History of Woman Suffrage/Volume 4/Chapter 29
CHAPTER XXIX.
COLORADO.[1]
After the campaign of 1877, when a woman suffrage amendment was defeated in Colorado, the first really important step forward was the organization at Denver, in 1890, of a little club to aid the campaign in South Dakota. In April Miss Matilda Hindman, who was working there, came from that State to ask assistance and formed a committee of six, who pledged themselves to raise $100. They were Miss Georgiana Watson, president; Mrs. Susan Sharman, secretary; Mrs. Mary J. Nichols, treasurer; and Mesdames Amy K. Cornwall, Jennie P. Root and Lavinia C. Dwelle.
Shortly afterward Mrs. Louise M. Tyler removed from Boston to Denver, bearing a letter from Lucy Stone urging Colorado suffragists to unite in an organization auxiliary to the National Woman Suffrage Association. Mrs. Tyler heard of this small band, called with Mrs. Elizabeth P. Ensley, delivered her message, and their names were added to the list of members. The organization was completed and became an auxiliary. About this time Mrs. Leonora Barry Lake followed her lecture, delivered under the auspices of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union by an appeal to the women of the audience to join the suffrage association; and among those who responded were two whose ears had longed for such a gospel sound, Mrs. Emily R. Meredith and her daughter Ellis. Temperance women who repeatedly had found their work defeated by the lack of "the right preservative of rights," such women as Mrs. Anna Steele, Mrs. Ella L. Benton, Mrs. Eliza J. Patrick and others, thought truly that a society whose sole aim should be the ballot was a necessity. At this time the meetings were held in Mrs. Tyler's parlor. Miss Watson was much occupied with school duties, and in the fall] of 1890 Mrs. Tyler was chosen president in her stead.
In 1891 a petition for the right of suffrage by constitutional amendment was presented to the Legislature, but the bill not being introduced within the specific time it went by default. Ashamed of their lack of political acumen, the women then persuaded Representative F. F. O'Mahoney, who had a bill prohibiting foreigners from voting on their first naturalization papers, to strike the word "male" from his measure, thus making it an equal suffrage enactment, but bill and rider were defeated. The ladies who worked for suffrage were treated with such scant courtesy by some of the legislators, and the general sentiment was so adverse, that ultimate success looked very distant to the most sanguine friends.
Some of the club even questioned the advisability of giving an afternoon a week, as they had been doing, to the study of a government in which they had no part and might never hope to have. Mrs. Sharman, a small, delicate woman, who already had passed four-score years, was its inspiration. She advised the members to remain united, ready for active effort when opportunity offered, and in the meantime to continue as seed-sowers and students of citizenship in the preparatory department.
The membership slowly increased. Mrs. Tyler served as president until 1892, when Mrs. Olive Hogle was elected. Mrs. Benton (Adams) had given the use of her rooms in the central part of Denver, and the society remained with her until, having outgrown its quarters, it accepted the hospitality of Dr. Minnie C. T. Love early in 1893.
In the spring of 1891 a small majority of its members had put up a woman candidate for the East Denver school board and tried their "prentice hands" at voting. It is a settled fact that a partial suffrage seldom awakens much interest. The school ballot had been given to women by the constitution when Colorado became a State, but here, as elsewhere, they exercised it only when aroused by some especial occasion. Mrs. Scott Saxton was the candidate selected. The wiser of the suffragists thought the work should have been undertaken sooner, if at all, as there was not then sufficient time for canvassing, and the result proved they were right. More women voted than ever before, but the men opposed to women on the school board came out in still greater numbers. Twelve hundred ballots were cast—by far the largest school vote ever polled in the district. Of these about 300 were for Mrs. Saxton.
Two years later this effort was repeated and other organizations of women aided the suffragists. Mrs. Ione T. Hanna was the candidate. There were four tickets in the field and over 6,000 votes were cast. This time both men and women voted in favor and, in the face of bitter opposition, Mrs. Hanna was elected by 1,900 majority.
A bill providing that the question of full suffrage for women should be submitted to the voters at the next general election was drawn by J. Warner Mills and presented in the House early in 1893 by J. T. Heath. On this, and all other occasions when advice or assistance was needed, Mr. Mills gave his legal services without charge.
This was indeed the golden opportunity, the tide which taken at the flood might lead on to fortune. The Populist party, which was in power, had a suffrage plank in its State platform; in both the other parties there were individuals who favored it; and, if the bill passed, the Governor’s signature was a certainty. But there are as many vicissitudes in the life of a bill as in that of an infant. It is thrown in the midst of its fellows to struggle for existence, and the outcome is not a question of the survival of the fittest but of the one that receives the best nursing. If it escapes the death that lurks in the committee room, it still may be gently crowded toward the edge until it falls into the abyss which awaits bills that never reach the third reading.
Mrs. Tyler, chairman of legislative work, gave a large share of her time during the entire session to looking after the bill in the House, and Miss Minnie J. Reynolds was equally untiring in the Senate. Three other suffrage bills were introduced that session but two yielded precedence to the one prepared by the association. The author of the third believed that women could obtain suffrage only through a constitutional amendment, which was what his bill called for. The women received such contra512 HISTORY OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE,
dictory advice on this point as to awaken much anxiety. However, they read in their meetings a copy of the statutes of Colorado, and possessing only plain common sense and not the legal ability which would have qualified them for a place in the Supreme Court, concluded that the referendum to the voters, which their bill provided for, was the proper thing to request.
The opposition came from the usual sources. After the bill was presented, the Remonstrance, the organ of the anti-suffrage society in Boston, soon appeared on the desk of every legislator. The liquor influence also was prominent in the lobby.
