander-in-chief of the republican army of the centre could by no means be counted a brigand.^[63]

 

 

1. The empress assuming the regency in case of the emperor's disability.
2. The household minister took charge of decorations and titles and crown domains. The minister of state presided at the ministerial council, took cognizance of affairs relating to the council of state, tribunal de cuentas, visitadores, chancellorship, communicated appointments and decrees not pertaining to the other departments. Ihe marine department was temporarily annexed to that of foreign affairs. An educational council was to be formed for promoting education. The minister of f omen to attended to statistics, vacant lands, public works, railways, internal navigation, forests, industrial development, mining, colonization, mails, telegraphs, and weights and measures. For regulations and duties, see Méx., Col. Ley. Imp., i.-viii., passim.
3. Including those of municipalities and other public bodies.
4. Each under the care of a chief. See also Méx., Reg. Gabinete, 3-18.
5. Besides these, whose commanding generals at the time are named in Diar. Imp., April 10, 1865, sup., there were formed two great 'commandements,' the first at San Luis Potosí, embracing the north-east provinces, under Douay, the second at Durango, for the north-west, under Castagny; a third was proposed in the south, under L'Hériller; but Bazaine not giving enough troops, it was abandoned. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 505-6.
6. List in Almanaque Mex., 1867, 43; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 274. Varying in size from that of Valle de Méjico, with 410 square leagues and 482,000 inhabitants, to that of California with about 8,400 square leagues and 12,000 inhabitants, the most populous being Guanajuato, with over 600,000 people upon an area of 1,452 square leagues, and the least Mapimí, with 6,700 people upon 4,500 square leagues. This evidently unequal division, of Guanajuato at least, was influenced by ministerial courtesy, says Arrangoiz, the minister of fomento being a native of the latter department. Méj., iii. 275. The capitals were also badly selected in several instances, for significance and position. The existing division, fixed in 1857, embraced 22 states, 6 territories, and the federal district.
7. Of five members selected by the supreme government from the nominations of the prefect.
8. Appointed by the prefect, subject to approval.
9. Varying from 5 to 19, according to the population, and half of it renewed every year. Every Mexican over 21 years, and with honest livelihood, could vote.
10. Appointed like alcaldes, by the prefect. For a special treatise on local administration, see Trigueros, Ramos Municip., 1-66. By decree of Oct. 12th, three maritime prefectures were created, at Vera Cruz, Acapulco, and Mazatlan.
11. Méx., Col. Ley. Imp., vi. 186. And relieving children from debts contracted by parents. During the absence of the emperor, Charlotte brought a number of deeply studied bills before the council, and wrung from the members often too ready approval, as Domenech declares. Hist. Mex., iii. 238. The empress herself wrote in Aug. 1865: "Tous mes projets ont passé; celui des Indiens, après avoir excité un frémissement. . . à été accepté avec une sorte d'enthousiasme.' Rivera is willing to credit Maximilian with good intentions, but he was overruled in many instances. Hist. Jal., v. 652-3. Romero abuses his law for operatives. Leg. Mex., Circul., ii. 202-6; Mex., Code Rural, 1-13. On press regulations, see Lefévre, Doc. Maximiliano, ii. 33-73.
12. To persuade Europe that he had a 'creative genius,' sneers Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 340, and was lifting Mexico out of barbarism. Too weak to meet discussion, says Domenech, he often took advantage of a minister's absence to execute his purpose. Ubi sup.
13. Approaching the German gymnasia. Covarrubias, Instruc. Púb., is not willing to give credit for this attempt, but Ratzel, Aus Mexico, 338, etc., takes pains to let it be known. I need only instance a law of Nov. Ist, requiring a free school to be established on every estate where over 20 families were occupied. This applied also to factories employing over 100 workmen. Méx., Col. Ley. Imp., vi. 187. He approved the decree of 1857 suppressing the university, but created an academy for sciences and literature. For rules and ceremonies at opening, see Acad. Imp., Acta Instal., 1-27.
14. Assisted by a council de beneficencia, a sisterhood for visiting the sick and poor, and a protective union for workmen.
15. With the confederate general Magruder for chief, and the astronomer Maury for comisario. Decree of Oct. 7th.
16. Decree Sept. 5, 1865. Colonists could become naturalized at once, and were exempt from taxes for the first year, and from military service for five years, although forming a militia for their own protection. Report on grants and their partial occupation, in Manero, Doc. Interes., 53-7.
