History of Oregon (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 25
CHAPTER XXV.
THE CAYUSE WAR.
1848.
The arrival of the rescued captives and the recital of their wrongs greatly accelerated the preparations for war. The letter of Spalding counselling peace would have been suppressed but for the request of Ogden that all if any of the correspondence should be published. But it was easy to see that Spalding had written as he did, because, as the natives said, "he was in a hole," and could not otherwise get out. He had heard, through the Nez Percés, of the escape of Hall, and supposed he would have reached Vancouver or Oregon City, and that steps would be taken for the relief of all who were left alive. He rightly surmised that his countrymen would wish to be avenged, and he took measures to warn them not to precipitate him and all the other Americans in ruin by coming with an army to fight the Cayuses. No humane and reasonable being could blame him for dissembling to the Indians when so many lives were at stake; but the dissembling had not stopped there. While the general judgment declared the sentence to be "for the barbarian murderers and violators. . . eternal remembrance; let them be pursued with unrelenting hatred and hostility, until life-blood has atoned for their infamous deeds,"[1] Spalding was employed in creating a similar feeling toward the bishop of Walla Walla, whom he had so lately addressed as his "dear friend and brother," with the request to do all he could to save him. In the heated state of the public mind, which was not prepared to reason, the impression that the sword had fallen because the bishop had cut the hair sank deeply. If it were not so, asked the Presbyterians, how could the Catholics remain when we have been driven away 1 That question was answered when the army approached the Umatilla, but the answer was not forthcoming when Spalding pointed out this significant fact to the volunteers, who went away prepared to encounter the horns and hoofs of his Satanic Majesty on that river.[2]
On the same day that Ogden arrived with the families from the missions in the interior, Colonel Gilliam set out for the Dalles with fifty men, in advance of the companies mentioned in the previous chapter, which were to follow on the 14th. He was accompanied by Meek's overland party; but such were the difficulties and consequent delays of the march in the winter, that the advance did not reach the Dalles till the 24th, three other companies being close behind, and three others organizing to follow, besides a number that were being raised for defence in some of the counties. A company of infantry was also forming in Portland, which expected to be ready to march by the 1st of February. On French Prairie a company was raised by Thomas McKay, among the Canadians, which action on the part of this noted Indian-fighter gave great satisfaction, not only on account of his reputation as a warrior, but as an indication of the course which would be taken by the half-breed population in the event of a protracted war[3] with the natives. A flag was designed for and presented to Captain McKay, emblematic of the provisional government, bearing a lone star and a number of stripes. He presented it to his company with this brief address: "This is the flag you are expected to defend, and you must defend it."[4]
Besides the Canadian company, Marion county furnished two others, under captains Levin N. English and William Martin;[5] and Clackamas and Marion together two others, under captains William Shaw and J. M. Garrison.[6]
The army established, as it passed up the river, a way-station for supplies at the Cascade portage, which received the name of Fort Gilliam. The stockade erected at the Dalles by Major Lee was called Fort Lee. The only piece of ordnance at the governor's command was the nine-pounder belonging to Oregon City, which was forwarded to the Dalles, this place being designated as army headquarters.[7]
When Colonel Gilliam arrived at Fort Lee there had already been some skirmishing. On the 8th of January some savages were discovered herding the cattle left at the mission by the immigrants preparatory to driving them away; and when Major Lee and several men advanced on foot with the intention of preventing it they were fired on. Thereupon a running fight was kept up for two hours, between seventeen white men, some mounted and others on foot, and twenty-three mounted natives, eight only of whom were Cay uses. The natives succeeded in driving off about three hundred head of cattle, and wounding Sergeant William Berry. Three savages were killed, and one wounded. On the following morning, while a detachment was going some distance from the fort to bring in a friendly chief, Seletza, who had been robbed for refusing to join in the hostilities, sixty Indian horses were captured—a reprisal which hardly offset the loss of so much beef in a country destitute of provisions.
On hearing of Major Lee's first brush with the enemy, the governor wrote Colonel Gilliam, January 26th, to select some of his best men and horses, and make a reconnoissance in the neighborhod of Des Chutes River. "It will require great caution on your part," he said, "as commander-in-chief in the field, to distinguish between friends and foes; but when you are certain that they are enemies, let them know the Americans are not women." But Gilliam was not a commander to need promptings of this kind. He meant to show the natives that Americans could fight when disembarrassed of their wives, children, and herds.
On arriving at the Dalles, he led a hundred and thirty men to the east side of Des Chutes River, where Major Lee was sent forward with a small detachment to discover the whereabouts of the enemy, a camp being found located about twenty miles above the crossing, but moving toward the mountains, with their families and property. Lee at once charged them, killing one man and capturing two women and a number of horses. Returning to camp, he was overtaken in a narrow canon by a well-armed and mounted force, who opened fire, obliging them to dismount, and shelter themselves among the rocks and bushes of the ravine, where the savages annoyed them until dark by rolling heavy stones down upon them. On the following day Gilliam attacked the natives with his whole company, killing a number and taking forty horses, a few cattle, and about $1,400 worth of other property which had been stolen. Skirmishing continued for several days, during which time three men were killed, and one wounded so that he died subsequently at Vancouver.[8]
In the mean time the governor's policy with regard to fighting suddenly underwent a change, for on the 27th we find him instructing Lee, at every opportunity, to assure the Indians that all the Americans want of them is to give up the murderers, and that they wish to be at peace with all the other tribes. At the same time he informed him that he thought of appointing the three commissioners authorized by the legislature, who should repair to Walla Walla for the purpose of holding a council with the various tribes of the Columbia, to prevent if possible a coalition between them and the Cayuses; and that he had selected Joel Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs, Robert Newell, well known to the Nez Percés and Cayuses, and Major Lee himself, who under White's administration had also become well known to the Indians.
In accordance with this plan of action, the governor on the 29th directed Colonel Gilliam to remain at the Dalles until the commissioners, with the last of the volunteer companies, should arrive; and repeated to him the instructions he had given Lee concerning the assurances to be made to the Indians, that if they would give up the murderers and restore the stolen property the volunteers should be withdrawn. On the 2d of February commissions were issued to Palmer, Newell, and Lee, and the former two immediately set about making preparations for departure.
Palmer, being commissary-general, deputized A. E. Wait and James Taylor, of Oregon City, to take charge of the commissary and quartermaster departments in his absence.[9] Knowing the impatient character of Gilliam, the governor urged Palmer to use all possible despatch to reach the Dalles before the colonel should have moved from that place. The commissioners arrived at Fort Lee on the 10th, accompanied by the commands of McKay and English, with the cannon, which McKay's men transported round the Cascades in a severe snow-storm, which detained both companies at the upper landing all day of the 9th, and also a party of three Hudson's Bay men bearing despatches to Fort Walla Walla.
Colonel Gilliam received a letter from the governor by the hand of Commissioner Palmer, in which he was informed that the commissioners had been ordered to hold a council with the field-officers of the army, on the steps necessary to be taken in order to secure entire unanimity of action. If the colonel thought best to proceed at once to Waiilatpu with the main army, he was to do so, and to select a favorable point for erecting a fort; wood, water, and grass being requisites. In case of the tribes combining and refusing to comply with the demand to give up the murderers, the field was left in the hands of the colonel, who was only cautioned to respect the lives and property of all Indians who were friendly.
This blowing hot and blowing cold, and final leaving of everything in Gilliam's hands, was extremely perplexing to the commissioners, who, if they were to effect the object for which they were delegated, must meet the natives in council before the army was upon them. The council with the field-officers took place on the 11th, but there was not that unanimity for which the governor hoped, and no arrangement was effected. On the following day a compromise was made, the colonel allowing the commissioners to precede him, accompanied by Major Lee, captains McKay and Thompson, Meek's party, and men enough to make up a company of one hundred. Letters were written to be despatched by an Indian messenger to the Catholic mission on the Umatilla, to Fort Walla Walla, and to the Nez Percés, that they might be prepared for the advent of the army as well as of the peace commissioners. The latter were to proceed on the morning of the 14th. In the mean time the old frontier method of warfare prevailed, the innocent and the guilty being shot down indiscriminately.[10] News was received on the 13th that a combination had been consummated between the tribes east of the Dalles, which information determined Gilliam to delay no longer, but to march the next morning with three hundred men for Waiilatpu, leaving Captain Williams at Fort Lee with twenty-seven men, including several sick.[11]
Before the commissioners could start on the 14th they received a visit from two Yakimas who came as messengers from their chiefs to learn the intentions of the Americans; saying that the Cayuses wished them to join the murderers; but that they had had no quarrel with the white people, who did not pass through their country. If the Americans desired peace, so did they. In this friendly mood they were encouraged to remain, and sent back to their chiefs with a few trifling presents.
The discipline of the army was bad. Several of the men left at Fort Lee returned to the Willamette because they were not permitted to fight Indians; and Captain Ross resigned for some reason equally foolish;[12] while much disorder prevailed in the commissary department; and annoying jealousies were indulged in by some who had not provided themselves with private stores. In spite of these drawbacks, the army maintained a generally cheerful tone and practised their military manoeuvres with increasing dexterity, as they moved slowly to the John Day River without encountering any natives either hostile _ or friendly—an indication of enmity in Indian tactics. On the 18th, at the upper crossing of John Day River, it became apparent that a camp of the enemy had left that place the previous night, as the newly opened caches demonstrated, and Major Lee was ordered in pursuit, returning at midnight without having overtaken them.
On the 21st, after a hard day's march, the wagons not getting into camp with the provisions until late in the night, and flour being scarce, the company of Captain Maxon took a vote on the propriety of turning back without orders. On the following day Colonel Gilliam remained in camp, and after a military parade, made a speech to the army upon the duties of a soldier and the dishonor of deserting the cause in which they were enlisted, promising that the men who had first moved in the mutiny should be remembered in a manner befitting their conduct; which well-deserved reproof had the effect to check desertion, though it did not prevent other infractions of discipline, and the waste of ammunition by the firing of
guns in camp.
On approaching the Cayuse country the natives could be seen moving off toward the Blue Mountains, taking with them their personal effects and herds. This condition of affairs, although what might have been expected, was the occasion of discontent among the hungry volunteers, who had not enlisted simply to march after a retreating foe; and the distance from a base of supplies was growing daily greater.
But at length on the 23d, while the army was at Willow Creek, a deputation of thirteen Des Chutes appeared, bearing a flag, with a request for a council. The delegation was headed by a chief called Sue, who gave as a reason for not sooner responding to the invitation, that the volunteers had fired on his people and compelled them to run away. He professed sentiments of friendship for the Americans, even offering to join them against the Cay uses. It was agreed that they should return to the Dalles and there await the commissioners, who would hold a general council with them when they came back from Waiilatpu.
These peace measures were not regarded with favorable eyes by the army, who were anxious to avenge the killing of Packwood and Jackson, but the Indians were allowed to depart unmolested. Before leaving, Sue presented Captain McKay a fine horse from the principal Des Chutes chief, Welaptulekt, who also sent word to Gilliam that he would bring in all the property left in his charge by immigrants, and all that had been stolen by his people, and return it to the colonel at the Dalles, if that would make them friends, to which Gilliam replied that such a course would be entirely satisfactory.[13]
On the morning of the 24th, about daylight, a messenger arrived from the Catholic missionaries among the Yakimas, to inform the commissioners that this people had decided to follow their advice, and would remain at peace, desiring that the governor of Oregon be informed of their decision at the earliest moment possible, as if they feared to trust to the friendship of the military. But no message had yet come from the missionaries among the Cayuses, to whom a letter had been sent[14] on the 20th.
About ten o'clock on the morning of the 24th, while the army was on the march, the commissioners being in advance with a flag, two Cayuse spies were discovered, and about noon a large force came in sight making signs of hostility; and when the commissioners advanced they were warned to keep off. They then returned to the volunteers, and the natives began closing in on all sides to the number of four hundred, about one hundred being unarmed spectators and women. Their first overt act was the shooting of a dog belonging to one of the men. Then the battle began.
It was a brave sight, the gayly dressed warriors mounted on their painted coursers galloping over the field, and the hills decorated with motionless human bronzes. The vanity of a native is his most distinguishing trait. These three hundred Cayuses had told each other, and believed it themselves, that they should have an easy conquest of the Americans. "We will beat the Americans to death with clubs, and then proceed to the Willamette and take the women, and all their property," said these boastful braves,[15] who had yet the art of war to learn. They had an advantage in the ground chosen, and in their general acquaintance with the country, and had they been as great warriors as they imagined, must easily have beaten the invaders.
But the volunteers behaved well, considering it was their purpose to kill as many as possible. Yet in Indian battles, except where there is a surprise and a massacre, few are killed, for the Indian fights from behind a tree, and his white antagonist usually adopts the same tactics. Gilliam's troops extended their lines until they embraced in an almost complete circle the wagons and cattle, advancing and fighting, using every caution to avoid an ambush. The cannon was twice discharged, but owing to the scattered positions of the enemy, proved of little use, and the rifle became the sole dependence. The army continued to march and fight until sunset, when the natives withdrew and the volunteers encamped beside the road without wood or water, having had at last a chance to do something besides waiting and quarrelling among themselves or complaining of their commander. The loss on the side of the Americans was five wounded, one dangerously; while the Cayuses had eight killed, including a chief called Great Eagle and a medicine-man, and one severely wounded—the popular chief Five Crows, whose arm was shattered by a ball from the .rifle of Lieutenant Charles McKay of the French company. Newell, in remarking upon events of the day, says that the murderers were eager for battle, and that it was easy to distinguish between them and those who had no personal interest in the fight, and would have avoided it if possible.[16] Divided among themselves, and in consternation at the outcome of the battle, the fighting next day was cautious and ineffectual.