The bill was reported from the committee to the House on Jan. 24, 1893, with the recommendation 'that it should not pass and a minority report in favor. The former was rejected by a vote of 39 to 21. The bill was brought to a final vote on March 8. A number of the members of the suffrage club and some other women who approved their cause were present by request of the friends in the House. Some of the arguments used were peculiar. Ruth didn't vote and she married very well (at least at the second trial) nor did any of the women referred to in the Bible, so why should the women of the United States do so? One Representative said he always attended to affairs out of doors and left those within to his wife. He thought that was the right way and didn't believe his wife would vote if she could. "But she says she would," declared another, who was prompted by Mrs. Tyler, and a ripple of laughter arose at the speaker's expense.
There was the customary talk about neglected homes and implied disbelief in woman's ability to use the ballot rightly, but only one man tried the weapon of insult. Robert W. Bonynge spoke so slightingly of the character of women who upheld equal suffrage that one incensed woman, not a member of the association and presumably ignorant of parliamentary courtesy, gave a low hiss. Immediately he assumed the denunciatory and threatened immediate expulsion of all persons not members from the House. Frank Carney then arose and referred to the fact that the anti-suffrage speakers had received repeated applause from their adherents and no notice had been taken of it, although it was equally out of place. Mr. Bonynge subsided from his position and continued his speech.*
The bill finally passed by 34 ayes, 27 noes; divided politically as follows: Ayes, 22 Populists, 11 Republicans, 1 Democrat; noes, 3 Populists, 21 Republicans, 3 Democrats.
Hamilton Armstrong had introduced the bill into the Senate, where it had been tabled to await the action of the House. It passed on April 3 by 20 ayes, 10 noes: Ayes, 12 Populists, 8 Republicans, no Democrat; noes, one Populist, 4 Republicans, 5 Democrats.
The bill received the signature of the Populist governor, Davis H. Waite, without delay.
A general election was to be held in the fall of 1893, so that the verdict of the voters was soon to follow. At the annual meeting of the State Woman Suffrage Association that spring the officers chosen were: President, Miss Martha Pease; vice-president, Mrs. Ellis Meredith; secretary, Mrs. C. S. Bradley; treasurer, Mrs. Ensley; chairman executive committee, Mrs. Tyler. On motion of Mrs. Meredith, the name of the society was changed to the Non-Partisan Equal Suffrage Association of Colorado, as in the word "equal" there is an appeal to justice which does I not seem to exist in the word "woman."
The women realized the conflict before them in the near future, and Mrs. Ellis Meredith volunteered to visit the Woman's Congress, which was to meet at Chicago in May, during the World's Fair, and appeal for aid to the representatives of the National Association who would be there. Miss Susan B. Anthony, Mrs. Lucy Stone and other notables were present and appointed a meeting to listen to appeals. These asked help for the Constitutional Convention Campaign in New York and the Kansas Amendment Campaign, which were both considered very hopeful compared to what was thought in the East to be the almost hopeless campaign in Colorado. Mrs. Lillie Devereux Blake presented the claims of New York, Mrs. Laura M. Johns of Kansas, and Mrs. Meredith of Colorado. "Why was your campaign precipitated when our hands are so full?" was one of the discouraging questions. "Are all those Mexicans dead?" asked Miss Anthony, referring to the heavy vote against equal suffrage in the first Colorado campaign of 1877. "No," said Mrs. Meredith, "the Mexicans are all there yet;" but she explained that there were favorable influences now which did not then exist. In the labor unions women members voted, and this fact inclined the men belonging to them to grant the full franchise. The W. C. T. U., now organized throughout the State, had become a firm friend and advocate, and the ruling political party was favorable. Clearly this was the time to strike.
A promise of consideration and such aid as the National Association was able to furnish was given. Later they decided to send Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt and guarantee her expenses in case she was not able to raise them in the State. From her past record, they thought it likely. she would not only do that but put money in the treasury, and the result justified their expectations. She was a financial help, but, much as money was needed, her eloquence and judgment were worth more, and she always will have a warm place in the hearts of Colorado women who were active in the campaign of 1893.
When that campaign opened, there were just $25 in the treasury. Lucy Stone sent a donation of $100. Iowa and California gave aid, and there were small contributions in money from members of the E. S. A. and from auxiliary clubs formed by Mrs. Chapman Catt in different parts of the State.
Besides these, others already had been organized. In Longmont a club was formed in the spring of 1893 by Mesdames Mary L. Carr, Orpha Bacon, Rosetta Webb and Jane Lincoln. They took up the study of laws relating to the property rights of women and endeavored to awaken interest in the question to be settled the following November. The majority which Longmont gave for suffrage is a testimony to the value of their work. In Colorado Springs Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford was president of a large local society which afterward became auxiliary to the State association, with Mrs. Ella L. C. Dwinnell as president, and did excellent work in El Paso County. In Greeley many of the workers of 1877 were still active. Mrs. Lillian Hartman Johnson organized a club in Durango and spoke for the cause. Mrs. A. Guthrie Brown formed one in Breckinridge of which Mesdames H. R. Steele, C. L. Westermann and E. G. Brown were active members.
All these clubs, large and small, scattered throughout the State, assisted in arousing public sentiment, but the situation in Denver was the one of most anxious interest. It is always in cities that reforms meet defeat, for there the opposing interests are better organized and more watchful. In no other State is the metropolis so much the center of its life as is Denver of Colorado. Through this modern Palmyra, which stands in the center of the continent and of the tide of commerce from East and West, flow all the veins and arteries of the State life. Arapahoe County, in which it is situated, contains more than one-fourth of the population of the entire State. Upon the women of Denver, therefore, was imposed a triple share of responsibility. Besides the importance of the large vote, there rested particularly upon the members of its suffrage club the burden of having invited this.contest and made it a campaign issue.