17. Branded by opponents as a renewal of slavery, Leg. Mex., Circ., ii. 202-6, although the opening clause declares all free. The term was limited to ten years; in case of the father's death, children remained under the care and in the service of the employer till attaining majority. The question of African and Chinese immigration was not well received by the public, which expressed a fear for a deterioration of race. Morales, supported by Baron Sauvage, proposed to introduce 100,000 negroes and Mongols, and a Portuguese received in Dec. the privilege for ten years to bring in Asiatics.
18. Gwin had labored for his plan ever since the French entered Mexico. Hidalgo, Arrangoiz, and other ministers opposed it, chiefly on the ground that any littoral or frontier settlement by foreigners might lead to a repetition of the Texas segregation. Although Napoleon favored Gwin, Bazaine neither could nor would promote it. The Juarist minister protested at Washington against any alienation of Mexican territory. Méx., Col. Leyes, 1863-7, ii. 212-15. The U. S. government issued its warning to France, being likewise annoyed at the reception granted to confederate officers, several of whom Niox mentions. Expéd. du Mex., 502. Several editors at Mexico were fined and imprisoned by Bazaine for joining in the outcry. Lefévre, Doc. Maximiliano, ii. 139. For details on these points, see Leg. Mex., Circ., ii. 86 et seq.; Méx., Mem. Fomento, 1868, 66–76, 350-74; Méx., Mem. Hac., 1868, doc. 2; Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 213, 279, 320, iv. 3, etc.; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvii. 966, etc.; U.S. Foreign Aff., 356 et seq., 39th Cong. 1st Sess.; Id., 266, 2d Sess.; Iglesias, Interv., iii. 247-9, 264, etc.; also La Voz de Méj., Apr. 4, 1865, and other dates and journals. Gwin, Memoirs, MS., 244, etc., condemns Maximilian for turning against the confederates afterward. Maximilian later admitted that France had proposed to obtain Sonora, but he objected.
19. Some German colonists in Puebla retired to the U. S. and spread bad reports.
20. Corta, whose report was read before the chambers on April 9th and 10th, just in time to influence the new loan.

21. The returns were, from——
    Vera Cruz custom-house	$1,878,735
    Other custom-houses on the gulf	2,753,270
    Pacific ports	2,988,787
    Interior custom-houses, excise, etc.	6,941,960
    Direct contributions	1,538,383
    	——————
    	$19,101,135

    The former loan was now converted into obligations similar to the present. By arrangement with Jecker, his claim was reduced by 60 per cent. French claims for outrages were fixed at 40 million francs. For additional details, see Payno, Mem., 1868; Méx., Mem. Hac., 1870, 643 et seq.

22. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 305, iv. 9-10, takes special pains to point out mistakes and burdens in this department, wherein he had committed blunders perhaps worse. Zamacois, Hist. Méx., xvii. 1085. The regency had introduced many reforms, such as stopping direct contributions, by decree of July 29, 1863, placing instead 3 and 4 per mille on town and country property, and adding in November heavy taxes on liquors and sugar. Maximilian reduced the duties of May 1963 by 50 per cent; but this had to be annulled, and further impositions levied, such as 6 per cent on paper, thread, and fabrics, followed by a series of decrees annulling or interfering with others, and creating no little confusion. Undertakings like the Vera Cruz railroad had to be supported by special increase of duties. Romero, Mem. Hac., 1870, 648.
23. Who retired through sickness, and was replaced in Oct. Langlais soon succumbed to the climate.
24. A plan for a national bank had been long considered, and a decree appeared for its establishment, but nothing was done. Arrangoiz, iv. 37. Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 233-4, blames Ramirez. The elaborate treasury regulations in Mex., Col. Ley. Imp., i. 55-82, and Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 45-56, looked well on paper. Bazaine is blamed for loose management and mis. representations. Pap. y Corr. Fam. Imp., 137-41. In Legac. Mex., ii. 800-4, is a special tirade against the high allowances granted to French employés, whereof Arrangoiz also complains. Méj., iii. 336, iv. 33; Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 496-7. A finance committee sat in Paris, by appointment of April 11, 1864. Méx., Boletin Ley., 1864, 27, ap. 309. For bank project in connection with mortmain property, see Banco, Proyecto Soc. Hipot., 1-12; and for certain claims, Weil, Contra Mex., 1-74.
25. Esparza was made a councillor.
26. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 293. He entered the cabinet on April 13th.
27. On Oct. 15th, after he had acted for seven months as director-general of the navy.
28. Partly introduced from France, and placed under D'Istria, a Corsican. For public opinion regarding these appointments, I refer to the journals of the day, as Diario Imp., Oct. 19, 1865, etc.; Constitutional, etc.