For two days the men were without water, and with little to eat, harassed continually by the enemy keeping on a parallel line of march. Some of the Cayuses approached near* enough to intimate their desire to hold a council with the commissioners, but they were told that no interruption could be allowed the movements of the army until water was found. On the nio-ht of the 25th the volunteers encamped on the west bank of the Umatilla River, of which the enemy in the beginning had boastfully said the Americans should never drink; and notwithstanding the overtures for a council, some of the horses were stolen during the night.
Crossing the Umatilla on the 26th, Gilliam marched to within three miles of the Cayuse camp, where he remained until the forenoon of the 27th. While moving, and in camp, the Indians swarmed all along the hills, the main body showing a determination to continue hostilities. From those who approached the volunteer camp the commissioners learned that their messenger to the Nez Percés had been robbed and sent back by the Cayuses, and they immediately despatched another.
The correspondence of the Cayuse war is one of its peculiar features. Governor Abernethy had prepared a communication to be presented to the Nez Percés and other tribes to prevent a coalition with the Cayuses. In it he had begun with their first intercourse with white people, reminding them that they had invited and encouraged them to reside in their country, and that their white friends had earnestly labored to do them good, but had been rewarded with death. Many Americans, he said, had passed through their country to the Willamette, at first without molestation but latterly had been robbed and assaulted. The Cayuses had accused Whitman of poisoning them, when they could see that the white people as well as the Indians died of a disease sent by the Creator. The hearts of the white people bled because of what had been done at Waiilatpu. It could not be passed by The murderers and ravishers must be given up to be punished, and peace would then be restored; but all who sheltered or assisted the criminals would be accounted equally guilty, and be subject to the wrath of the great white race, compared with which they, the tribes of Oregon, were but a handful. Should they not take his advice and give up the guilty Cayuses. the Great Chief of the Americans would send his war-chiefs, and they would all be punished until they Were glad to capitulate. He warned them that he had sent the news of the massacre to California, and asked for war ships to be stationed in the Columbia, and that other means would be used for their chastisement should they not conclude to accept peace on his terms; but that should they consent he would promise to protect them.
A letter was also prepared by Spalding, addressed to the Nez Percés, counselling them to remain at peace.[17] It was anticipated, when these communications were prepared, that the commissioners would be able first of all to hold a council with the Nez Percés, friendly Cayuses, and Walla Wallas; but the vacillating course of the governor in authorizing Gilliam to advance on Waiilatpu should he think best, when he knew that every instinct of the commander was for fighting, had defeated that expectation; hence the preparation of other letters to be forwarded, as before mentioned, from John Day River on the 20th.
Spalding's letter, and one addressed by Gilliam to Vicar-general Brouillet requesting him to furnish the facts concerning the part he had taken in the events preceding and succeeding the massacre[18]—a precaution which did him honor, considering the feeling with which the volunteers had been inspired concerning the priest were enclosed in a packet addressed to McBean at Fort Walla Walla, and intrusted to a native named Elijah, who professed to be a Nez Percé, and who had accompanied the volunteers from Oregon City. Elijah, however, unfortunately or designedly, fell in with the Cayuses before reaching Walla Walla, and had taken from him, by Tauitau, his packet and the presents of a flag and some tobacco which the commissioners had sent to the Nez Percés. But Tauitau, not daring to keep the packet, which was addressed to McBean, sent it to the fort, though he intercepted and destroyed the answer.[19]
The letter of the commissioners to McBean was an explanation of the presence of an army in the country and an assurance that it was not with the purpose of bringing on a general war, but to secure the punishment of the Cayuse murderers, and if possible to prevent the other tribes from joining with them. "We do not expect you," they said, "to take part m the matter so as to implicate you, but if possible to facilitate our movements to restore tranquillity;" and he was asked to apprise them of the disposition of the Nez Percés, Walla Wallas, and other Indians. There were some additional items of news, with an expression of anxiety lest the Catholic mission and the fort itself should be in danger, and the offer of a detachment to guard the latter if necessary.[20] The answer, as I have said, was destroyed by Tauitau, and the commissioners remained in doubt. In the mean time, it happened that Timothy and Red Wolf, two Nez Percé chiefs, arrived at the fort simultaneously with Tauitau's messenger, and to them the letter of Spalding was given to be conveyed at once as addressed; so that excepting the failure of McBean's answer to reach its destination, no serious interruption of the correspondence occurred. This was the position of affairs when the army reached the Umatilla.
On the 27th the regiment moved to the Columbia, the savages having all disappeared during the night; which movement signified determined war. To those who had asked for a council during the encampment on the Umatilla, it had been answered that they must come to Waiilatpu where the Nez Percés were expected, though in truth nothing was yet known of the disposition of the Nez Percés, which want of information was the principal reason for deferring the meeting with this portion of the Cayuses.
On the evening of the 28th camp was made near Fort Walla Walla. Colonel Gilliam, with Palmer and Newell, spent the night within its walls, taking council with McBean, whose despatches from Vancouver, having reached him at the same time, might be supposed to express the sentiments entertained at headquarters. It was his opinion that with good management a war could be avoided.[21] That the company should so desire was to be expected. Nevertheless two kegs of powder were obtained, to be used if necessary.
Gilliam had an opportunity while at the fort of discussing the question of complicity with the Catholic priests, and appeared to have been satisfied, as nothing further was said in that quarter of the charges against them.[22] He moved six miles up the Walla Walla River on the 29th, and encamped near the camp of Peupeumoxmox, who made professions of friendship for the Americans, and sold them some beef cattle. During the night there was an alarm of Indians, but none could be discovered until on the afternoon of the next day's march the smoke of their fires could be discerned in the direction of Waiilatpu.
On the 2d of March the volunteers encamped near the mission, when Gilliam took two companies and visited the scene of the massacre, finding that, the houses had been burned, and all the property carried off or destroyed. Wagons and everything movable had been cast into the fire, and nothing remained but a heap of adobes, broken china, glass, pottery, and warped iron, while books, letters, and many lighter articles were scattered about[23] the enclosure, and the orchard trees were hacked or cut down. Horror was added to desolation, for strewn over the ground were the mutilated remains of the victims of the massacre, which had been disinterred by wolves.[24]
This spectacle evidently hardened the heart of the impulsive commander against peace commissions, and he returned in an impatient mood to camp, after re- solving to make his headquarters among the ruins, to which place he removed on the 3d. This settled, a detachment of a hundred was sent to escort Meek's party of seven to the foot of the Blue Mountains, whence they were to make their way, protected by their Hudson's Bay cap and capote, and their own strength and sagacity, to the frontier of the United States.[25] Three months had elapsed since the tragedy of Waiilatpu, and as yet they had not been able to send the intelligence beyond the silver-rimmed mountain ranges which cut off the Oregon colony from the inhabited world. In how great a degree the present attempt was successful will be related in a future chapter.[26]
Amidst rumors that the Nez Percés were on their way to join the Cayuses, and the assurances of Sticcas that, while pretending friendship himself, his people were expecting war, the peace commissioners made efforts to hold a preliminary council with such of the Cayuses as professed to be friendly, they being almost altogether of the poorer and less influential class. But the commander frowned on 'peace talk' and expended his energies on a fortress constructed of the adobes of the demolished mission buildings which was named Fort Waters for the lieutenant-colonel.[27] While many of the officers were willing to leave the commissioners free to accomplish what they could, Gilliam opposed his opinion and authority to this unmilitary sentiment, and threatened to march to battle on the morning of the 6th, the very day on which the Nez Percés, two hundred and fifty strong, under Craig and Gervais, had appointed to meet them in council at Waiilatpu. No unity and little discipline existed in the army, because, as Newell said, some men had joined it from motives of patriotism, others for popularity, a certain portion for plunder, and the course taken by the commander was not one to consolidate factions. Gilliam did not, however, attempt to lead the volunteers against the Cayuses before the council, as he had threatened. The Nez Percés arrived about noon on the 6th, and were received by the army with cheers. On the 7th the council opened with the usual ceremony of smoking the calumet of peace. The letter of Governor Abernethy was then given to the chiefs, who broke the seal with much care, but being unable to read it, the contents were delivered through an interpreter, while they listened with close attention. Ellis, the head chief of the Nez Percés, being absent, the first speech in reply was made by Joseph, next in authority, a half-brother of Five Crows, on the mother's side, and like Five Crows a professed Protestant, but who, on hearing of the Cayuse outbreak, had been the first to withdraw his countenance from the missionaries and to join in the plunder of their houses. Said Joseph: "Now I show my heart. When I left my home I took the book (the gospels in the Nez Percé language) in my hand, and brought it with me. It is my light. I heard the Americans were coming to kill me; still I held my book before me, and came on. I have heard the words of your chief. I speak for all the Cayuses present, and all my people. I do not want my children engaged in this war, although my brother is wounded. You speak of the murderers. I shall not meddle with them. I bow my head. This much I speak."
Jacob, the chief, who was wont to practise upon the superstitions of the people to advance his personal popularity, as elsewhere mentioned, said: "It is the law of this country that the murderer shall die. That law I keep in my heart, because I believe it is the law of God—the first law." He also had heard, on the way, that the Americans were coming to kill all his brethren, but he was not turned back by the report, and was thankful for the good letter of the governor.
Then spoke James, the Catholic Nez Percé, and expressed his pleasure that Spalding had escaped, and his conviction that all the chiefs present desired peace. Red Wolf declared that when he heard of the massacre he went to Waiilatpu to discover the truth concerning the conspiracy, and had been told by Tauitau that not all the chiefs were guilty, but that the young men had committed the murders. Without sleeping he returned and reported to Spalding what chiefs were engaged in killing the Americans, and Spalding had said: "I go to the Willamette and will say, 'The Nez Percés have saved my life,' and I will go to the Willamette and save yours;" since which time they had all been waiting to hear from the governor.
Timothy was more reserved. He said: "You hear these chiefs, they speak for all. I am as one in the air; I do not meddle with these things; the chiefs speak, we are all of the same mind," Richard, who accompanied Whitman to the States in 1835, was thankful that the governor had spoken so kindly. His people would not go to war. They had been taught by their old chief, Cut-nose, to take no bad advice, but to cling to the good. Ellis was in the buffalo country; but he was sure that his counsel would be for peace.
Kentuck, who had escorted Parker through the Salmon River country when he came to explore for mission stations, followed with an address. He said he had been much with the Americans and French, and that none of them could say anything disparaging of his character. He had fought with the Americans against the Blackfoot. He had been with Frémont in California the previous summer, not for pay, but from friendship toward the Americans.[28] It had been said that he was with the Cayuses and concerned in the murders, but such was not the fact. His people had never shed the blood of Americans; and he was glad to learn that they only demanded the guilty for punishment.[29]
Camaspelo, the only Cayuse chief who was present, acknowledged that his people had two hearts, and that Tamsucky had consulted him on the subject of the massacre before it was committed. He had refused to have anything to do with it, but had pointed to his sick child, and answered that his heart was there, and not bent on murder; but nevertheless Tamsucky had gone back to the other chiefs and told them that Camaspelo consented. Camaspelo might have said further that at that very time Whitman had ridden forty miles to visit his sick child, and yet the chief had not warned him of danger. But the commissioners were more intent on peace than on an examination of Indian evidence. They were satisfied to be told that some of the Cayuses would not attempt to screen the murderers, let their motives for neutrality be what they might.
Superintendent Palmer then addressed the council. He praised the Nez Percés for their reasonableness, and took occasion to give them a motive for continuing friendly by saying that the Cayuses by their conduct had forfeited their lands. At the same time he declared that the land was not wanted by Americans, who asked nothing more than that the road should be kept open for their countrymen to pass through to the Willamette Valley, which, he added, must be done. For this purpose a fort would be built, and a force stationed at Waiilatpu. For the Cayuses to oppose this demand would be futile. If they were wise they would assist in discovering the criminals in order that the innocent might be no longer involved in the troubles that threatened. The Nez Percés were advised to return to their home and their planting; and as an earnest of good faith on both sides, William Craig as agent should accompany and reside amongst them,[30] with authority to settle all disputes. A school-teacher and a blacksmith were promised them as soon as peace should be restored, with the assurance that no other white man should settle on their lands without their consent; but they were warned not to interfere with the missionaries still at Chemakane, nor to molest immigrants or travellers as they passed through the country, or Americans coming among them to trade, to all of which they readily agreed. After addresses by other commissioners and Colonel Gilliam, tobacco was distributed and an American flag presented; this was followed by an entertainment in the evening, at which the Indians exhibited the war-dance.
All this talk was an irritation to Gilliam, who beheld the guilty Cayuses slipping through his fingers and moving off toward the Nez Percé country while he was forced to confer with their relatives, lingering only near enough to get news of what transpired at the council, but ready to elude him when he should move. On the 8th the Nez Percés were permitted to visit the Cayuse camp twenty-five miles away, in the hope that when, they learned the result of the council they might be induced to surrender the murderers, and on the 9th the army began to move in that direction. After advancing a few miles towards the crossing of the Touchet, they were met by Sticcas, coming from the Cayuse camp with several hundred dollars' worth of mission and emigrant property and money, which was given up in the hope of winning a favorable opinion for those who consented to its restoration.