In the early fall, the City League of Denver was organized with 100 members and Mrs. John L. Routt, wife of the ex-governor, as president. Mrs. Thomas M. Patterson and Mrs. N. P. Hill were prominent workers in this club. A Young Woman’s League was formed by Misses Mary and Margaret Patterson and Miss Isabel Hill, and there were other leagues in various parts of the city. In all this work Mrs. Tyler was indefatigable.
Miss Minnie J. Reynolds, chairman of press work, enlisted the help of seventy-five per cent. of the newspapers. In some cases editorial approval and assistance were given, in others space was allowed for suffrage matter. In August Mrs. Elizabeth Tabor donated the use of two rooms in the opera house block, one large enough to seat several hundred persons, the other a suitable office for the corresponding secretary. Dr. Minnie C. T. Love had acted gratuitously in that capacity and opened communication with suffragists throughout the State, but it was now deemed necessary to employ some one who could devote her entire time to the work. Miss Helen M. Reynolds was chosen and added to unusual capability the most earnest zeal. The rooms were furnished through loans of rugs, desks, chairs, etc.
Equal suffrage was indorsed by the county conventions of the Republican, Prohibition and Populist parties, and also at a called meeting of the Democratic State Central Committee. Many ministers and lawyers spoke in its favor. Among the latter were Charles S. Thomas, since governor of the State, J. Warner Mills, Judge L. C. Rockwell, Charles Hartzell, Eugene Engley and Attorney-General I. N. Stevens, who was one of the most trusted advisers.
There were also women speakers of experience: Mrs. Therese Jenkins of Wyoming, Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden of Massachusetts; Mrs. Dora Phelps Buell, Mrs. Mary Jewett Telford, president of the Woman's Relief Corps in the Department of Colorado and Wyoming and also president for several terms of the State W. C. T. U., who made a five-months' speaking tour; Mrs. Leonora Barry Lake of St. Louis, who spoke efficiently under the auspices of the Knights of Labor. Mrs. Laura Ormiston Chant of England delivered an address on her way westward.
Some women made speeches who never had been on the platform before but have since developed much oratorical ability. When needed, women who did not dare risk an unwritten address read papers. Meetings were held all over the city and State. "I should think," said a banker, "from the campaign the women are running that they had a barrel of money;" but he was a contributor to the fund and knew it was very limited. In all about $2,000 were raised, over $300 of which were spent for literature. Some of the most efficient leaflets were written by members of the association and printed in Denver. Nearly 150,000 of these were issued.
In the city press Mrs. Patience Mapleton represented the cause in the "Republican"; Mrs. Ellis Meredith in the Rocky Mountain News. There were house to house canvassers, distributors of literature and others who rendered most valuable assistance and yet whose names must necessarily remain unrecorded. The most of this service was given freely, but some of the women who devoted all their time received moderate salaries, for most of the workers belonged to the wage-earning class. The speakers asked no compensation but their expenses were frequently borne. Halls and churches had to be paid for and on several occasions opera houses were rented. When in the final report the expenses of election day were given as $17 a murmur of amusement ran through the audience.
The women who "had all the rights they wanted" appeared late in the campaign. Some of them sent communications to the papers, complaining of the effort to thrust the ballot upon them and add to the already onerous duties of life. When told that they would not be compelled to vote and that if silent influence was in their opinion more potent than the ballot, it would not be necessary to cast it aside for the weaker weapon, they responded indignantly that if they had the franchise of course it would be their duty to use it. Let it be noted that many of them have voted regularly ever since they were enfranchised, though some have reconsidered and returned to their silent influence.
The liquor element slept in fancied security until almost the eve of election, as they did not believe the amendment would receive popular sanction. When they awoke to the danger they immediately proceeded to assess all saloon keepers and as many as possible of their prominent patrons. They got out a large number of dodgers, which were put into the hands of passers by. These were an attack upon equal suffrage and the women who advocated it, and at the bottom of the first issue was a brewer's advertisement. This dodger stated that "only some old maids like Lucy Stone, Susan Anthony, Frances Willard, Elizabeth Stanton and Mary Livermore wanted to vote." They also employed an attorney to juggle the ballots so that they might be thrown out on a technicality. There was consternation among the suffragists when the ballot was finally produced bearing the words "For the Amendment," "Against the Amendment," for it was well known that the measure was not an "amendment." The best legal talent in Denver was consulted and an opinion rendered that the ruse would prove of no avail, as the intention was still clear. The women, however, issued a leaflet instructing the voters just where to put the cross on the ticket if they wished to vote for equal suffrage.
The suffragists were divided in opinion as to the presence of women at the polls on the election-day which was to decide their fate. Some thought it might be prejudicial, but the friends among the men strongly approved their presence in order to influence voters. What future election could be of more importance to women than this, and why should they hesitate to show their interest? Under directions from suffrage headquarters workers at the polls distributed the leaflets, often supplementing them by their own eloquence. No woman received any discourtesy.
The night of November 7 was an anxious one. Women went home and lay awake wondering whether they had done everything possible to insure success, or whether failure might be the result of some omission. When the returns published the next morning, although incomplete, showed that success really had crowned their efforts it seemed almost too good to be true. All day long and in the evening people were coming and going at suffrage headquarters with greetings and congratulations. Women of all classes seemed drawn together by the new tie of citizenship.
The full returns gave the result as follows: For suffrage, 35,798; against, 29,451; an affirmative majority of 6,347.