29. He reminded them that he it was who had more than four decades before raised the successful cry against the Iturbide empire. The proclamation was dated July 8th, and issued some weeks later in Mexico by a nephew who acted as agent. Text in La Voz de Méj., Aug. 29, 1865. He had been allowed to land in Feb. 1864, on recognizing the empire, but yielding to a natural bent for intrigue, he was expelled. For this recognition the Juarez government ordered the confiscation of his estates. Rivera, Gob. Mex., ii. 469; Iglesias, Interv., ii. 292-7.
30. The names of several accused personages are given in Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 8, and Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 226-8. Santa Anna had bought 4,000 rifles and other arms in the U. S., and received attentions on board one of their frigates at St Thomas. His son, an imperialist colonel, venturing to disapprove the father's manifest, he was declared disinherited from any share in the paternal fortune, estimated, says Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 511, at 120,000,000 francs. See Diario Imp., Sept. 5, 1865, and U. S. H. Ex. Doc., 17, vi. 1-179, passim, 39th Cong. 2d Sess.
31. The agreement signed at Chapultepec Sept. 9th is reproduced in Arrangoiz, Méj., iv. 12-14. The two boys, Agustin and Salvador, were the sons of Ángel and Salvador, the mother of Agustin being an American named Alicia Green. She protested soon after against the surrender of her son. The aunt Josefa remained at the palace as joint guardian, proud to be called 'querida prima' by Maximilian. Basch., Erin., i. 52-3. The reason given for the arrangement was gratitude on the part of the nation.
32. The protest was dated at Mexico Dec. 28, 1864, and communicated to England, France, Belgium, and Austria. Leopold objected, and the Mexican minister at Vienna, Murphy, refused to communicate it. Prince Metternich listened to it merely confidentially, and so it was allowed to drop out of sight. Zamacois assumes, Hist., Méj., xvii. 755, that a withdrawal of the Austrian troops in Mexico might have been one of Francis Joseph's retaliative steps.
33. He lingered in the Orizaba district, and reached Jalapa on May 25th, exhibiting himself freely and frequently in a ranchero dress, to which staid men naturally objected. The demonstration, on returning to Mexico, is said, however, to have come from official sources rather than from the people. 'Lo manifestó (Charlotte) con gran sentimiento en carta á una Señora de Bruselas,' says Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 316. Full reports of the trip may be found in Diario Imp., April 19, 1865, and following numbers. Rivera, Hist. Jal., v. 639-47, giving special attention to ceremonies in Vera Cruz, while in Max., Alocuciones, 86, etc., are given speeches for the occasion. Maximilian took care to have the enthusiasm reported abroad.
34. In Nov. and Dec, as described in Diario Imp., Nov. 6, 1865, etc. Special accounts of local demonstrations are given in such brochures as Carlota, En Vera Cruz, 1-28.
35. 'Ne doit revenir.' Session of French chambers, April 10, 1865.
36. Lefèvre, Doc. Maximiliano, ii. 129 et seq.
37. The feeling is fully presented in the American journals, and in allusion to public speeches, as at the banquet given to the Juarist minister by men like George Bancroft, Dudley Field, and Fish, as reported in Romero, Banquete, 1-32.
38. Although the French consul at San Francisco induced the U. S. war steamer Shubrick to overtake and bring back the Brontes, which had left San Francisco in March 1865 with several hundred volunteers and several thousand rifles, the same effects were allowed to reach Juarez by another route. Vega, Depósito, MS.; Id., Ausiliares; and Vega, Docs, ii.-iii., passim. Similar shipments were becoming more frequent across the frontier, as the attitude of the government grow more hostile toward France. See also Mex. Affairs, ii. 8, etc., 39th Cong. 1st Sess. Vega enumerates three shipments by sea from California during the summer, Vega, Docs, ii. 479-80, and 15,000 rifles with ammunition to the Colorado. Id., iii. 73-4. Imperialists were naturally treated strictly.
39. Eloin went to Europe to save appearances after failing to obtain recognition for his government at Washington, observes Iglesias, Interv., 386, 441.
40. The continual defeats of the Juarists, their fugitive government, and lack of means, were vainly pointed out as an argument in favor of the legality of the stronger imperial party. Even the doubtful conduct of Juarez in retaining the presidency after his term expired in November did not impair his standing with the states.
41. Charged by Drouin de Lhuys to report on the state of affairs in Mexico, Domenech wrote in effect throughout the year: 'J'aitrouve le Mexique sur un volcan, l'empereur et l'empire usés, l'insurrection triomphante, partout où les Francais ne sont pas en grand nombre.' Hist. Mex., iii. 210. But he was not believed; certainly not at first. See also Héricault, Max., 28-34.