Sticcas wished to hold a council, to which request Gilliam objected, believing it to be merely an artifice to gain time; but as two of the commissioners present added their solicitations to the entreaties of Sticcas, the volunteers encamped, Captain English with forty-two men being ordered back to Fort Waters with the cattle and other property brought in by the Cayuses In the talk with Sticcas which followed, the chief announced that the Cayuses had decided that they would not surrender Tauitau nor Tamsucky. Gilliam proposed that for the person of Joe Lewis he would release five others of the guilty; but as this would be in-violation of the agreement that the commissioners had made with the Nez Percés, they refused their consent, and withdrew from the council, returning with English to Waiilatpu, and thence to Fort Walla Walla, the Dalles, and Oregon City.
The commander had long wished to be freed from the peace commission, which was daily lessening the probabilities of the capture of the murderers. However that may be, Gilliam made his own agreement with Sticcas, who returned to the Cayuse camp, and soon after the volunteers, one hundred and fifty-eight in number, resumed their march toward Snake River. On the 11th they met three Indians bearing a flag, and driving some of the horses which had been stolen while the army was en route to Waiilatpu, which they were restoring as a peace-offering. These Indians reported that Sticcas had taken Joe Lewis, and had started with him to meet the volunteers, but that he had been rescued/and the property retaken, which the chief was bringing to deliver to Gilliam.[31] This intelligence caused Gilliam to hasten forward, as he now strongly suspected Sticcas of deception. On the 13th, while encamped at a spring near the Tucannon River he received a message from Tauitau, who professed friendship, and an intention to forsake the company of the hostile Cayuses, adding that he was encamped on the Tucannon, a little farther up, and that Tamsucky had gone to Red Wolf's place on the Snake River in the Nez Percé country; and Tiloukaikt had fled with the rest of the Cayuses down the Tucannon with the intention of crossing the Snake River into the Palouse country.
To many commanders this strategic division of the enemy would have boded ill, but Gilliam seems not to have been daunted, and taking as verity what might well have been doubted, determined to act without loss of time. Mounting his men after dark, he marched for the mouth of the Tucannon, arriving before daybreak near the Indian camp. As soon as the morning dawned he advanced, but was arrested when within four hundred yards of the lodges by the approach of an old unarmed Indian, with one hand on his head and the other on his heart, who hastened to assure Gilliam that he had made a mistake, and that this was the camp of Peupeumoxmox, who would not fight the Americans. The murderers, he said, were gone, and the only recourse for the Americans was to take possession of their stock which was feeding on the surrounding hills. The volunteers proceeding into camp, found only a few warriors painted and armed, who appeared friendly. Disappointed in his purpose, Gilliam could see no better course than to follow the old man's suggestion and drive off the enemy's stock, thus crippling him in his resources.
The Tucannon runs through a deep canon, and to reach the hills where the cattle were grazing required a toilsome march up a steep ascent for a quarter of a mile. No sooner was this elevation gained than they beheld the cattle swimming across the Snake River. The enemy had outwitted them, and there was nothing left but to collect about five hundred head of stock, mostly horses, and return to the Touchet.
They had not proceeded more than a mile in that direction when they were attacked in the rear by four hundred Indians, the majority being Palouses. A running fight began, which lasted all day, the army being obliged to encamp several miles from the Touchet, on a small stream, where without food or fire they passed a wretched night. So much did the Indians annoy them by firing into camp, that the captured stock was turned out in the hope that with that they would be content to depart. This, however, did not suffice, for when the volunteers were ready to move in the morning, the Indians swarmed about their heels and hung upon their flanks.
It soon became evident that the battle was to be at the crossing of the Touchet. When within two miles of the ford the Indians made a dash to pass the volunteers and take up their position, the river-bottom affording a thick cover of shrubby trees. White men and reds contended bravely for precedence, and the smoke of their guns mingled as they approached the crossing.[32] In this engagement the Cayuses did not show that apparent ignorance of tactics displayed at the battle of Umatilla, and warming to their work kept the army of Oregon for an hour at the ford before it all gained the southern side. Unequal as the numbers were, the volunteers achieved a decided victory. Though sustaining a loss of ten wounded, none were killed. The Indians, on the other hand, had four killed and fourteen wounded.[33] No attempt was made to follow the Americans across the Touchet. The whoop and yell, and rattle of musketry which had been continuous for thirty hours, ceased, and from the farther side of the stream came the wild and melancholy death-song which attested their loss. On the 16th the army arrived jaded and famishing at Fort Waters, having eaten nothing except a small colt for three days.[34] The late expedition and its results had demonstrated that notwithstanding the desertion of the Cayuses by the Nez Percés, Walla Wallas, and Yakimas, they still had a powerful ally in the Palouse tribe, which occupied a sort of neutral country between the Nez Percés, Spokanes, and Cayuses, and were largely augmented in numbers by outlaws from the surrounding tribes, which circumstance lowered their rank among the savages. But in their present rather friendless condition the Cayuses were glad to avail themselves of these or any other auxiliaries.
On the 18th Gilliam held a council with his officers, when it was determined that one hundred and fifty men should proceed to the Dalles to escort a supply-train to Waiilatpu, where provisions and ammunition, as well as men were wanting; and that the colonel would accompany them in order to more readily confer with the governor on the situation of affairs, leaving the command of the fort to Lieutenant-colonel Waters. Accordingly the companies of captains Maxon and McKay, with other officers and men, set out on the 20th for the Dalles with wagons for the transportation of supplies. They had reached the springs beyond the Umatilla and were encamped for the night, when as Colonel Gilliam was drawing a rope from a wagon to tether his horse, it caught on the trigger of a gun and discharged the contents into his body, killing him instantly. Thus died an honest,patriotic, and popular man, whose chief fault as an officer was too much zeal and impetuosity in the performance of his duties; whose glory would have been to die in battle, but who perished by accident in the discharge of homely labors.[35]
The death of Gilliam left the command temporarily in the hands of Captain Maxon. From his report to General Lovejoy, which he despatched by C. W. Cooke immediately on arriving at the Dalles, where he found Captain Garrison in command, the colonists learned not only the events above recorded, but that without more men and means the army was practically useless. Fort Waters was but an enclosure cf adobe walls a few feet high. The men in the field were almost destitute of clothing; the horses were worn out with marching, and no others could be obtained, as those captured had been claimed by the friendly Indians. The time for which a portion of the army enlisted, three or four months, would soon expire. He stated that one hundred and fifty men only were left at Fort Waters, and almost without ammunition and wholly without bread; while at Fort Lee there were but fifty men and no supplies. Maxon, having pictured their condition in a strong light, appealed to fathers to send bread to their sons, who were enduring cold and hunger to keep danger away from the hearth-stone; to mothers for clothing to shield their soldiers from the piercing airs of winter; to the young women to withhold their smiles from every young man who refused to volunteer to defend her honor and the country of her adoption; and to all to hasten forward the supplies for which he was waiting at the Dalles.[36] This appeal, which was no doubt necessary if the war was to be carried on, was somewhat highly colored as to the commissary department at Fort Waters, where beef and bread were plenty for some time after the departure of Colonel Gilliam for the Dalles.[37] These articles were obtained by the seizure of cattle, and wheat, pease, and potatoes found cached by the Indians, but which belonged to the mission estate.
The people, again excited by the report of Maxon and the fear that in a few weeks when the snow should be off the mountains the Indians might invade the Willamette Valley, made haste to collect such articles as could be purchased from or spared by all classes, and to forward them to the Dalles. In this work the women of Oregon City heartily joined, organizing a society whose purpose was to support the army m the field,[38] and the maidens pledging themselves to treat with avoidance and contempt all able-bodied young men who would not march at once to the seat of war.
The objection offered by many to enlisting or remaining in the army was the fear of losing their land claims by abandoning them at this critical moment, when it was expected that the first mail from the United States would bring news of the passage of an act by congress giving a certain amount of land to actual settlers. But to this fear the young ladies replied that they would see that the soldiers' claims were respected, and exhorted them to "fight on, be brave, obey your officers, and never quit your posts till the enemy is conquered," promising to reward them with their sympathy.[39]
The governor issued a proclamation for three hundred recruits. Meetings were held in several counties, and about two hundred and fifty men enlisted.[40]
Before the recruits were ready to march, an express arrived from Fort Waters with letters. Waters wrote to Governor Abernethy, April 4th, that, not seeing any Indians for several days, either friendly or hostile, he had sent an express to Fort Walla Walla to gain some information, if possible, concerning them, and had learned from McBean and the chief himself that Peupeumoxmox had revoked his friendship for the Americans, and was now hostile on account of an act of the recent legislature prohibiting the sale of arms and ammunition to the Indians. He complained of being placed by the act on the same footing with the guilty Cayuses, and threatened, if the law should not be abrogated, that his people would also become murderers. Sixty lodges, said to contain between two and three hundred warriors, were gathered within a mile and a half of the fur company's fort, which circumstance was considered as being significant of hostile intentions.[41]
News had also arrived at the fort that the head chief of the Nez Percés, Ellis, with sixty of his men, had died in the mountains, whither they had gone to hunt, of the two scourges, measles and dysentery, which had carried off so many Cayuses. This loss would naturally affect the superstitious minds of the Nez Percés, and it was thought their word to the commissioners would be betrayed, as they had held a great feast with the Cayuses since the last engagement at the Touchet. The wound of Five Crows, who was with Joseph, was also likely to carry him off, and altogether the prospect appeared gloomy in respect to breaking up the alliance of the confederated tribes of the Umatilla, the Walla Walla, and the Clearwater valleys. Waters also wrote concerning the Des Chutes chief, Welaptulekt, that he went to Fort Walla Walla and delivered up a large amount of immigrant property, giving as a reason for not taking it to Gilliam, that he was fearful he would be killed; but as it was known that he had refused to accept the flag sent to him by the peace commissioners by the hands of his own men, his apology to McBean was regarded as a subterfuge. The same letter conveyed the information that Tamsucky, Joe Lewis, and Tiloukaikt's two sons were on the road to Fort Hall, the latter three intending to join the Mormons at Salt Lake, while Sticcas and Tauitau were gone to the mountains to remain until the war was over. The other Cayuses, the Palouses, and some worthless Nez Percés were congregating to give the volunteers one more battle before abandoning the country and going to hunt buffalo.
Such was the information which the commander of Fort Waters thought of sufficient importance to despatch to the governor.[42] From the Yakima country the news was more encouraging. Some of their chief men visited the Dalles to assure the officer in command of Fort Lee that neither they nor the Spokanes wished to be involved in the war, though the Cayuses had threatened them with the same treatment they gave the Americans if they refused to join in the hostilities. On this representation, that they had resisted entreaties and threats to make them go to war, they hoped to get some ammunition; but were told that until peace was restored no ammunition would be furnished to any Indians; but instead of powder a plough was presented to them, with which they departed apparently satisfied.[43]
Indeed, the quantity of ammunition which the governor was able to send to the Dalles on Maxon's demand was so small that none could have been spared, had there been no other reason for withholding it. But such as it was, he returned immediately with it to Fort Waters, leaving the Dalles on the 8th of April with wagons loaded with flour.
In Maxon's report of the death of Colonel Gilliam he had intimated that Major Lee would be acceptable to the army as its colonel, and the governor, ignoring the next in command, had commissioned Lee, leaving vacant the position of major, which was filled by Lieutenant Magone of the 1st company of Oregon mounted riflemen. Palmer having resigned the office of superintendent of Indian affairs, Lee was appointed to that place also, a combination of powers which it was believed by some would go far toward securing peace. But however Lee's promotion might affect the Indian question, a difficulty arose between Captain William J. Martin's company of the new organization and the colonel, with regard to priority in regimental number, Martin's company being numbered the 10th, when according to his belief it was the 9th, and considering himself unfairly treated, he deserted at the Dalles with his two lieutenants and twelve privates, and returned to Portland,[44] from which place Colonel Lee had departed on the 20th of April with three companies, and a second supply of flour and ammunition.
The policy determined upon by the governor and Lee, to be pursued toward the Indians, was to treat all as enemies who should be found armed in the Cayuse country after notice should be given. News of the appointment of a new superintendent of Indian affairs having reached Fort Waters in advance of the reinforcement, Lee was met by an express from the Nez Perces on John Day River, who brought a request from the tribe for a council, to settle, among other matters, who should be head chief in place of Ellis, on which account he hastened forward, arriving at Waiilatpu on the 9th of May, in advance of the wagons and volunteers. He found that Tauitau, Sticcas, Camespelo, and some lesser Cayuse chiefs, had returned to the Umatilla, and were professing to be friendly, but it was thought from the numerous herds in the valley that they were taking care of the stock belonging to the murderers, who had fled from the country. Welaptulekt was in confinement at Fort Waters, awaiting the judgment of the superintendent upon his conduct. Between some of the Cayuses and Nez Percés there was considerable ill feeling because the majority of the latter still declined to be forced into a war.[45] On being requested by the Nez Percés to appoint a high chief, Lee nominated Richard, on account of his superior attainments; and also appointed Meaway, a man of little note, as war-chief, telling the natives if the selections made did not meet their approbation, to make a choice for themselves; but they simply left the matter in abeyance.[46]
After settling affairs with the Nez Percés, Lee held a council with the Walla Wallas and the Cayuses of the Umatilla, and found that the accession of men and ammunition to Fort Waters had not been without effect. "The friendship of the Indians," remarked Colonel Waters, "increases with our numbers."