What were the causes of this unique success? First, it may be claimed that Western men have more than others of that spirit of chivalry of which the world has heard so much and seen so little. The human mind inclines to justice, except when turned aside by prejudice, and there is less prejudice against and a stronger belief in equal rights in the newer communities. The pressure of hard times, culminating in the panic of 1893, undoubtedly contributed to the success of the Populist party, and to its influence the suffrage cause owes much. A new party boldly accepts new principles while the old parties are struggling to conform to precedents. This is shown clearly in both the legislative and the popular vote. It was in the counties giving Populist pluralities that the majority of 6,818 in favor of equal suffrage was found. The counties which went Republican and Democratic gave a majority of 471 against the measure. The fact, however, that in all parties there were friends who were willing to work and speak for it, and also the number of suffrage bills which had been introduced at this time, showed that the State was ready for it.
| LAURA A. GREGG, | MARY WOOD SWIFT |
| Omaha, Neb. | San Francisco, Cal. |
| ELLIS MEREDITH, | |
| Denver, Colo. | |
| EMMA SHAFTER HOWARD, | DR. CORA SMITH EATON, |
| Oakland, Cal. | Minneapolis, Minn. |
The favorable influence of the W. C. T. U. and the labor organizations has been referred to. There was but little active opposition from women and, as the campaign progressed, indifference often turned into sympathy. Women who had kept silent even at home for fear of ridicule were surprised and delighted to hear their husbands express approval. Those of all classes of society worked unitedly and well. They could not have done this if they had not been used to organized effort in other directions. How many doors stand open now through which women freely pass, unmindful of the fact that they were unlocked by the earlier workers in the suffrage cause!
The first feeling was the one common in all victories, that of joy and exultation, but the weight of responsibility was soon felt. At the first meeting of the executive board of the equal suffrage association after the election, Mrs. Routt, a woman of queenly presence, said as she took the hand of another member, "I never felt so weak in all my life." Mrs. Routt was the first woman in the State to register.
It was natural that other women should look to the suffragists for direction, and as long as headquarters were kept open there were frequent calls for advice and instruction. Foreign women came to ask concerning the measures which would make them naturalized citizens; there were inquiries about registration, and the question often came from those in humble life: "Now that I have received this new right, what books shall I get to teach me how to exercise it?" Surely such an awakening of conscience ought to have a purifying effect! One firm in Denver stated that they sold more books on political economy in the first eight months after the suffrage victory than in twenty years before. The suffrage club took up the study of Fiske's Civil Government and of parliamentary law, and as long as it existed in the old form was actively devoted to political subjects.
The day after the election a German woman came out of her house and accosted one of the members of the club with the exclamation, "Ach, Yon he feel so bad; he not vote any more; me, I vote now!" When assured that John had not been deprived of any of his rights, with more generosity than can be attributed to many of the Johns, she called her husband, exclaiming delightedly: "Yon, Yon, you vote too; we bofe vote!"
After the Battle Was Won: Colorado had always gone Republican in national elections until 1892, when the People's Party scored an overwhelming majority. In 1894, while still partially a unit on national issues, the parties were widely separated on State affairs and each put a ticket in the field.
The reign of the Populists was of short duration. The eccentricities of Gov. Davis H. Waite brought upon his party an unmerited degree of censure. The Republicans raised a cry of "Redeem the State!" and under that motto called to their aid women of former Republican affiliations. At no subsequent election have women given such close allegiance to party lines. Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, who was sent by the National Republican Committee to canvass the State, probably won many straight Republican votes by arousing in the minds of the women the fear that by attempting to scratch a ticket they might lose their vote entirely. They have learned since that the Australian ballot is not so intricate that any one who can read and write need stand in awe of it.
The Populist women had formed clubs to assist that party before the suffrage was granted. In February, 1894, they opened headquarters in Denver and began organizing throughout the State. Miss Phoebe W. Couzins of St. Louis assisted them in this campaign. Mrs. Helen M. Gougar of Indiana worked for the Prohibitionists. When the annual convention of the National Republican League Clubs was held at Denver, in June, the Republican women were as yet unorganized. At this time Mrs. Frank Hall was persuaded to take charge of that department under the direction of the State Central Committee. Women's Republican leagues were established throughout the State, and in the larger towns and cities complete precinct organizations were effected. In Denver women's Republican clubs were formed in every district and, with their committees subject to the county central committee, worked separately from the men. That known as the East Capitol Hill Women's Republican League, founded by Mrs. H. B. Stevens, acquired a membership of 1,000. The East Denver Women's Republican Club, president, Mrs. Alma Lafferty, was equally successful. These were very active in managing the large mass meetings which contributed so much to the success of their party.
The Democratic women had a peculiar task. Their party was in the minority and it was divided into Silver Democrats and White Wings (Cleveland Democrats). The women refused to acknowledge either faction. Mrs. Anna Marshall Cochrane and Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford called a meeting of the Democratic women of Denver at the home of the latter in May, 1894, and organized the Colorado Women's Democratic Club with a membership of nine: President, Mrs. Mary V. Macon; secretary, Mrs. Cochrane; treasurer, Mrs. Mary Holland Kincaid. The National Committee recognized this as the only straight Democratic association in Colorado, and appointed Mrs. Bradford as organizer. She canvassed the State and being a pleasant and convincing speaker and bringing letters from the chairmen of the two State committees, both factions attended her meetings. She formed twelve large women's clubs and set them to work. When the two State conventions met in Denver, they were both quite willing to acknowledge delegates from these clubs, but the delegates refused to act except with a united convention. Mrs. Bradford was nominated as State Superintendent of Public Instruction, being the first woman named in Colorado for a State office. Mrs. Macon was nominated for regent of the State University. Since there was no chance of electing their ticket, the principal work of the Democratic women in this campaign was the unifying of the party.