42. Prefect Moral of Michoacan, a most worthy and respected man, resigned four times without being allowed to leave. Some of his letters are very blunt. See Domenech, iii. 223-4. He also objected to the stringent measures which to the French seemed more indispensable the smaller their forces became.
43. Notably by Teran, whose character as Juarez' agent caused him to be disregarded.
44. 'La ville de Morelia est entourde d'ennemis; Acapulco est perdu. . . Oajaca est presque dégarni; San Luis Potosí est en danger. . .On a perdu un temps précieux, on a ruiné le trésor public, on a ébranlé la confiance, et tout cela parce qu'on a fait croire á Paris que la guerre est glorieusement finie.' Letter of June 29th. Again on July 18th: 'Je parle de ces hauts fonctionnaires qui dépensent l'argent et le sang du Mexique inutilement, qui font toutes les intrigues,' etc. See Niox, Expéd. du Méx., 438-91.
45. A grand-daughter of Azcárate, the regidor of 1808. The palace of Buena Vista, with gardens and furniture, was given as a dowry to her, to be redeemed by the government with $100,000 in case she left Mexico, or preferred not to keep it. Mexicans were naturally surprised at this liberal bestowal of national property, and to one declared so unworthy. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xvii. 1125-7; La Voz de Méj., July 8, 1881. Bazaine is depicted as hypocritical and avaricious in Pap. y Corr. Famil. Imp. Franc., 20. in Payno, Cuentas, 382-3, 699, etc., is given a list of expenses incurred by and for French officers. Both Woll and Eloin had gone to Europe to obtain the removal of Bazaine, Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 268, 301-2, in favor of Douay. Niox, Expéd. du Mex., 433.
46. Juarez would in such a case have been replaced by another leader, so that the republican government still remained.
47. The manifest begins: 'La causa que con tanto valor y constancia sostuvo · Don Benito Juarez' — a phrase by no means to the liking of either Napoleon or other opponents.
48. The only exemptions were persons who accidentally, or by force, happened to be with the bands. No regard was to be paid to the size of the band or the rank of the prisoner, so that a lieutenant might judge and execute a general.
49. All persons between the ages of 18 and 55 must aid in defending their town or estate under a penalty. Authorities who failed to prosecute such delinquents were to be fined. All who surrendered before Nov. 15th received parcion.
50. As shown in the preceding volume. Domenech brings together several instances, Hist. Alex., iii. 332-5, including the so-called mortuary law of Jan. 23, 1862. Orders for reprisals had been frequently issued before this by Juarists, to be carried out with bitter barbarity. Alluding to Gov. Escobedo's campaign in April in the north-eastern states, Castro reports calmly that he executed all prisoners 'para ejercer asi el derecho de retorsion.' La Estrella de Occid., July 7, 1865.
51. Liberal journals had actually ridiculed his aversion for war and his ready leniency.
52. Such as the modified decree of March 4th. The previous decrees of 1863 — 4 for treating guerrillas as robbers, and extending courts-martial, were little less severe, and could have been reaffirmed or applied. In fact, this would have been a better step. Further, Maximilian himself disapproved of a number of executions made in accordance with the decree, and gave orders to spare honorable soldiers, issuing on Nov. 4th a modified order to pass sentence of death only on leaders of armed bands, the rest being consigned to imprisonment, unless convicted of violence and robbery of person. Courts-martial were also restricted. Lefévre, Doc., ii. 290–3, seeks to distort the leniency of this decree. Rivera, the republican champion, is ready among others to regard the law rather as a menace, and to clear Maximilian of cruel intention. Hist. Jal., v. 658-9. The execution of General Arteaga and others in Michoacan was rather a retaliation by the commander there, notwithstanding the coloring applied in Legacion Mex., Circul., ii. 213-15, and which assisted to stir the U. S. to remonstrance. See U.S. Sen. Doc. 5, 39th Cong. Ist Sess., Chandler and Nye, Speeches, 1-8. Napoleon, while expressing his dissatisfaction with the decree, replied to the remonstrance that he was not responsible for Maximilian or his acts. Lefèvre, Doc., ii. 270-1; Legac. Mex., ii. 210-12. Kératry seeks to absolve Bazaine from connection with the decree, which he calls 'the suicide of the monarchy,' Max., 82-4; but the marshal issued on Oct. 11th a circular urging upon his officers the fulfilment of the decree, and that no quarter should be given. Maximilian claimed later, at his trial, that Bazaine not only added clauses to the decree, but actually suggested it, the ministry approving. Rivera, Hist. Jal., v. 660–3. In Lefévre, Doc. Maximiliano, ii. 266, 285-6, is given a list of sentences passed during the closing months, under the decree. The Belgians joined in protesting against it. La Voz de Méj., June 5, 1866; Iglesias, Interv., iii. 506-12. McSherry, Essays, 36-8, objects to the undeserved censure roused against Maximilian. Flint, Mex. under Max., 115, merely observes that the decree had an excellent effect. Arrangoiz attributes 'esta impolítica y bárbara ley' to foreign advisers, Méj., iv. 22; Domenech, not without reason, stamps the outcry abroad against the decree as absurd and based on ignorance of Mexican traits and requirements, Hist. Mex., iii. 335-6; and so forth.