Peupeumoxmox, on being reminded of his threat to turn murderer, expressed much shame at having been guilty of such folly. "I told him, and all that were present," says Lee, "that we were bound to hold this country until the murderers were punished, the stolen property returned, and that which had been destroyed paid for; and then asked them what they were going to do. Whether they would try to settle the matter, and let us go home about our business, and leave them to theirs, or would they hold off as they had done, and leave us here to hold their country with our guns?"[47]
This was not a question easy of answer, in view of the fact that to attempt to deliver up the murderers, one of whom, Tiloukaikt, was still in the Palouse country, would involve them in a war among themselves; while to refuse to make the attempt would bring them into hostilities with the justly incensed Americans. These hard and unavoidable conditions caused Peupeumoxmox and Tauitau to humble themselves before the superintendent, and to promise more than they were able to perform had their dispositions in reality been more favorable toward it.
On arriving at Fort Waters, Lee, finding the discipline good and the men satisfied with their commander, immediately offered to resign his rank to Waters, whose right it was; and their resignations being sent to the governor, the regiment at once elected Waters colonel and Lee lieutenant-colonel; the whole transaction being conducted with entire unanimity and friendliness.[48] Preparations were begun soon afterward for invading the Nez Percé country, where it was believed the refuge of the guilty Cayuses would be found; and on the morning of the 17th of May the regiment, now numbering about four hundred and fifty, marched out from the fort, leaving only a small force to garrison the post. That night the army encamped on the Coppei; and on the following morning Lee was detached, with Captain Thompson and one hundred and twenty-one men, with orders to proceed to the crossing of the Snake River at Red Wolf's camp, to cut off if possible the retreat of the fugitives to the mountains, while Waters would cross with the main force at the mouth of the Palouse River, and prevent their escape to the Columbia.
In order to facilitate these operations, some Palouse chiefs, from mercenary motives now willing to lend their aid to the Americans, agreed to have canoes in readiness to ferry over the men and baggage. But on coming to the place determined upon, no canoes or Indians were visible, and Major Magone with four men was detailed to cross the Snake River on a raft to search the banks of the Palouse for the promised ferry-man. This was effected with difficulty, the river being high and rapid; the Indians returning with the major, but too late to prevent any further movement that day. A day and a half having been spent in crossing the army and baggage, the horses swimming, at noon of the 21st the march was resumed toward Lapwai under the guidance of an Indian pilot, who promised to direct the colonel directly to the camp of Tiloukaikt.
On the 22d Waters was surprised by an express from the Chemakane mission, bearing a letter from Eells in reply to one from himself inquiring concerning the temper of the Spokanes. Eells reported that they were not entirely harmonious, but that he knew of none who excused the murderers. As if to answer for themselves, a party of forty-three of this tribe accompanied the courier, and offered their services, informing the commander where a part of Tiloukaikt's cattle could be found, and offering to bring them to camp. They were sent upon this service, and brought in, besides the cattle, two Indians claiming to be Nez Percés, who were thought to be spies. On being questioned, they declared that Tiloukaikt had fled to the mountains, but that most of his stock was being herded by a few Indians near Snake River, and could be captured. Major Magone was at once ordered to take one hundred men and bring in Tiloukaikt's property; and to capture any Indians suspected with being in league with the guilty Cayuses.
The order to capture suspected Indians being liberally construed by the volunteers, the first one showing symptoms of flight was pursued by a squad of nine men, who followed and shot him while attempting to escape across Snake River in a canoe.[49] Near the spot where this unjustifiable killing occurred, Magone found a small camp of Indians under an old chief called Beardy, who assured him that Tiloukaikt was nowhere in that country, but had gone far away. He directed the major to the camp of Richard, the lately appointed high chief, who confirmed this statement. The Indians also informed him that an express of two white men had that morning gone to Colonel Waters from Lee in the Lapwai country,[50] upon which he collected the stock belonging to Tiloukaikt in that vicinity, and returned to the Palouse to learn the news direct.
Lee had been met at Red Wolf crossing by the statement that Tiloukaikt's people had fled the country two days before, leaving all their worldly possessions, some of which were in the vicinity of Lapwai. To this place he had marched, arriving on the morning of the 21st, and remaining several days to collect the cattle belong to the Cayuses. To the Nez Percés who visited the volunteer camp, Lee said that his business in their country was to punish the Cayuses, and that since they had fled beyond reach, he claimed all their property, and that if they were true friends of the Americans, they would assist, without attempting to hide anything from him. To this they agreed, and allowed the volunteers to drive back to Colonel Waters' camp one hundred and eighteen horses and a number of colts, besides about forty head of cattle.[51]
It was with regard to rejoining the main command that Lee had sent an express; this he was ordered to do without delay. His detachment crossed back to the south side of Snake Kiver in boats made of the skin lodges left behind by the fleeing Cayuses, and returned to camp, where he arrived about the 26th.
It was evident from the results of the spring campaign thus far that there was nothing to be gained by having a regiment in the Indian country. So long as they remained, the guilty Cayuses would keep concealed. There was the trifling satisfaction of confiscating their property; but it sometimes happened that a doubt was raised concerning the real ownership, and incidents occurred of a nature to embroil them with the peaceable Indians. Such an incident was mentioned in one of the official reports, where a company was driving to camp a herd which it was supposed belonged to the Cayuses, when an unknown Indian of dignified bearing forbade them, declaring the property to be his, upon which, without inquiry, he was shot down. Colonel Waters wished to punish the man for firing without orders; but his captain interfered, saying the man had done his duty.[52] Such acts could only lead to a general war.
Satisfied that it was hopeless to expect any real cooperation, even from the Nez Perces, in capturing the fugitives, whom they were known to have entertained up to the time the volunteers were within two days of Lapwai, and being aware that now that the snow was off the mountains the Cayuses could find sustenance without their herds, Colonel Waters determined upon closing the campaign, should it meet the approval of the governor. Feeling, also, that it w T as better that all the white inhabitants should remove out of the Indian country, he despatched captains Thompson and Nesmith to Craig's place on the Clearwater to escort him and his family and goods to the fort; and ordered Major Magone with fifty-five men to the Chemakane mission to give Walker and Eells an opportunity to leave the country, advising them by letter that in his judgment they would do well to accept it.
These measures were adopted without waiting for the sanction of Governor Abernethy, as shown by the dates of the correspondence and reports.[53] Colonel Waters left Waiilatpu June 8th to proceed to the Dalles, the letter of the governor directing him to do so being dated June 15th, which could not have been received before he reached the Dalles. That the orders of the governor agreed so well with the previous acts of the field-officer is evidence that the latter suggested to the former his course.[54]
At Fort Waters, which was placed under the command of Captain William Martin, Colonel Waters left fifty-five men, which number he expected to be augmented by a portion of Magone's command, only five of whom, however, remained. These were men who had enlisted to serve until the 15th of September; and the object in leaving the garrison was to afford protection to the immigrants who might pass by the Columbia route,[55] and also hold the enemy's country until they should be compelled to give up the murderers.
At Fort Lee seventeen men only were left, under command of Lieutenant A. L. Rodgers; the remainder of the regiment, which was joined at the Dalles by Magone's detachment, proceeding to Oregon City by the Barlow road over the Cascade Mountains, commanded by Captain Hall, while Colonel Waters with the missionary party took a boat from the Dalles to that place, expecting to arrive in advance and meet the companies at McSwain's, on the Clackamas. Not being able to do so on account of adverse winds, the regiment arrived at Oregon City before Waters, and was disbanded by Captain Hall, on furlough, subject to the order of the governor,[56] by whom they were subsequently mustered out.
The foregoing history of the winter and spring campaign has been written from the official documents, as far as they can be found, which, although somewhat meagre, afford a sufficiently clear account of the Cayuse war to show the spirit in which it was conducted, and the hardihood of the volunteers in marching back and forth hundreds of miles through a hostile country at at a time of year when, if the Columbia River had frozen over, as it sometimes did, they would have been entirely cut off from supplies or reinforcements. Poorly furnished with clothing and ammunition, without any of the comforts of home or society, with little to gain should congress recognize their services, and everything to lose should fortune be against them, the men of Oregon evinced a courage and intrepidity honorable to individuals and their country; as also, in general, a self-restraint, doing little injury to the natives in person or property, though often exasperated by the recollection of past barbarities, and the evidence of present hostility.
There is, however, an inside history which should be given of the. closing acts in the military administration, since it relates to the attempted settlement of the Walla Walla Valley by the volunteers, and illustrates what Roberts calls the 'earth-hunger' of these people. Lee says that when the regiment returned to Fort Waters a council of the officers, excepting those with Magone's detachment, was held to decide the question whether a command should be left to occupy the post, and that on being put to vote there was a majority of one against it, and preparations were begun for evacuating the fort. Colonel Waters then made a call for volunteers to remain, being unwilling to abandon the country and the advantage gained; but owing to opposition the order was countermanded. But Lee, in order to induce the men to volunteer to remain, pledged himself, by virtue of his office as superintendent of Indian affairs^ to give authority to some prominent and responsible men to colonize the country immediately, and in the articles to secure them, as for as it was in his power, against future treaty stipulations prejudicial to their interests. The men to whom he pledged himself were Captain P. F. Thompson of Yamhill and James Taylor of Clatsop, and their associates. A call for fifty volunteers was again made, to remain at Fort Waters until the middle of September, and upon the promise of Thompson and others that they would return with their families by that time to settle in the Walla Walla Valley, it was successful. Lee after returning to Oregon City wrote to Governor Abernethy for an expression of his opinion as to the legality and propriety of his action. "If the course to which I am pledged," said he, "be not a violation of any law or any principle of our organic compact, will you sanction the proceedings, and give to the promised instrument the benefit of authority and of your approbation?"[57]
This proceeding of Lee's which had an air of combining the military with the Indian department to a degree not compatible with his constant assurances to the Cayuses that the murderers were to be punished as individuals, and not as a nation,[58] and to the Nez Perces that no white people would be permitted to settle in their country without their consent, found a ready coadjutor in the governor. To the inquiries of Lee, he replied that the organic law did not limit settlers to any part of Oregon, and although it might be impolitic to occupy the lands of friendly Indians east of the mountains, at that time^ there could be no impropriety in occupying the county of the murderers, provided the party taking possession were strong enough to hold it and maintain peace. The only reservation he asked them to make was of the lands and improvements of the Presbyterian board, to which the missionaries might wish to return and lay claim, together with their other property,[59] before which time he had no doubt the United States government would be extended over it.
By the same reasoning which permitted settlers to occupy and claim the Cayuse country, because the people had not given up certain individuals whom the law regarded as criminals, the lands of the Nez Percés, Walla Wallas, and Palouses could have been seized, for they too had sheltered the criminals; and settlement being once begun in the Indian territory east of the mountains, it would not stop at imaginary lines as Abernethy must have known. It was no secret that the real origin of the disorders in the upper country was the fear of the Indians that the white people who were every year coming from the east meant to take away their country by settlement, or that Whitman had latterly wished to prevent colonization until the United States should make treaties for that reason.[60] In killing Whitman the savages had ignorantly broken down the wall between themselves and the Americans, bringing upon themselves the very thing they dreaded; the governor and the superintendent of Indian affairs, under the pretence of a military necessity, lending themselves to the confiscation of the Walla Walla Valley.
No sooner was the governors sanction obtained than the project was advertised by proclamation in the Spectator under the name "Forfeiture of the Cayuse Lands," with every eulogistic notice of the country calculated to promote immigration.[61]
When it is remembered that a colonization scheme was on foot, the purpose of the volunteer officers in urging the missionaries at Chemakane to leave the country becomes questionable. They may have thought it for the best. And in order to be perfectly logical, Superintendent Lee, when he arrived at the Dalles, notified the Catholics, who were beginning a station at that place, that it was desirable that no more missions should be established until the presence of United States troops in the country should render such efforts safe and judicious.[62] The bishop of "Walla Walla had previously asked permission of the governor to return to his charge, but Abernethy had taken no notice of the application. Was the removal of the Protestant mission a measure to prepare the way for the suppression of the Catholic missions? If so it effected nothing, for Rosseau stayed at the Dalles as a settler, cultivating a land claim, but refraining from teaching the Indians, as ordered by the superintendent; and the Oblate fathers who had abandoned the Yakima country on the breaking-out of the war soon returned thither, while Bishop Blanchet, being prevented from going to the Umatilla, attended the Cayuses en route as they wandered about the country.[63] When called upon by the Indian agent, Henry Saffarans, to answer the charge of violating orders, he appears to have replied in a manner satisfactory to the agent, who apologized for troubling him, acknowledging that it was not to be understood that a house or a farm meant a missionary establishment, or that it was a violation of orders for a man to attend to his religious duties in his own domicile.[64] And in this manner they prevailed and held their ground. Blanchet does not conceal his satisfaction that the war resulted in the total overthrow of the Presbyterian missions, "and had the effect of increasing those of the Catholics, by the establishment of St Peters at the Dalles."[65]
In the month of August another difficulty occurred with the priests of the Jesuit missions in the northeast. The natives were busy, as usual, carrying rumors from post to post. It was said that Peupeumoxmox had hanged one of the murderers, whom he found a day's march from Fort Walla Walla on the Yakima,[66] a story which was not credited, although the regiment before leaving Port Waters had subscribed to pay a reward of fifty blankets for the delivery to them of one of the guilty chiefs, and half that amount for a common murderer. That the Walla Walla chief should hang a murderer without knowing of the inducement, or, knowing it, should forfeit the reward, Captain Martin refused to believe. The same gossip said that Peupeumoxmox was pursuing another of the guilty Cayuses, and McBean thought there should be a party sent to assist him; but Martin saw treachery in the movements of the chief, and kept his men at the fort.