The Republicans elected Mrs. Antoinette J. Peavy Superintendent of Public Instruction and three women members of the Legislature—Mrs. Clara Cressingham, Mrs. Frances S. Klock and Mrs. Carrie C. Holly.
During this campaign women gained a good deal of insight into political machinery and learned much which dampened their ardor as party politicians. The idea began to prevail that at least in municipal government the best results could be attained by non-partisan methods.
In the spring of 1895 Mrs. Hall, as vice-chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, being in charge of the woman's department, called a conference of the several presidents of the women's Republican clubs of Denver. Their object was to purify the ballot and to overcome corrupt gang rule and present worthy candidates. A meeting of all the clubs was called in the Broadway Theater and the house was crowded. Mrs. E. M. Ashley read an announcement of the objects to be accomplished "in the party if they could, out of it if they must." At this election, for the first time, the demi-monde were compelled to register. Desiring to avoid it they sent a petition to this woman's organization, imploring its interference in their behalf. A committee of three women of high standing was appointed and appeared before the Fire and Police Board to request that these unfortunates should not be forced to vote against their will. The board promised compliance but disregarded their pledge and those women were compelled to vote.
It is no wonder that other organizations sprang up in rebellion against such corrupt methods. The Tax-Payers' Party and the Independent Citizens' Movement were examples of these attempts, defeated at first but succeeding later. The Civic Federation of Denver, an outcome of these efforts, is an organization composed of women from all parties, which has endeavored to enforce the selection of suitable candidates.
The Silver Issue of 1896 created a division in the ranks of the Republican party which dissolved many of its women's clubs. The larger wing, under the name of Silver Republican, fused with the other silver parties and elected their State ticket. Miss Grace Espy Patton, who had been prominent in Democratic politics, was chosen State Superintendent of Public Instruction. Three women were elected to the Lower House: Mrs. Olive C. Butler, National Silver Party; Mrs. Martha A. B. Conine, Non-Partisan; Mrs. Evangeline Heartz, Populist, all of Denver.
In the campaign of 1898 voters were divided between the National Republican party under U. S. Senator Edward O. Wolcott and a fusion of the Silver Republicans, Democrats and Populists under the leadership of U. S. Senator Henry M. Teller, Thomas M. Patterson and Charles S. Thomas. In Arapahoe County, owing to various conflicting interests in the municipal government of Denver, fifteen tickets were filed. Each of the principal parties appointed a woman as vice-chairman of the State Central Committee: National Republican, Mrs. Ione T. Hanna; Silver Republican, Mrs. Arras Bissel; Democratic, Mrs. S. E. Shields; Populist, Mrs. Heartz. A woman's executive committee was formed in each party.
The Fusion party elected Mrs. Helen M. Grenfell, Silver Republican, as State Superintendent of Public Instruction; and Mrs. Frances S. Lee, Democrat, Mrs. Harriet G. R. Wright, Populist, and Dr. Mary F. Barry, Silver Republican, as members of the House of Representatives.;
Conditions in the State changed materially between the Presidential elections of 1896 and 1900. The depression in the price of silver, which closed many mines and reduced the working force in others, set countless men adrift and led to much prospecting and the discovery of new gold fields. The mines of Cripple Creek gave Colorado the foremost place among gold-producing States, California taking second. Consequently, although interest in the silver question did not cease, its pressure was less felt. In 1896 the McKinley Republicans had no hope of carrying the State, while the Silver Republicans, Populists and Democrats had united and were confident of the success which always had attended a complete fusion of those parties. Thus in both cases the incentive to the utmost exertion was wanting.
In 1900 the situation was different. The Republicans thought there was a chance to win and the Fusionists were not over-confident, hence both parties were stimulated to greater efforts. In 1896 the straight Republicans had only one daily and not more than five weekly papers. In 1900 they had fifteen daily and 103 weekly papers supporting their ticket. They were thoroughly organized throughout the State. In Denver a Woman s Republican League was formed which vied in size with the organization of 1894. Mrs. Stanley M. Casper, a most efficient member of the Equal Suffrage Club in the campaign of 1893, was president; Mrs. A. L. Welch, vice-president and Miss Mary H. Thorn, secretary. They organized every district in the city of Denver, appointing women to look after the registration, secure speakers and get out the vote. It was through this league that U. S. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge came to the State. Mrs. J. Ellen Foster and U. S. Senator J. B. Foraker also spoke under their auspices, as well as other distinguished orators, and from their own ranks Mrs. Hanna, Mrs. Lucy R. Scott, Mrs. Peavey and Mrs. Thalia M. Rhoads.
The Colorado Woman's Bryan League were not less active, under the following officers: Chairman, Mrs. Salena V. Ernest; vice-chairmen, Mesdames Sarah Platt Decker, Katherine A. G. (Thomas M.) Patterson and Mary L. Fletcher; secretary, Mrs. Helen Thomas Belford; treasurer, Mrs. Harriet G. R. Wright.
Both organizations kept open headquarters, and the daily papers contained long lists of parlor meetings held throughout the city, addressed by men and women of prominence. The Bryan League was fortunate in having among its own members many excellent speakers, including Mrs. Decker, Mrs. Patton Cowles, formerly State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Dr. Rose Kidd Beare, Mrs. Bradford, Mrs. Dora Phelps Buell and Mrs. Wright. Mrs. Grenfell, present State Superintendent, and Mrs. Heartz, now Representative, both candidates for re-election, made many speeches.[2]
The committees of men and women worked together. On October 27 the Woman's Bryan League held a rally of the Silver Parties and a reception to U. S. Senator Teller at the Coliseum. The same evening the Woman's Republican League gave a reception to their candidates at Windsor Hall. Women seem to have an unsuspected gift for managing large meetings. The Denver Times (Republican) said: "The women have shown an ability to handle campaigns for which they never were given credit in the past."