53. On January 31st, with a loss of 200 killed and 160 prisoners, including Romero, who, with two comrades, was executed for brigandage.
54. Including the capture of a foreign officer. The Estrella de Occid., 19th May, 1865, places the republican victory at 400, against 700 French and 'traitors.'
55. This was retaken by Mendez, but besieged and again abandoned in April by the Belgian and Mexican garrison of 300 men.
56. Including Chazal, a son of the Belgian minister of war, and the commandant, Tydgadt, who died of his wounds. Arrangoiz, Méj., iii. 282, places the prisoners at 350, Niox at 210. Expéd. du Mex., 508. The loss created great excitement in Belgium, where several journals came out in denunciation of the sale of soldiers to be slaughtered in behalf of a usurper. Iglesias, Revistas, iii. 422-4. On the way to Tacámbaro, Régules took Cuitzeo with its garrison of 150 Mexicans. La Estrella de Occid., July 28, 1865.
57. After failing to take Uruapan.
58. Who had replaced Preuil as chief in this province. The victory was for a time in doubt. Darkness prevented the pursuit of the republicans, who were said to have lost 500 men. Iglesias does not admit so severe a defeat.
59. The republicans shot Col Lemus, the commandant, and sub-prefect Paz. At the same time Pueblita gained an advantage at Los Reyes, and thereupon entered Uruapan. Col Clinchant came up and drove away his force, killing this famous leader, the latter 'vendiendo cara su vida.' Iglesias, Revistas, iii. 458; Bol. Rep., July 5, 1867.
60. The united Belgians and Mexicans were placed at 850 men, and the republican losses at 300 killed, and 6 cannon and 165 prisoners taken. The allies suffered so severely as to retire to Morelia for recuperation. Niox, Erpéd du Mex., 508. Iglesias insists that only a part of the republican force was engaged; 2,500 escaped. Revistas, iii. 458; Diario Imp., Aug. 11, 1865. The empress felt flattered at so great a victory by her compatriots. With her French descent she took the next deepest interest in the 'pantalons rouges.' 'Tout régiment français me cause un battement de coeur,' she writes; mais . . . que suis-je pour ces hommes-là qui me sout tout!' Domenech, Hist. Mex., iii. 321.
61. Neither of the leaders choosing to submit to the other, the Mexican claiming superiority of rank, the Belgian of nobility, etc.
62. Vega, Ausiliares, MS., reduces the Juarists to 400 men. Vega, Docs, pt 24. Mendez had 300 cavalry and 400 infantry. The battle took place on Oct. 12th. Diario Imp., Aug. 11, 1865.
63. Petitions in his behalf were disregarded. The real reason was retaliation for the shooting by Arteaga in June at Uruapan of the commandant and prefect, as Rivera also admits. Hist. Jalapa, v. 658-9. The three colonels who suffered with him and Salazar were Diaz Paracho, Villa Gomez, and Father Mina. Iglesias, iii. 510. Another account calls the latter Gonzalez. The other twoscore and odd officers were spared, thus proving that Mendez was not actuated by cruelty, nor seeking to enforce the brigand law. Honors were afterward conferred on Arteaga's name, and steps taken to erect a monument to the victims. Diario Deb., 9th Cong., iii. 212-14. Querétaro adopted his daughters, and added his name to that of the state. Monit. Rep., Nov. 2, 1872; Mich., Doc., no. 74. Régules might have retaliated on his Tacámbaro prisoners, but preferred to exchange them, not with the imperial government, but with the French. See also Legac. Mex., Circul., ii. 213-15; Pap. y Corr. Famil. Imp., 129-33, 144-5; Vega, Docs, pt 24; Perez, Dicc., i. 168-9; La Voz de Méj., Diar. Imp., and other journals of the day.