Again it was said, this time by the Nez Percés, that a war had broken out between their nation and the Snake Indians, and also that two of the Cayuses who accompanied Joe Lewis had been killed on the Boisé River; and again that many Americans were coming by the Snake River route, and had threatened to kill all savages they should meet by the way, which had occasioned the erection of fortifications by the Cayuses on Burnt River, with a view to cutting off the immigrants at that pass. And still another rumor declared Tiloukaikt and seven of his people killed by Shoshones led by a Frenchman. These tales were the subject of conversation at Fort Waters, where almost any piece of news was received with avidity,[67] and were reported to the Oregon authorities as all there was to report.
At Fort Lee there was similar gossip, and Welaptulekt, who had lately come to profess much friendship for the Americans, and was endeavoring to promote peace by urging the Waiams of Warm Springs and the Wascos of the Columbia River to return horses and other property, brought the story to Lieutenant Rodgers that the Catholic priests had promised to supply the Cayuses with ammunition with which to exterminate the Americans, and that unless the Waiams and Wascos assisted them, they should also be killed. So much impressed were the Indians by the threats of the Cayuses that they retired from the river and hid themselves among the mountains, from which circumstance Rodgers became cautious, and when soon afterward a large amount of ammunition and arms arrived at the Dalles, on its way to the Jesuit missions, he intercepted and held it,[68] at the same time giving information to Governor Abernethy. The governor instructed Lee to write to M. Accolti, a Jesuit, then at the Cowlitz, in explanation, telling him that the most effective measures had been taken by order of the governor to prevent the powder and ball from falling into the hands of the Indians. Accolti replied that he did not object to the seizure, since the governor thought it prudent; unless it was intended to confiscate the property, it might be brought to Vancouver and left there until the restoration of peace; but he took occasion to remind Lee that the law did not prohibit the transportation of arms or ammunition through the Indian country, but only the distribution of them to the Indians; and explained that what had been seized was the annual supply of the four missions of Okanagan, Cœur d'Alêne, Pend d'Oreille, and Flathead River. In answer to a remark of Lee, that much excitement and bad feeling against the Catholics existed, Accolti replied that he believed it, but that Lee must know that it was undeserved, and that the prejudices grew out of unjust suspicions and a grovelling jealousy.[69]
This answer, which contained some truth, was not altogether just to the Protestants, the more intelligent of whom were able to discriminate between fact and prejudice; nor was it calculated to soften the sectarian feeling, which culminated in December in a petition to the legislature to expel the Catholics from the country, which was refused. The quarrel ended by permitting them to retain possession of their other missions, but denying them the Umatilla country, to which for a period of many years they did not return.
All the fighting and marching of the Cayuse war was executed by the colonists without aid from any source. The first intelligence which reached the outside world of the massacre at Waiilatpu was received at the Sandwich Islands in February by the English bark Janet, Dring, master, which conveyed a letter from Douglas to S. N. Castle of Honolulu; but no mention of help is made in the Hawaiian journals. The brig Henry, which left the Columbia River about the middle of March, did not reach San Francisco until the 12th of April, whence she sailed for Mazatlan with government stores required by the troops in Mexico. In the mean time the United States transport Anita, S. E. Woodworth commanding, with the military commander of the northern district of California, Major J. A. Hardie, on board, paid a visit to the Columbia River for the purpose of raising recruits for the army in Mexico,[70] an errand which proved fruitless for obvious reasons.[71]
So slow were the means of communication that the letters of Governor Abernethy were not received until June,[72] nor were the munitions of war asked for sent to the Columbia River until the return of the Henry on the 9th of August, when the volunteers were disbanded.[73] So far as the conduct of the war was concerned, the delay was rather fortunate than otherwise. Had there been ample means at hand when the fighting spirit was at its height, a general and bloody conflict would have been the result. Both volunteers and Indians being short of ammunition, caution on each side became a necessity, and averted the spilling of much blood.
The United States Indian agent for Oregon, Charles E. Pickett, who was in California when the first intelligence of the warlike events in his district reached that country, made application on his own account to Governor Mason to be furnished with the means of relieving Oregon; but Mason declined to assume the responsibility, or to allow Pickett to do so, saying that the governor of Oregon only would be likely to have his acts sanctioned by congress,[74] and Pickett was so far satisfied that his services could be of no avail that he remained in California permanently.
During the progress of the Cayuse war the colony in the Willamette was in a state of expectancy and alarm very trying to those who lived on the outskirts of the settlements, especially to the scattered families on the east side of the valley toward the Cascade Mountains, where it was easy to imagine danger approaching them from the direction of the passes into eastern Oregon. Nor were the Indians in the Willamette unaffected by the example of the Cayuses, but tauntingly remarked that all the brave white men had gone to fight, the weak and spiritless ones only remaining at home, and that consequently they, the Molalles, and others, were set at liberty to conduct themselves as they pleased. To test their position, several outrages were committed, one of a serious character,[75] and companies of home guards were organized[76] in the most exposed settlements, ready to march at a moment's notice or whenever an alarm was given. But the only occasion when anything like a general engagement took place was during a visit of the Klamaths to the Molalles, a large encampment being lodged on the head of Abiqua Creek where it debouches from the Cascade Mountains. The Klamaths and Molalles began by robbing the cabins erected on land-claims at some distance from each other; and growing bolder, entered the houses of families, ordering the women to cook for them; or killing their beef-cattle. As these acts usually preceded a massacre, the settlers became more and more uneasy.
At length, one afternoon in the early spring, a large party from the encampment above mentioned surrounded the residence of Richard Miller, a prominent man in Champoeg County, making insolent demands and uttering the soul-harrowing warwhoop, at the same time endeavoring to cut off the passage of a, neighbor of Miller's who was seeking refuge at his house. It happened that Knox, from whom Knox's Butte in Linn County was named, was riding within sight of Miller's, with the first United States mail that was carried up the Willamette Valley; he took in the meaning of the demonstration at a glance, and quickened his horse's gait to a run, leaving information at every house on the road. Others mounted and rode, spreading the story, and by morning sixty men and lads were gathered at Miller's, the Indians having in the mean time retired with threats.[77] An organization was immediately effected, Daniel Waldo being elected colonel, and the volunteers, horse and foot, set out for the Indian encampment; the mounted men crossing the Abiqua and proceeding up the north side under Colonel Waldo and Captain Davy, while Captain Geer marched on foot up the south side.[78]
As soon as the Indians discovered the approach of the mounted force they began crossing to the south side of the Abiqua, as had been anticipated, and came upon the footmen concealed in a thicket awaiting them. An exchange of arrows and rifle-balls took place, when the natives hastily retreated up the creek with the loss of two of their number. Upon consultation it was decided that as the day was well spent, those who had families should return, and the rest of the men and lads should encamp at the nearest farmhouse to be ready to move in the morning, when the pursuit was begun, a part of the absentees having returned.
The savages were overtaken on the trail to Klamath, their rear being guarded by a few good marksmen, whose arrows flew about their pursuers, hitting one man in the breast, but without penetrating his body. The riflemen soon picked on these, and drove the rest before them to a spot where high cliffs intercepted their passage on the side of the stream they were travelling, and the current was too swift to permit them to cross. Here they were driven to bay, and compelled to fight, but they could do little to defend themselves against the fire of the white men's deadly rifles, by which seven warriors were killed and two women wounded.
When the volunteers came close enough to ascertain the results of the battle, it began to dawn upon them that they might have committed a sad blunder, the more disgraceful because one of the seven dead warriors proved to be a woman, with a strung bow in her hands, who had been killed by the same shot which pierced a male victim. In short, it was discovered that the real marauders had escaped or were never present, and that the Indians attacked were their wives, children, and a few guards left with the camp. The weather being cold and wet, with a drizzling snow, the white men built a large fire in the edge of the forest, and carrying the wounded women to a comfortable shelter, left them for their relatives to succor, and returned home. They never boasted of their valor at the battle of the Abiqua;[79] but the lesson inflicted preserved that part of the Willamette Valley from any further threatening demonstrations during the Cayuse war.
On account of the feeling of Insecurity occasioned by the conduct of the Klamaths and Molalles, Felix Scott was appointed sub-agent of Indian affairs for south-western Oregon by Superintendent Lee on the 10th of April; and at the same time informed that it was desirable for him to raise an independent company of rangers for the defence of the southern frontier, the governor being ready to commission the officers whenever elected. At the same time it was not concealed that there was no money, and no appropriation made for paying either sub-agent or military companies.[80] But according to the views of such men as the Scotts and others, this was a good reason for accepting a commission. When money is plenty men seek offices; when money is not to be had, the offices seek men, of the better sort.
On the 12th of May Scott reported to Lee that as he proceeded up the valley he found the inhabitants much excited in consequence of the bad behavior of the Indians, and their continued robberies. Some offenders had been flogged; but that not putting an end to their thieving practices, a resolution had been passed, and a copy sent to the governor, declaring that in future robberies would be punished with death. The killing of the Klamaths at the Abiqua was referred to by the Molalles, with whom they were intermarried, as a cause for their continued depredations. A company of six men, under the leadership of John Saxton, who had started from California with a hundred horses, had lost sixty-five of them by the natives after reaching the Klamath River, and had been fired on all day by the Rogue River Indians,[81] with whom it was believed the Molalles were in league. At all events, not more than fifty could be found in the Willamette, and their fleeing before him to the Umpqua was regarded as a sign of guilt.
Another report dated June 21st, addressed to Adjutant-general Lovejoy, states that he had proceeded with his company of independent rangers as far as the Santiam River when he was met by complaints of the thieving practices of the Indians, and had divided his force, taking six men with him, and leaving eight with Lieutenant English, one party to take a course which it was intended should drive the savages to their trail over the Cascade Mountains, and the other to intercept them in their passage. Finding themselves hard pressed and becoming alarmed, they escaped by leaving their plunder and a couple of horses, probably intended as indemnity for past thefts; and being satisfied with this, Captain Scott gave up the pursuit.
On the 7th of July Scott was ordered to proceed to south-eastern Oregon to escort the immigration by the southern route, and was authorized to officiate in his capacity as Indian agent among any tribes on the way. "I have reason," says Lee, "to believe the Cayuses will be along both roads. Impress on the immigrants their danger."[82] With a company of only nineteen men he performed this important duty,[83] while the volunteers from Fort Waters discharged a similer obligation on the Snake River route. The Indians along both roads behaved in a quiet and friendly manner to the immigration of this year, which amounted to about seven hundred persons, according to some authorities;[84] but computing in the usual manner, of five persons to every wagon, there would have been more than twice that number. They arrived in better health and condition than any previous body.[85]
- ↑ Or. Spectator, Jan. 20, 1848.
- ↑ The excitement became so great that the volunteers in starting said that their first shots would be for the bishop and his priests; and that for several months the Catholic churches and establishments in the Willamette Valley were in the greatest danger of being burned down. Blanchet's Cath. Church in Or., 173.
- ↑ Grim describes McKay as mounted and riding along the road haranguing the French half-breeds in Chinook. In an hour's time he had 34 men in his company. Emigrant Anecdotes, MS., 8. McKay's company was officered as follows: Thomas McKay, captain; Charles McKay, 1st lieutenant; Alexander McKay, 2d lieutenant; Edward Dupuis, orderly sergeant; George Montour, Baptiste Dorio, David Crawford, and Gideon Pion, duty sergeants. Privates: John Spence, Louis Laplante, Augustine Russie, Isaac Gervais, Louis Montour, Alexis Vatrais, Joseph Paine, Jno. Cunningham, Jno. Gros Louis, Joe Lenegratly, Antoine Poisier, Antoine Plante, Pierre Lacourse, Ashby Pearce, Richard Linkletter, Charles Beauchmain, Augustine Delard, B. S. Laderiste, Antoine Lafaste, Nathan English, Charles Edwards, Gideon Gravelle, Chas. Coweniat, Antoine Bonaupaus, Nicholas Bird, Francis Dupres, William Towie, Thomas Purvis, A. J. Thomas, J. H. Bigler, Mongo, Antoine Ansure, Narcisse Montiznie, Edward Crete. Or. Spectator, April 6, 1848; Ross' Nar., MS., 8-10.
- ↑ Or. Spectator, Feb. 16, 1848.