In the election of 1900 the Republicans not only lost their electoral ticket but carried fewer counties than they had done for years, yet their vote of 26,000 for McKinley in 1896 was increased to 93,000; and the Bryan vote was reduced from 161,ooo to 122,700. John F. Shafroth and John C. Bell, Fusionists, both strong advocates of woman suffrage, were elected by large majorities. The Legislature was overwhelmingly Democratic, which defeated the re-election to the U. S. Senate of Edward O. Wolcott, that the women had especially determined upon. Thomas M. Patterson was elected.
I. N. Stevens, of the "Colorado Springs Gazette", Republican, in closing an article on the State campaign says:
This testimony certainly implies two things, viz.: That the women of Colorado are a power in politics which must be reckoned with, and that their loyal support can be fully counted upon only when the character of the candidates as well as the political methods and aims of the party receive due consideration.
The vote at the second presidential election after the suffrage was conferred on women was as follows:
Percentage of population in the State: Males, 55; females, 45 (in round numbers).
Percentage of vote cast: Males, (nearly) 58 1-2; females, (over) 41 1-2.
Percentage of vote cast in Denver: Males, 57 1-2; females, 42 I-2.
This vote shows that from all causes an average of only three per cent. of the women in the entire State failed to exercise the suffrage.
Legislative Action: The legislation of most importance which is directly due to woman suffrage may be summed up as follows: Equal guardianship of children; raising the "age of protection" for girls from 16 to 18 years; establishment of a State Home for Dependent Children; a State Industrial School for Girls; indeterminate sentence for criminals; a State Arbitration Board; open meetings of school beards; the removal of emblems from ballots; placing drinking fountains on the corners of most of the down-town streets of Denver.
Indirectly, the results have been infinitely greater. The change in the conduct of Denver stores alone, in regard to women employes, is worthy a chapter. Probably no other city of the same size has more stores standing upon the so-called White List, and laws which prior to 1893 were dead letters are enforced to-day.
The bills introduced by women in the Legislature have been chiefly such as were designed to improve social conditions. The law raising the "age of protection" for girls, the law giving the mother an equal right in her children, and the law creating a State Home for Dependent Children were secured by women in 1895. In the next session they secured the Curfew Law and an appropriation for the State Home for Incorrigible Girls. By obtaining the removal of the emblems from the ballot, they enforced a measure of educational qualification. They have entirely answered the objection that the immature voter would be sure so to exaggerate the power of legislation that she would try to do everything at once.
Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton said that when she viewed the exhibit of woman's work at the Centennial, her heart sank within her; but when she bethought her to examine into the part women had had in the work accredited to men, she took new courage. In like manner much of the legislative work women already have done in Colorado is unchronicled. When a woman finds that there are several other bills besides her own advocating the same measure of reform, she wisely tries to concentrate this effort, even if it is necessary to let the desired bill appear in the name of another. Many excellent bills for which they receive no credit have run the gauntlet of legislative perils piloted by women.
A notable instance of this is what was called the Frog-Blocking Bill, for the protection of railroad employes, which was introduced by a man but so ably engineered by Mrs. Evangeline Heartz that upon its passage she received a huge box of candy, with "The thanks of 5,000 railroad men." While she introduced a number of bills herself, only two of them finally passed—one compelling school boards to hold open meetings instead of Star Chamber sessions, and the present law providing for a State Board of Arbitration. "In order to make the latter effective it should have a compulsory clause, which she will strive for in the Legislature of 1901.
Laws: While the laws of Colorado always have been liberal to women in many respects, there are a few notable exceptions.
The first Legislature of the Territory, in 1861, passed a bill to the effect that either party to the marriage contract might dispose of property without the signature or consent of the other. The men of this new mining country often had left their wives thousands of miles away in the Eastern States; there was no railroad or telegraph; mining claims, being real estate, had to be transferred by deed, often in a hurry, and this law was largely a necessity. It now works great injustice to women, however, through the fact that all the property accumulated after marriage belongs to the husband and he may legally dispose of it without the wife's knowledge, leaving her penniless. Even the household goods may be thus disposed of.[3]
A law of recent years exempts from execution a homestead to the value of $2,000 for "the head of the family," but even this can be sold by the husband without the wife's signature, although he can not mortgage it. This property must be designated as a "homestead" on the margin of the recorded title, and it must be occupied by the owner. "A woman occupying her own property as the home of the family has the right to designate it as a homestead. The husband has the legal right to live with her and enjoy the homestead he has settled upon her."(!) He has, however, the sole right to determine the residence of the family, as in every other State, and by removing from a property the homestead right is destroyed. If the husband abandon the wife and acquire a homestead elsewhere, she has a right only in that.
Neither curtesy nor dower obtains. The surviving husband or wife, if there are children or the descendants of children living, receives, subject to the payment of debts, one-half of the entire estate, real and personal. If there is no living child nor a descendant of any child, the entire estate goes to the survivor.
Husband and wife have the same rights in making wills. Each can will away from the other half of his or her separate property.
In buying and selling, making contracts, suing and being sued, the married woman has the same rights as the unmarried.
In 1895 fathers and mothers were made joint guardians of the children with equal powers.
The expenses of the family and the education of the children are chargeable upon the property of both husband and wife, or either of them, and in relation thereto they may be sued jointly or separately.
In case a man fails to support his family, he can be compelled to do so on the complaint of the wife, the chairman of the board of county commissioners, or the agent of the humane society. Unless he show physical incapacity, or some other good reason for this failure, he may be committed to jail for sixty days.
The "age of protection" for girls was raised from 10 to 16 years in 1891; from 16 to 18 in 1895. The penalty is confinement in the penitentiary not less than one nor more than twenty years.
Suffrage: School Suffrage was granted to women by the constitution in 1876, the year Colorado became a State.
The amendment to the constitution adopted by 6,347 majority, Nov. 7, 1893, is as follows:
Office Holding: Possessing the Full Suffrage, women of course are eligible to all offices, but naturally the men will not surrender them unless compelled to do so. That of State Superintendent of Public Instruction is generally conceded by all parties as belonging to a woman, and no man has been a candidate for this office since 1893. It can best be spared, as it does not encourage idleness or enable its holder to amass wealth.
Beginning with 1895 ten women have been elected to the Lower House of the Legislature but none to the Senate. Not more than three have been members during any one term.
Only two women were elected to State offices in 1900. The others holding office at present are as follows: County school superintendents, 29; school directors, 508; county clerk, one; county treasurer, one; assessor, one; clerk of County Court, one; clerk of District Court, one. Of the county superintendents, three were elected by a fusion of Democrats and Prohibitionists, three by Democrats, Prohibitionists and Silver Republicans; ten by Democrats and thirteen by Republicans.
The State Board of Charities and Corrections, which has general supervision over all the charitable and penal institutions, has had Mrs. Sarah Platt Decker for its president through this and previous administrations. Dr. Eleanor Lawney also is on this board. On the board of control of the State Industrial School for Girls, three out of five members are women; State Home for Dependent Children, four out of five; State School for Deaf and Blind, one out of five; State Normal School, two out of seven; State Board of Horticulture, one out of six. There have been women on the State Board of Pardons.
There are women physicians in the State Insane Asylum and connected with all institutions containing women and children.
The law for jurors is construed by the judges to apply equally to men and women, but thus far it has been so manipulated that no women have been drawn for service. In 1897-98 two counties had women coroners.
There are eight women clerks in the Senate and seven in the House of the present Legislature. A number are employed in the court-house and in the county offices.
This partition of offices does not appear very liberal, considering that women have cast as high as 52 per cent, of the total vote; but there are in the State 30,000 more men than women, could vote if they chose, and they are much more accustomed I holding offices and much more anxious to get them, the probabilities of election, the more liberal the parties have t in granting nominations to women.
Occupations: The only occupation legally forbid women is that of working in mines. Children under can not be employed, legally, in mines, factories, stores, etc.
Education: All the institutions of learning are open to both sexes. There are five women on the faculty of University, one on that of the School of Agriculture, nine in the State Normal School, and in the State Institute for Deaf Mutes seventeen of the thirty-three teachers are women. The Medical Department of the University of Denver has three women professors.
In the public schools there are 727 men and 2,557 women teachers. The average monthly salary of the men is $67; of the women, $48.42. Colorado spends a larger amount per capita for public school education than any other State.
On June 29, 30, 1894, a general meeting of Colorado suffragists was held in Denver and a reorganization of the State association effected. The reason for its continuance was the desire to help other States in their efforts to win the franchise, and a feeling of loyalty to the National Association, to which in common with all other women those of Colorado owed so much.
In May, 1895, Miss Susan B. Anthony, president of the National Association, and the Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, vice-president at large, on their way to California, addressed a large and delighted audience in the Broadway Theater, and a reception was given them by the Woman's Club.
In 1896 the Colorado E. S. A. raised the funds to send Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford to aid in the Idaho amendment campaign.
During the Biennial of the General Federation of Women's Clubs, held in Denver in June, 1898, the E. S. A. celebrated the Jubilee Anniversary of the first Woman's Rights Convention at Seneca Falls, N. Y., by a meeting in the Auditorium and a reception in the parlors of the Central Christian Church, with addresses by eminent local and visiting speakers. In these rooms, for the entire week, this organization and the Civic Federation kept open house, and in a flag-draped booth gave an illustration of the Australian system of voting.[4]
In January, 1899, Denver entertained Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, chairman of the national organization committee, and Miss Mary G. Hay, secretary, as they were passing through the State. Mrs. A. L. Welch gave a reception in their honor, at which exGov. Charles S. Thomas and Gov. Alva Adams spoke enthusiastically of the results of equal suffrage, followed by Mrs. Chapman Catt in an interesting address. The occasion was especially happy because that day the Legislature had almost unanimously passed a joint resolution as follows:
Resolved, by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring, That in view of these results the enfranchisement of women in every State and Territory of the American Union is hereby recommended as a measure tending to the advancement of a higher and better social order.
That an authenticated copy of these resolutions be forwarded by the Governor of the State to the Legislature of every State and Territory, and the press be requested to call public attention to them.[5]This year Mrs. Katherine A. G. Patterson, who had been president of the State E. S. A. for three years, retired and was succeeded by Mrs. Welch, who was followed in 1900 by Mrs. Amy K. Cornwall, and in 1901 by Prof. Theodosia G. Ammons.