- ↑ Captain English's officers were: William Shaw, 1st lieutenant; F. M. Munkers, 2d lieutenant; William Martin, orderly sergeant; Hiram English, George Shaw, Thomas Boggs, and L. J. Rector, duty sergeants. Privates: Jackson Adams, L. N. Abel, William Burton, Joseph Crank, John Downing, Thos. T. Eyre, R. D. Foster, Alexander Gage, Thomas Gregory, G. W. Howell, Fales Howard, J. H. Lewis, N. G. McDonald, James Officer, Joseph Pearson, Jackson Rowell, William Simmons, Lewis Stewart, Charles Roth, Daniel Waldo, George Wesley, William Vaughn, L. N. English, jun., Nineveh Ford, Albert Fish, A. Gribble, Samuel Senters, Thomas Wigger, Richard Hays, Wesley Howell, Richard Jenkins, G. H. March, William Medway, J. R. Payne, Benjamin Simpson, Alexander York. Captain Martin's officers were: A. E. Garrison, 1st lieutenant; David Waldo, 2d lieutenant; Ludwell J. Rector, orderly sergeant; William Cosper, Fales Howard, Joseph Sylvester, and Benjamin Wright, duty sergeants. Privates: J. Albright, H. Burdon, T. J. Blair, Joseph Borst, George Crabtree, Joseph Crank, Wesley Cook, Samuel Center, John Cox, John Eads, Parnel Fowler, S. M. Crover, John Kaiser, Clark S. Pringle, Israel Wood, Lewis Stewart, Pleasan C. Kaiser, Thomas Canby, Sidney Ford, William Melawers, A. M. Rainwater, B. F. Shaw, William Waldo, Silas G. Pugh, G. K. Vernon, Isaiah Matheny, Thomas T. Eyre,' John C. Holgate. Albany State Rights Democrat, Nov. 2, 1877.
- ↑ Captain Shaw's officers were: David Crawford, 1st lieutenant; Baptiste Dorio, 2d lieutenant; Absalom M. Smith, orderly sergeant; George Laroque, Vatall Bergeron, George W. Shaw and Charles McKay, duty, sergeants. Privates- John H. Bigler, O. Crum, Joseph Despont, William Felix, Xavier Plante, Eli Viliell F. M. Mankis, Antonio Plante, Charles Edwards, Andrew Heeber, Xavier Gervais, David Jones, John Pecares, Samuel Kinaey, Joseph Pearson, William Towie, Peter Jackson, Alexander Laborain, William McMillen, B. F. Nichols, Hiram Smead, William Marrill, Francis Poiecor, George Westley. Captain Garrison's officers were: A. E. Garrison, 1st lieutenant: John C. Herren, 2d lieutenant; J. B. Kaiser, orderly sergeant; George Crabtree, George Laroque, and Joseph Colester, duty sergeants Privates: E. Biernaisse, Thomas R. Blair, John C. Cox, Joseph Despart, Caleb M. Grover, Isaiah Matheny, John Picard, William Philip, Henry Barden, Silas P. Pugh, Isaac Wood, Penel Fowler, Andrew Hubert, Daniel Herren, Xavier Plante, Vitelle Bergeron. There is a repetition of the same names in two or more companies here given, from which it appears that men and officers were frequently transferred. But as the rolls were thus published by J. Henry Brown from the originals, I let them stand. They appeared first in the Salem Mercury, and were copied into the Albany State Rights Democrat, Nov. 2 and 9, 1877, and Ashland Tidings, of same date.
- ↑ Or. Archives, MS., 114.
- ↑ Alexander McDonald was shot by the guard whom he approached in a manner to induce the belief that he was an Indian. James Packwood and Jackson were shot by Indians while herding horses near the fort.
- ↑ In his directions to Wait, Palmer says: 'The troops in the field must be supplied with provisions at all hazards. . . If a supply cannot be had by purchasing with such funds as are at the disposal of the department, a resort must be had to levying contributions upon the citizens. . . In doing this you will be particular in not reducing the amount of bread-stuffs below the wants of families. You should have at least 40 days' rations in advance. Call upon the citizens through the medium of the press, or handbills, or both to come forward and aid us. Now is the time to show their love of country then patriotism, who are friends, and who are foes. There are but two sides, for and against; there can be no half-way place. Writing from Vancouver, on his way up the Columbia he says: 'I have bought a keg of powder and 100 pounds of balls which can be used as well as lead! Secure all the ammuniton you can and forward speedily. Send cannon, ball, and canister. I will make a portage for the cannon at the Cascades, as I go up. There are 40 pounds of good rifle powder at Timmon's, on the Columbia Slough, opposite this fort.' Such was the multiplicity of cares of the chairman of the peace commission, who, while delegated to negotiate for peace, Mas preparing for war. See Or. Archives, MS., 117-18.
- ↑ I learn these things from a memorandum kept by Robert Newell during his journey to and from Waiilatpu. It was a strictly private diary, which his daughter, Mrs Wardwell, of Lewiston, Idaho, allowed me to copy in 1877. The following entry is touching the recklessness of the volunteers: 'An Indian was shot by one of our own people, H. English, while out hunting horses to-day, Feb. 13th, a most shameful thing.'
- ↑ Newell says in his Memoranda that Williams pulled down the mission barn to make pickets around the houses. Palmer, in a letter to Wait, says only 3 men were left at Fort Gilliam to protect the property, and 3 to run the boats from the Cascades to the Dalles. 'The men have volunteered to fight Indians, and not run boats'—so say the officers. Or. Archives, MS., 123. These bits of private information show the condition of the army more clearly than the reports of officers.
- ↑ Newell's Memoranda, MS., 4.
- ↑ Report of commissioners, in Or. Spectator, April 6, 1848.
- ↑ This apparent neglect is explained by Brouillet in Authentic Account, 69, where he says that the Cayuses had been told that the missionaries would remain among them as long as they were at peace, but would retire as soon as war should be declared; and that on the 19th of Feb. the Cayuses had gone to meet the Americans, whereupon the priests removed to Fort Walla Walla on the 20th. Brouillet also says that Ogden promised the Cayuses to endeavor to prevent a war, and that he would send an express to Walla Walla to apprise them of the result; but that no such express came before the first engagement, and that the Indians suspected Ogden of betraying them. 'Had Ogden's letter arrived in time,' says Brouillet, 'it would probably have prevented the engagement, and induced the Cayuses to accept peace upon the terms offered by the government.'
- ↑ C. McKay, in Or. Spectator, March 23, 1848.
- ↑ Memoranda, MS., 8.
- ↑ Spalding's letter is a curiosity, and of value as a specimen of the literary style of the Nez Percé school, rather than for its importance to the history of the country. It was written in Roman letters as follows: 'Willamette, Feb. 3, 1848—Nez Percé Chiefs: My Friends, Ellis, Kancoot, James, Yuainimalkin, Luke, Jacob, Pucatash, Yamohmohnim, Yumtamilkin:—quick, meet them; with these flags meet them. From us, from the Americans, five go to meet you: Mr Palmer, Dr Newell, Mr McKay, Mr Lee, and Mr Gilliam. These meet you, with good hearts they meet you. They bear a message from the great chief, they bear it; therefore they call you to meet them. Keep quiet ye young men; do not go over to the Cayuses. Wait till these speak closely with you. The good are not to be punished; only the bad are to be punished. The Nez Percés, the Americans are one, therefore do you not depart from us. Very many Americans are going to seek the bad Cayuses, and the bad only. There wall soon be large ships from California; therefore they offer to you a proposal of peace. They send you tobacco, therefore meet them without delay. My youngest child is sick, therefore I cannot meet you. When he is well, I will see you, by the blessing of God. Ever make yourselves good hearts. By the blessing of God, may we see each other. H. H. Spalding.' Or. Archives, MS., 120.
- ↑ Brouillet's reply is the basis of his Authentic Account, which see at pages 48-56, 91.
- ↑ Report of the commissioners, in Or. Spectator, April 6, 1848.
- ↑ Or. Archives, MS., 125-8.
- ↑ Newell's Memoranda, MS., 10.
- ↑ There was a letter written by B. Jennings from Fort Lee, more often called Fort Wascopam in the correspondence of the volunteers, stating that Seletza, the Dalles chief, alleged that the priests at Walla Walla had made shields for the Cayuses, from which circumstance the Cayuses flattered themselves they were invulnerable, and intended marching through the country of the Sklos, who are probably a branch of the Yakimas, from the name of one of the Yakima chiefs, Skloom, to punish them for their neutrality, and thence down the north side of the Columbia to the Willamette settlements. The letter was dated February 28th, and addressed to A. E. Wait. The same writer mentioned that, as acting quartermaster, he was daily importuned for ammu- nition, the friendly natives pretending to be afraid of the Cayuses; and if refused, they then wanted a pass to go to Vancouver, in all probability to purchase powder and ball, from which circumstances he feared their intentions were not good. There were no means of ascertaining the truth of an Indian report, which had always to be received with caution. See Or. Archives, MS., 132.
- ↑ Among the letters were some which showed that Whitman had been aware of his danger. Joel Palmer, in Brouillet's Authentic Account, 21.
- ↑ A tress of Mrs Whitman's hair is preserved among the relics m the Oregon archives at Salem. Newell's Memoranda, MS., 11; Victor's River of the West, 433. There is also in the state archives a tomahawk said to have been the one used by Tamahas in killing Whitman. When Tamahas was about to be executed, it is said he gave the hatchet to Stock Whitley, a chief of the Des Chutes, whose family presented it to Donald McKay, who in turn gave it to William Logan, Indian agent at Warm Springs in 1864. It was exhibited by Logan at a sanitary fair during the civil war, and finally presented to the state. It is not probable, however, that Tamahas would give a keepsake to a Des Chutes chief when the tribe had refused to assist the guilty Cayuses. Another and more probable story is that Tamahas used a hatchet obtained by Tiloukaikt of the Gros Ventres in 1833, and that he presented it to Five Crows a few years afterward. This fact, if established, would go to show that Five Crows was fully apprised of the intention of the Walla Walla Cayuses. See Portland Oregonian, March 9, 1865.
- ↑ Meek was accompanied from Waiilatpu only by his old comrade of mountain days, G. W. Egberts, and by John Owens Nathaniel Bowman, James Steel, Samuel Miller, Jacob Leabo, Dennis Buns, David Young. Brown's Miscellany, MS., 22. The party being too small to be safe, Gilliam ordered an escort to take them beyond the Cayuse country.
- ↑ From a letter of Abernethy's I gather that he had some hope that Meek might meet the Oregon regiment, so much talked about m congress, near Fort Hall, if peace should have been concluded with Mexico. Or. Archives, MS., 108-9.
- ↑ Newell says: 'Colonel Gilliam left the council in a huff, and declared he had come to fight, and fight he would.' Memoranda, MS., 12.
- ↑ In reality to avenge Elijah's death.
- ↑ Or. Spectator, April 20, 1848; Gray's Hist. Or., 562-4.
- ↑ Craig was appointed agent March 10th, and went to take charge of the mission property at Lapwai, and to render 'all the assistance in his power' to the Nez Percés. Or. Archives, MS., 133.
- ↑ Letter of Lieut. Magone, in Or. Spectator, April 6, 1848.
- ↑ Captain Maxon in his report says that the courage and determination of a few young men saved the army from a heavy loss and perhaps from being cut to pieces; and mentions in a subsequent letter the names of captains Hall? Owens, and Thompson, sergeants Burch and Cooke, Quartermaster Goodhue, Judge Advocate Rinearson, and Paymaster Magone. English being at Waiilatpu did not participate in this battle, nor Thomas McKay, who had returned sick to Walla Walla when the commissioners left. See Or. Spectator, April 6, 1848; Gray's Hist. Or., 568.
- ↑ This is the number of killed and wounded given by Craig in a letter found in the Or. Archives, MS., 138. A writer in the Catholic Magazine, vii. 491, states that there were 50 Indians killed; but this number is entirely too great.
- ↑ Crawford's Nar., MS., 121.
- ↑ Gilliam left a wife and 8 children. His body was taken to die Willamette for interment by Captain McKay, whose impaired health obliged him to retire from his command. Or. Spectator, April 6, 1848; S. F. Californian, May 3, 1848.
- ↑ Or. Spectator, April 6, 1848.
- ↑ See letter written on the 4th of April by Jesse Cadwallader, in Gray's Hist. Or., 570. The news of Gilliam's death had not at that date reached Fort Waters. The writer complains only of the lack of ammunition, and says he hopes to see Gilliam back in a few days, and more men with him. A letter from Lieut.-col. Waters mentions that they had repaired the mill, and set it to grinding wheat found at the mission.
- ↑ The president of this society was Mrs N. M. Thornton, the secretary Mrs E. F. Thurston, and the treasurer Mrs Leslie; the first the wife of the governor's private delegate to congress, the second the wife of the first delegate elected under the territorial organization, and the third the second wife of Rev. D. Leslie. The committee appointed to collect funds consisted of Mrs Robb, Mrs Hood, and Mrs Herford.
- ↑ Or. Spectator, April 20, 1848.
- ↑ In Linn County H. J. Peterson organized a company, the means to equip it being raised by subscription. They left for Portland April 25th. Clatsop County sent a few volunteers: S. B. Hall, D. H. Kinder, John Richey, R. W Morrison, and N. H. Everman. Id., May 4, 1848. A second company was raised in Linn County, officered by Granville H. Baber, captain; Jeremiah Driggs, 1st lieutenant; J. M. McConnel and Isaac Thompson, sergeants. Three other companies were organized at Portland, one from Linn, William Pugh, captain; one from Polk and Clackamas, J. W. Nesmith, captain; and one from Yamhill and Tualatin, William J. Martin, captain.
- ↑ The cunning of the savage character has frequently been displayed when one or more tribes have gone to war, by a portion remaining friendly in order to act as go-betweens, to buy ammunition, and carry information. If such was the character of Peupeumoxmox's friendship, the act of the legislature defeated his intention and gave him the provocation he desired for becoming hostile.
- ↑ Or. Spectator, April 20, 1848. See also letter of William Craig, in Or. Archives, MS., 138; S. F. Californian, May 8, 1848; Gray's Hist. Or., 575-7.
- ↑ Letter of Captain Maxon, in Gray's Hist. Or., 569-70.
- ↑ E. Bidwell and H. D. Martin were the lieutenants. The complaint was that they were marched in the rear; were not always allowed beef when the other companies were; and could not have their horses shod in time to march with them from the Dalles, but were ordered to follow and overtake the companies of Pugh and Nesmith. Or. Spectator, June 1, 1848.
- ↑ Or. Archives, MS., 139-40
- ↑ Richard does not seem to have acted as the head of the Nez Percés. Gray says that he was 'murdered by a Catholic Indian' after his appointment. His nomination appears to have been unpopular with the oldor and more influential men of the Nez Percés.
- ↑ 'I also showed them the bill of articles taken at this place and those taken from immigrants along the road, as also at Barlow's Gate, and told them we would forget nothing.' Letter of Supt. Lee, in Or. Spectator, June 1, 1848.
- ↑ Or. Spectator, June 1, 1848.
- ↑ Major Magone in his report says that on nearing the river Baptiste Dorion discovered an Indian and at once set off at full speed, followed by those who were in front— not that he ordered the charge; and that having a poorer horse he did not come up with them until the river was reached, when he found the men shooting at a canoe in which no person was visible; but the men said there were Indians in it who had fled from the troops, and who were no doubt guilty. W. P. Breeding, who now resides in the Palouse country, says that 2 Indians pushed off from shore in a rawhide boat just as the volunteers gained the shore, and that Ramsey and Brown hastily made a raft of logs on which they crossed Snake River, being carried 2 miles down by the current before they effected a landing, after which they ran back to a point opposite the place from which they started, and discovering the canoe under the bank, watched until an Indian raised his head to reconnoitre, when Brown shot him. Nichols' Ind. Aff., MS., 1, 2.
- ↑ C. W. Cooke and David M. Guthrie carried this express, riding at night through the long stretch of Indian country. They were assisted in crossing the Snake River by Beardy's people.
- ↑ Report of Capt. Thompson, in Or. Spectator, July 27, 1848.
- ↑ Nichols Ind. Aff., MS., 2. Major Magone, in closing his report of the expedition to Snake River, before mentioned, said: 'I ordered the detachment to return to the regiment, thoroughly convinced that I would have given more general satisfaction by ordering them to wipe from the face of existence these (professedly) friendly Indians.' Or. Spectator, July 27, 1848.
- ↑ Magone left camp for the Chemakane May 26th, and Thompson must have started for Lapwai a day or two later. He returned to Fort Waters the day that Magone left Chemakane with the mission families, and the colonel, without waiting for the major's detachment, left at once for the Dalles.
- ↑ 'Oregon City, June 15, 1848. Sir: On receipt of this you will hold a council with the superintendent of Indian affairs and come to a decision in regard to remaining in the upper country. In order that the remainder may return without delay, I would recommend that one company of 85 men, rank and file, be formed out of the volunteers that may offer their services to remain until the U. S. troops arrive. Of this company, 15 could be stationed at Fort Lee and 70 at Fort Waters. Of the latter, 40 or 50 could proceed at the proper time to meet the emigrants. A company under Capt. Scott will leave the head of this valley in time to escort the emigrants on the southern route, I think treaties can be made holding the chiefs responsible and protecting the emigration from molestation.(Signed) Geo. Abernethy.
'Col. Waters.'
Or. Archives, MS., 144.
- ↑ I find a copy of a circular in Lee's handwriting evidently intended to be forwarded to meet the immigration at Laramie or Fort Hall, it being according to the act of the legislature creating the office of superintendent of Indian affairs, that he should give instructions to persons emigrating how to maintain peace with the Indians. In this circular they are warned of the existing hostilities with the Cayuses and Columbia River Indians, and informed of the establishment of military posts in their country. They were advised, unless they were protected by United States troops, to form themselves into military companies, and consider themselves as soldiers, and their families and property as their ordnance and baggage train; to give no unnecessary offence, and show no fear. ' Experience has taught us that the best way to keep the Indians really friendly is to keep them afraid of us.' Or. Archives, MS., 161-3.
- ↑ Rept. of Col. Waters, in Or. Spectator, July 27, 1848; Polynesian, v. 2; S. F. Californian, Aug. 14, 1848.
- ↑ Or. Archives, MS., 145-..
- ↑ See Palmer's speech to the Nez Perces elsewhere in this chapter. This sentiment was corroborated by the speeches of Lee, Gilliam, and McKay.
- ↑ With regard to the Waiilatpu claim, the board sold it to Rev. Cushing Eells for 81,000. At the time of the massacre there were about 100 horses, 200 cattle, and the same number of sheep belonging to Whitman. The savages had taken most of the stock before the army came, and the volunteers consumed a part of what was left, for which no return was ever made to the board. Original letter of Perrin B. Whitman. Ind. Aff., Rept. 1862, 426.
- ↑ Or Spectator, July 13, 1848; American Unionist, Aug. 16, 1848.
- ↑ Lee appended to the proclamation, for the information of any who might wish to join the colonizing company, that there were already in the country grist and saw mills, a blacksmith's anvil and bellows, some tools, ploughs, harrows, hoes, a quantity of iron, a crop of wheat pease, potatoes, and corn with almost every convenience for forming a settlement. Or. Spectator, July 13, 1848 Worn this it would appear that the forfeiture was to extend to the mission property. Parrish says that the Methodists were driven away from the Dalles by the provisional government—a singular statement in the face of the fact that they had sold the station several months before the war broke out. See Or. Anecdotes, MS., 30.
- ↑ This letter was addressed on the outside to 'Rev. Mr Rosseau,' and on the inside to 'Messrs Blanchet, etc.' Or. Spectator, July 13, 1848.
- ↑ Blanchet's Cath. Church in Or., 173.
- ↑ Brouillet's Authentic Account, 83-4. An anecdote is told by P. W. Crawford, illustrative of the suspicious temper of the people. The blacksmith at Vancouver and an American named Buell were employed all winter making axes for the use of the hunters and trappers, but which 'the settlers would have it were battle-axes!' Narrative, MS., 149.
- ↑ Cath. Church in Or., 172, 180.
- ↑ McBean believed the story, which was brought by Patatis, an Indian whose word he said was more to be depended on than the word of Peupeumoxmox. Or. Spectator, July 13, 1848.
- ↑ To amuse themselves, Martin's company celebrated the Fourth of July by a banquet held in a shady arbor on the green lawn, the table being spread with roast-beef and mutton, coffee, milk, sugar, bread, and pies. The toasts were drank in water. C. W. Cooke gave: 'The words of young Miss Wickliffe, "The American flag, the only thing American that will bear stripes!"' Or. Spectator, Aug. 24, 1848.
- ↑ There were 1,080 pounds of powder, 1,500 pounds of balls, 300 pounds of buckshot, and 36 guns. The Oregon army had not been able to procure more than 500 pounds of powder. Oregon American, Aug. 10, 1848.
- ↑ Or. Archives, MS., 156-60. Father Accolti was born at Bari, in the kingdom of Naples in 1806. Educated at Rome, he became a member of the Society of Jesus, June 1, 1832. Having determined to devote his life to missionary work, he came to this coast in 1844, going direct from France to Oregon by way of Cape Horn, in the ship L'Indefatigable. His missionary labors in Oregon continued till 1851, during which time he had charge of the mission of St Xavier and St Paul on the north side of the Columbia River. In 1851 he came to San Francisco, when he continued his missionary labors at Santa Clara and San Francisco. In 1853 he was sent to Rome, to obtain priests for missionary duty on this coast, and with those who were selected he returned in 1855. Soon after leaving Rome he was made pastor of Santa Clara College which position he held for 10 years. From Santa Clara he was transferred to San Francisco, where he was engaged in missionary duties up to the time of his death, Nov. 7, 1878. Father Accolti was a man of learning and distinguished for his earnest piety. S. F. Evening Bulletin, Nov. 9, 1878. Rev. P. Veyret, another of the Jesuits who came out in L'Etoile de Matin, from Brest, France, was born at Lyons in 1812, and became a member of the faculty of Santa Clara College, where he died Dec. 19, 1879. San José Pioneer, Dec. 20, 1879.
- ↑ S. F. Californian, March 1, 1848; Murray's Nar., MS., 210; Polynesian, v. 2.
- ↑ The Anita arrived in the Columbia March 16th, 15 days from San Francisco. She departed April 22d and arrived at San Francisco April 27th. Or. Spectator, March 23 and May 4, 1848; Honolulu Friend, July 1848.
- ↑ I cannot account for this delay except by supposing that the Henry proceeded directly to Mazatlan, without touching at Monterey. She was 9 days in San Francisco Bay, and it seems unaccountable that in such an emergency the despatches should not have been forwarded at once.
- ↑ Major Hardie forwarded 100 rides, with 25,000 rifle-cartridges, and 200 pounds of rifle-powder; 2 6-pounder iron guns and carriages, and ammunition for the same. Lieutenant E. O. C. Ord of the Third Artillery forwarded one 6-pounder brass gun, with 210 strapped shot (fixed), 70 canister shot, 28 spherical shot, and other artillery service; 500 muskets with their fixtures and 50,000 ball, with a large amount of ammunition. The invoices were dated June 27th and July 10th respectively. Or. Spectator, Sept. 7, 1848.
- ↑ S. F. Californian, May 17, 1848.
- ↑ An Indian named Chilos, who had for 6 years been domesticated with the settlers, ravished a young girl in the absence of the family, and fled. He was pursued and killed. Or. American, Aug. 16, 1848; Or. Spectator, June 1, 1848. Elijah Bristow was attacked, but repulsed the savages without firing on them. Bristow's Rencounters, MS., 3-7.
- ↑ R. C. Geer was captain of a company in the Waldo Hills; Allen Davy of a company in the Santiam; Richard Miller between Abiqua and Butte creeks in the northern part of Champoeg Co.; and Samuel Parker of a company near Salem. R. C. Geer, in Salem Or. Statesman, in San José Pioneer, Sept. 1, 1877.
- ↑ One account says 150 men were gathered at the house of J. Warnock in the same neighborhood, and that the Indians had declared they would cut the throats of filler's, Warnock's, and Patterson's families. Id.
- ↑ The names mentioned in the account above quoted from are William Parker, James Harpole, Wilburn King, James Brown, S. D. Maxon, L. A. Bird, Israel Shaw, Robert Shaw, King Hibbard, William Brisbane, Winchester, Port Gilliam, William Howell, Thomas Howell, George Howell, William Hendricks, Leander Davis, Len. Goff, G. W. Hunt, James Williams, J. Warnock, J. W. Schrun, Thomas Schrun, Elias Cox, Cyrus Smith, T. B. Allen, Henry Schrun, and Jacob Caplinger; probably the most promment men.
- ↑ It has been a matter of dispute that such a battle was ever fought as the engagement on the Abiqua; and, according to Minto, this blunder was the reason of the silence. Those who were not concerned in it laughed at those who were for 'killing squaws;' and it was tacitly agreed to say nothing about it. The matter almost passed out of recollection, when it was revived and discussed in 1877, and the facts brought out. It shows that the early Oregon settlers did not wantonly kill Indians and boast of it, as they were accused of doing at a later period. Minto's Early Days, MS., 41–6; J. Henry Brown and H. L. McNary, in Willamette Farmer, Mar. 24, 1877; Brown's Or. Miscel, MS., 57-8.
- ↑ Lee's letter to Captain Scott is in the Or. Archives, MS., 168-9.
- ↑ Or. Spectator, May 4, 1848.
- ↑ Or. Archives, MS., 169-71. port other provisions by wagon, he opened a road across the Cascade Mountains by the way of McKenzie Fork of the Willamette, thus realizing the idea which led to the misfortunes of a large part of the immigration of 1845. Over this road he drove 700 cattle and 8 heavy wagons at the first attempt. Being improved subsequently, it became a good pass between the head of the Willamette Valley and eastern Oregon. In 1857 Captain Scott returned to the States to bring out some valuable blood stock. Returning in 1858 by the southern route, he was murdered by the Indians near Goose Lake, while temporarily separated from the company with two other men, who were also murdered. All the stock and money belonging to Scott were taken. He was about 70 years of age at the time of his death. His sons, settled in Lane Co., were Felix, jun., Rodney, Harrison, and Marion. Felix, jun., died in Arizona in Nov. 1879. Eugene Press, in Or. Statesman, Jan. 25, 1859; Drew, in Report Com. Ind. Aff., 1863, 58.
- ↑ Felix Scott was a native of Monongahela Co., Va. He was at one time lieut.-gov of Mo., after which he came to California from St Charles Co. of that state, and resided for some time with Captain Sutter at Fort Sutter. In 1846 he removed to Oregon, where he soon became known for his high character. He resided in Yamhill Co. until 1849, when he settled permanently in Lane Co., and contributed much to its development. In 1863, wishing to drive a large herd of cattle to the mines of eastern Oregon, and also to trans-
- ↑ S. F. Californian, Nov. 1848.