One of the uncongenial tasks of the officers of the association has been the answering of the many attacks made in Eastern papers on the position of women in Colorado, though this becomes far less trying when it is remembered that in most States public opinion on the question of woman suffrage is still in its formative stage. So soon do we become accustomed to a new thing, if it is in the order of nature, that the women of Colorado have almost ceased to realize that they possess an uncommon privilege. It seems as much a matter of course that women should vote as that they should enjoy the right of free speech or the protection of the habeas corpus act. It is seldom defended, for the same reason that it is no longer thought necessary to defend the Copernican vs. the Ptolomaic theory. One aim of the association Is to arouse a more altruistic spirit, and another so to unite women that they will stand together for a good cause irrespective of party. There is at present a strong legislative committee which has studying the statutes from a non-partisan standpoint, with a view to influencing needful legislation.[6]
Before the autumn of 1893 there were many clubs in Denver, mostly of a literary nature, each formed of women of a certain rank in life, with similar tastes and pursuits. Some had a membership so limited as to render them very difficult of access, but in their way all were good. Perhaps the only truly democratic association, if those of the churches were excepted, where the rich and the poor met together on a plane so perfectly level that only mental or moral height in the individual produced any difference, was the equal suffrage club. Whether related to it or not, this new ideal of club life followed closely after the gaining of political equality.
The Woman's Club of Denver was organized April 21, 1894, with 225 charter members, and now has nearly 1,000. It contains many women of wealth and high social standing, many quiet housekeepers without the slightest aspirations toward fashionable life, and many women who earn their daily bread by some trade or profession. What the public school is supposed to do for our youth in helping us to become a homogeneous nation, the modern woman's club is doing for those of maturer years. The North Side Woman's Club of Denver is second to the Woman's Club only in size and time of organization. The Colorado Federation of Women's Clubs was formed April 5, 1895, with a charter membership of thirty-seven. It now is composed of over 100 clubs, containing about 4,000 individuals.
This is merely a plain tale from the hills. Colorado women feel that they have done well but have made only a beginning. The fact that women are factors in politics underlies and overrules many things not directly connected with the results of election day. Many of the dire effects predicted of equal suffrage have proved their prophets false. In some cases the women themselves have been surprised to find they had entertained groundless fears. This is particularly true concerning the fierce partisanship which is supposed to run riot in the female nature. There is a strong tendency on the part of women to stand by each other, though not always to the extent evinced by one lady who was and still is a pronounced "anti." At the first election she voted for every woman placed in nomination for the Legislature, Populist, Democrat, Republican and Prohibitionist, until she had filled out her ticket. Women frequently scratch their ballots when by so doing they can elect a better man. In legislative work there are absolutely no party lines. The Republican and the Democratic women both want the same measures, and they look upon themselves as constituents whether the member belongs to their party or not.
The vote of the demi-monde always has been a stumbling-block to certain particularly good people. These women never register, never vote and never attend primaries except when compelled to do so. Their identity is often a secret even to their closest associates. It is almost impossible to learn their true names. All they ask is to be let alone. Unfortunately the city of Denver is under what is known as the Metropolitan Fire and Police System. The firemen and police are controlled by boards appointed by the Governor. If he is a politically scrupulous man and his appointments are good ones, this class is not molested. Gov. Davis Waite did not compel these women to vote for him in 1894, though he had the power. Under the administration of Governor Adams, when the Hon. Ralph Talbot was president of board, they took no part whatever.
Possibly those who have been most disappointed at the workings of equal suffrage are the Prohibitionists, yet they really have a reason for congratulation. Weld County, which gave vote for equal suffrage of any in the State, has excluded liquor from its borders except in one small town, a coal with a heavy foreign vote. In many sections the liquor traffic has been abolished, always by the votes of women, but there are many more men than women in the State and without their co-operation no general reform can be enacted or enforced. Every political party has banished liquor and tobacco from its headquarters, as desiring to win the women’s support they are careful not to give offense. On election days Denver has a holiday appearance. The vote is cast early and the members of a family usually go together to the polls.
The most noteworthy result is the improved character of the candidates, as one of the most important points to be considered is whether they can get the votes of women. The addition of a large number of independent and conscientious voters to the electorate ; the wider outlook given to woman herself through the exercise of civic rights; and the higher degree of comradeship made possible by the removal of political inequality between man and woman; these are the greatest benefits which equal suffrage has brought to Colorado.
- ↑ The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Emily R. Meredith and her daughter, Ellis Meredith of Denver, both strong factors in securing suffrage for the women of their State; the latter is on the staff of the Rocky Mountain News and editor of the Western Clubwoman.
- ↑ Mrs. Grenfell was re-elected on the Fusion ticket, having been indorsed by the heads of all the State institutions, most of the county superintendents and all the prominent educators. The Republicans had a woman candidate for this office. Mrs. Heartz was re-elected on the Fusion ticket There was a Republican woman candidate for the Legislature also.
- ↑ A bill was introduced in the Legislature of 1901 to give the wife a half interest in all the earnings after marriage, but it failed to pass either House, perhaps owing to the time consumed by the important revenue bill.
- ↑ Governor Adams did a splendid work for equal suffrage in his welcome to this great body of women. Quite unaware that it was a tabooed subject, he made a most eloquent address openly glorying in it and advocating its wholesale extension. Probably no one act of his administration made him so many friends among women, and it is said that scores of those from other States went home thoroughly converted.
- ↑ See Appendix—Testimony from Woman Suffrage States.
- ↑ The Legislature of 1901 passed 116 bills, a number being of special interest to women. Among these was one establishing truancy schools; another for the care of the feeble-minded; several humane society bills; a measure permitting the State Board of Charities and Corrections to investigate private charitable institutions; a bill for an eight-hour day; one for the preservation of forest trees; one for a bi-weekly pay-day, and an Insurance Bill providing that in cases where a company has to be sued for the amount of a policy it must pay the costs of said suit. This last was indorsed by nearly every woman's organization in the State. The Eight Hour Law requires a constitutional amendment, and will be voted on in the fall of 1902. This is also true of a bill consolidating and reducing the number of elections, and of one providing for full citizenship and an educational qualification as requisites for auffrage.