- ↑ I find the following names of men who arrived in 1848: Thomas Adams, W. F. Adams, W. L. Adams, William Armpriest, T. W. Avery, W. W. Bristow, E. L. Bristow, Rev. Wilson Blain, William Brunson, Dr D. S. Baker, Andrew Bowers, Isaac Belknap, George Belknap, C. Belknap, H. Belknap, B. B. Branson, G. J. Basket, Andrew Baner, W. Bethers, William Burns, Ball, Jesse W. Belknap, George H. Brown, Benjamin Cleaver, David Chapman, Peter D. Cline, Jesse Chapman, Adam Cooper, J. A. Cloninger, Coffey, Daniel Cushman, Seth Catlin, Jacob Conser, Thomas Clark, John S. Crooks, Rinehart Cripe, Benjamin Cripe, Christian Clyne, Reuben Dickens, L. Davis, John Davis, John Dennis, Anderson De Haven, James Davidson, James Emery, C. Emerick, Solomon Emerick, Thomas Gates, E. Garther, Levi Grant, Burrel B. Griffin, Griffin, Griffin, William Greenwood, P. Gearhart, George Graham, Daniel Hathaway, Robert Houston, Richard Hutchison, Abitha Hawley, Andrew Hagey, Martin Hagey, P. Hagey, Henry Henninger, Nathaniel Hamlin, P. Hibbert, H. N. V. Holmes, Hooker, A. B. Holcomb. John L. Hicklin, J. M. Hendricks, Frank Harty, S. Hanna, George Irvin, William M. King, Orrin Kellogg, Joseph Kellogg, G. Kittredge, Clinton Kelley, David Linenberger, Lyman Latourette, John J. Lindsay, William Lindsay, Lindsay, Edgar Lindsay, J. Lewis, Joseph D. Lee, Nicholas Lee, Jacob Miller, Christian Miller, John McGee, Isaac Miller, John Miller, Henry Moody, John Moore, B. Moore, Simon Markham, E. L. Massey, Harden McAllister, Isaac Newton, Norris, M. Neff, Isaac Owens, Rev. Jos. E. Parrott, Ira Patterson, Reuben Pigg, David Priestly, William Porter, Stephen Porter, John Purvine, Farley Pierce, A. Prussel, Jesse Parrish, Riley Root, James Robinson, J. G. Ramsey, Horace Rice, Pliny Richison, Caleb Richey, A. H. Roberts, John E. Ricknell, John Stipp, Fendall Sutherlin, Rev. John W. Starr, Buford Smith, M. Shelley, Christopher Shuck, H. Straight, James Shields, David Stone, Nath. Stone, D. Trullinger, G. J. Trullinger, N. H. Trullinger, J. C. Trullinger, D. P. Trullinger, W. Tucker, R. H. Thompson, Jas Valentine, Isaac Wyatt, Thomas Wyatt, Elias D. Wilcox, Nathaniel Wilcox, Leonard Williams, Willis Williams, Isaac Winkle, Samuel Welch, W. B. Walker, W. M. Walker, A. S. Watt, T. D. Winchester.
Ahio S. Watt was born in Knox Co., Ohio, Jan. 15, 1824; went to Mo. in 1838, and to Oregon in 1848. He was married in 1850 to Mary E. Elder, and settled in Yamhill Co. He was a member of the senate in 1878; has been clerk of the court, surveyor, and farmer, and a useful and honorable citizen.
E. L. Massey, well known in Oregon, at the breaking-out of the mining excitement of 1861 removed to Walla Walla, where he was justice of the peace. In 1867 while travelling in Idaho he had his feet frozen, from the effects of which he died in August of that year. Walla Walla Statesman, Aug. 30 1867.
Burrel B. Griffin settled in Linn Co., where he discovered in 1851 a mountain of bluish gray marl near the junction of Crabtree and Thomas forks of the Santiam. The stone was easily worked, and hardened on exposure to the air, and came to be much used in place of brick for hearth-stones and chimney-pieces. In 1852 Mr Griffin removed to the Rogue River Valley, where he discovered in 1875 valuable ores of cinnabar and antimony near Jacksonville. Oregonian, Sept. 25, 1875.
George A. Barnes, a native of Lockport, Monroe Co., New York, first emigrated to Fort Wayne, Indiana, and from there to Oregon in 1848. He went to the gold mines in California, after which he settled on Puget Sound, with the history of which he has since been identified.
David Stone, who was captain of the company with which Barnes travelled, settled in the Cowlitz Valley, a few miles north of the Columbia.
Thomas W. Avery emigrated to Oregon with his parents at the age of 15, and in 1849 went to the gold mines in California, from which he returned in 1857, when he settled in Douglas Co. Working as a carpenter and teaching in a country school, he continued to reside in the Umpqua Valley until 1862, when he went to Salem to study law in the office of Bonham and Curl. He was elected to the Democratic state convention in 1864, and commenced the practice of law in Umatilla County, and was in the legislature in 1866. In connection with J. C. Dow he established the Columbia Press, the first newspaper at Umatilla. He died of consumption in Salem in the autumn of 1867. Salem Capital Chronicle, Dec. 14, 1867.
Mrs Susan Sturges, born in Ill., May 14, 1839, married Andrew Sturges in Oregon in 1855, and died at Vancouver, in Washington Ter., April 28, 1876, her husband and 6 children surviving. Portland Advocate, May 11, 1876.
Mrs Jacob Conser, born in Richmond Co., Ohio, July 31, 1822, removed with her parents to Ill., where she was married Feb. 28, 1839, and emigrated to Oregon with her husband in 1848. She died at Walla Walla while on a visit to a sister residing there, April 18, 1879. San José Pioneer, May 10, 1879.
Nathaniel Hamlin, an immigrant of 1848, died in June 1866. Seattle Weekly, June 18, 1866.
Rev. Clinton Kelley was born in Pulaski Co., Ky., June 15, 1808. He joined the Methodist church at the age of 19, and devoted his life to preaching. Before he was 20 he married Mary Baston, who died in 1837, leaving him 5 children. He married in the following year Jane Burns, who also died, leaving one child. He then married Maria Crane, by whom he had 9 children. Being opposed to the institution of slavery, he determined to emigrate to a country where his numerous family could be educated to become useful citizens, and chose Oregon for his home, where he was widely known as 'Father Kelley,' and as a never-tiring advocate of temperance. He died at his residence near East Portland, June 19, 1875, leaving an honorable memory. Oregonian, June 26, 1875; Or. City Enterprise, June 25, 1875, Portland Temperance Star, June 25, 1875; Salem Statesman, June 26, 1875.
W. W. Bristow, son of Elijah Bristow, who emigrated in 1846 with his brother E. L. Bristow, and other members of the family, followed his father in 1848, and all settled in Lane County, then the southern part of Linn. Mr Bristow was one of the foremost citizens of that part of the country; was a member of the first state senate, and of the state constitutional convention, and active in securing the location of the state university at Eugene City. In his family he was as gentle as he was enterprising in affairs of public interest. He died at Eugene City, Dec. 10, 1874. Eugene City Guard, Dec. 1874; Roseburg Plaindealer, Dec. 12, 1874.
J. M. Hendricks, brother-in-law of W. W. and E. L. Bristow, also settled at Pleasant Hill in Lane County, where he died in the spring of 1878. His son, T. G. Hendricks, was a prominent merchant of Eugene City. San José Pioneer, April 6, 1878.
Nicholas Lee was born in Pike Co., Ohio, February 11, 1818. On coming to Oregon he settled in Polk Co., near Dallas. He engaged in merchandising in 1862, but retired to give place to his son, Joseph D. Lee, in 1876. His death occurred July 11, 1879, at the farm where he settled in 1848. Dallas Itemizer, July 18, 1879.
Frances Ella Reynolds, born in Tenn. in 1815, emigrated to Oregon in 1848, and resided with her sister, Mrs Wells, at the time of her death on the 25th of November, 1879. Portland Advocate, Dec. 4, 1879.
William Porter of Aumsville, Marion Co., had never been farther away from his home than Oregon City, in his 27 years' residence in Oregon, until summoned to Portland by the U. S. district court, to appear as a juror. He has contributed pleasing articles to the columns of the Farmer, but the journey across the plains satisfied completely his love of travel. Salem Farmer, June 25, 1875.
John L. Hicklin, born in Kentucky, June 1793, first removed to Indiana and finally settled in Washington Co., Tualatin plains, Oregon, in 1848, where he continued to reside, surrounded by a large family. He died Oct. 14, 1875, after a long and exemplary life. Portland Standard, Oct. 27, 1876.
David Linenberger emigrated from Virginia. In 1851 he removed to Siskiyou Co., Cal., where he engaged in mining. He died Sept. 7, 1868. Yreka Union, Sept. 12, 1868.
Rev. Joseph E. Parrott, a man of fine talents and a firm Methodist, was born in Missouri in 1821, emigrated to Oregon in 1848, and married Susan Garrison in 1851, who died in August 1869. On the 31st of May, 1870, he married Mrs L. A. Worden. On the 3d of September, 1872, he died at his home near Lafayette in Yamhill Co. Portland Advocate, Sept. 19, 1872.
Buford Smith, who settled in Marion Co., after a long residence removed to northern Cal., where he remained a few years, and returned to Oregon, having lost his health. He survived the change but a short time, and the once energetic and always genial pioneer of 1848 passed to his rest at the age of 70 years, Nov. 6, 1870. Salem Farmer, Nov. 12, 1870.
Mrs Elizabeth Smith, wife of Buford Smith, was killed by the accidental discharge of a gun in Nov. 1876. Their sons were A., Charles, and William Smith, who resided at Silverton in Marion County. Salem Statesman, Nov. 24, 1876.
William Greenwood was born in Hardy Co., Va., September 13, 1806. On the 12th of August, 1828, he married Elizabeth Jane Bramel, and in 1832 removed to St Louis, Mo., and 2 years later to near Burlington, Iowa, emigrating in 1858 to Oregon, and settling on Howell Prairie. He was always an upright and industrious citizen. He was elected to the state senate in 1862, serving 4 years. His death occurred May 18, 1869, from injuries received by accident, leaving 2 sons and 2 daughters, and a large estate. Id., Aug. 9, 1860.
Mrs Jane Belknap, wife of Jesse Belknap, died Dec. 10, 1876. Born in Penn. in 1792, she emigrated with her parents to western N. Y. in 1796. At the age of 16 she became a convert to Methodism, and on settling with her husband in Benton Co., kept open house to the ministry, entertaining Bishop Simpson on his first visit to Oregon to preside over the first annual conference of the Methodist church. She had a large family of children. Her husband survived her. Portland Advocate, Dec. 21, 1876.
Rev. John W. Starr was born in Va. in 1795, removed to Ohio in childhood and from that state in 1839 to Van Buren Co., Iowa, emigrating in 1848 to Oregon and locating in Benton Co. He was an ardent preacher of his faith from youth to old age. Id., March 20, 1869.
Caleb Richey died in Pleasant Valley, Nev., Nov. 28, 1875. Reno State Journal, Dec. 18, 1875.
Jesse Parrish died in Marion County, Oregon, in Sept. 1878. Olympia Transcript, Oct. 5, 1878.
J. J. Lindsay was born in Ripley Co., Ind., Dec. 25, 1838, and emigrated with his parents to Oregon. They remained but one winter in the Willamette Valley, going to Cal. in 1849, and remaining there, where the elder Lindsay died in 1851. His subsequent history belongs to California. Sonoma Co. Hist., 622.
Daniel Trullinger was born in Ross County, Ohio, February 14, 1801. In 1822 he went to Indiana as an Indian trader. The same year he married Elizabeth Johnson at Whitewater, Indiana. He soon after went into milling and flouring. He helped to erect the first log building in Covington, Indiana. In 1838 he moved from Indiana to Henry County, Iowa. On April 8, 1848, he left Davis County, Iowa, where he was residing at that time, for Oregon, accompanied by his wife and sons, G. J., N. H. and wife, J. C., and D. P.; also six daughters. The family travelled to near St Joseph, Missouri, when it joined a team of about 300 emigrants bound for Oregon and California. Oregon City was reached September 15, 1848. Mr Trullinger immediately took up a donation claim of 640 acres, upon which he resided until his death in 1868. In addition to the various pursuits followed by him, he was also a minister of the gospel, serving as a Christian minuter about 40 years. By well-directed correspondence after coming to Oregon, he aided emigration very much. Mrs Trullinger died in 1833, at the age of 81.
J. C. Trullinger, son of the above, was born in Fountain County, Indiana, July 29, 1828; arrived in Oregon in 1848. In 1849 he went overland to the mines of California, remaining there until January 1, 1850, when he returned to Oregon, and in 1850–1, in company with his brother, G. J. Trullinger, built a large warehouse at Milwaukee, at a cost of $14,000. In 1852 he located a donation claim of 320 acres at Fano Creek, 9 miles south of Portland, and built a saw-mill and flour-mill. In 1863 this property was disposed of, and the milling property at Oswego was purchased, including the town site, laying out the town in 1864. In the erection of the first monument for the survey and platting of the town, the first pig of cast-iron run by the Oregon Iron Company, being also the first cast west of the Rocky Mountains, was utilized for that purpose. In 1870 he sold the Oswego property, having greatly improved the mills, built a steamer on Oswego Lake, also two miles of railway connecting the lake with Tualitan River. On his return in the fall of 1870 from a trip East, he purchased the Centerville mills, immediately rebuilding and improving them. Without disposing of the Centerville property, he removed to Astoria in 1875, immediately engaging extensively in the lumbering business, building large mills, two miles of standard-gauge railroad with necessary rolling stock for a logging railway. He is also engaged in farming and stock-raising extensively, and at one time also in merchandising. In 1885 was elected mayor of Astoria for a term of 2 years. In 1886–7 he put an electric-light plant in Astoria. In 1853 Mr Trullinger married Miss Hannah Boyles, who had crossed the plains in 1852. He has a family of 6 sons and 2 daughters.