History of Woman Suffrage/Volume 4/Chapter 73
Sub-sections in this Chapter.
CHAPTER LXXIII.
GREAT BRITAIN.
EFFORTS FOR THE PARLIAMENTARY FRANCHISE.[1]
BY MISS HELEN BLACKBURN, EDITOR OF THE ENGLISHWOMAN'S REVIEW, LONDON.
The chapter on Great Britain contributed by Miss Caroline Ashurst Biggs to Vol. Ill of this History of Woman Suffrage brought the story down to the passage of the Representation-ofthe-People Act of 1884 which extended Household Suffrage to the Counties and created the Service Franchise, thus giving the ballot to a large number of agricultural labourers and men who had their residence on premises of which their employers paid the rent and taxes, but which still left all such women without any franchise whatsoever.
With the passing of that Act may be said to have begun a new phase in the movement. During the '70's there had been a debate and division on the Women's Suffrage Bill in the House of Commons nearly every year. After the General Election of 1880 the question of Household Suffrage in the Counties came to the front, and all the efforts of the Women's Suffrage Societies were directed and inspired by the anticipation that when the claims of the agricultural labourer were dealt with, those of women would find their opportunity. But far from this, they were left practically in a worse position than before, for now 2,000.000 new voters were added to the number of those who could make prior claim to the attention of their representatives.
1885. — Immediately after the General Election which followed the passing of the new Reform Bill, Mr. Gladstone gave notice of his Bill for Home Rule for Ireland and the party feeling aroused was of such intensity that the Liberal party was cloven in twain. The Women's Suffrage movement was affected by the keen party strife, in which women were as deeply interested as men, and the question of their enfranchisement was no longer the only rallying point for their political activity. This period is marked by a rapid development of organisations amongst women for party purposes. In the Primrose League, which had been started in 1883, women had been assigned unprecedented recognition as co-operating with men on equal footing for political purposes. It does not promote special measures but lays down for its principle the Maintenance of Religion, of the Estates of the Realm and of the Imperial Ascendancy of the British Empire, thus indicating its Conservative tendency. The Women's Liberal Federation, founded in 1885 to promote liberal principles, endeavours to further special measures. The Women's Liberal Unionist Association founded in 1888 had for its principal object the defence of the legislative union between England and Ireland.
Thus women entered actively into the work of the three respective parties, and this re-acted in various ways on the Women's Suffrage propaganda. It might seem that this had a depressing effect, for the rigid neutrality in regard to party which always had characterised the National Societies for Women's Suffrage might easily seem dull and tame to the ardent party enthusiasts, and many of the Liberal women threw their energies by preference into the Women's Liberal Associations, but the old charge that women had no interest in politics, now received its complete quietus. It seems indeed a far cry from the manners of sixty years ago, when to talk politics to a woman was considered rude, to the manners of to-day when the Primrose League balances its 75,000 Knights with 63,000 Dames, besides associates innumerable, both men and 'women; and the Women's Liberal Federation with its 448 Associations has actively worked for candidates in a great number of counties in England.
1886. — The number of members returned after the General Election of 1885 who were understood to be favorably inclined towards the enfranchisement of women, exceeded any previous experience and on February 18th the motion to adjourn discussion was rejected by 159 ayes, 102 noes, and the bill passed second reading without further division; but before going into Committee another dissolution of Parliament took place.
The General Election which followed was even more favorable, the friendly Members returned being in an actual majority, and yet session after session passed and the pressure of Government business consumed Parliamentary time.
"1887-1890." — The need of a central point, such as is afforded when there is a bill before the House, round which all the suffrage forces could rally independent of party, made it difficult for them to maintain their cohesion. The Central Committee of the National Society for Women's Suffrage had been such a point but it could not escape the distracting outside influences, and a revision of its rules took place in December, 1888, with the result that the Society as hitherto existing dissolved and reformed in two separate organisations. One of these established new rules which enabled it to affiliate with Societies formed for other purposes; and one adhered to the old rules which admitted only organisations formed with the sole object of obtaining the Franchise. But if, as was held, the internal re-organisation of the Societies redounded to greater strength, even more so did an unprecedented attack from the outside, in the Summer of 1889, when the "Nineteenth Century" opened its pages to a protest against the enfranchisement of women, to which a few ladies in London society had been diligently canvassing for signatures. The appearance of this protest was naturally the sign for an immediate counterblast, and the two Central Societies in London put a form of declaration into immediate circulation. The "Fortnightly Review" gave space to a reply from the pen of Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett and to a selection from the signatures which poured into the Suffrage Offices with a rapidity that was amazing, as in sending out the forms for signature numbers had not been aimed at but rather it was sought to make the list representative. The "Nineteenth Century" had contained the names of 104 ladies, mostly known as wives of public men, while those who had taken part in work for the good of the community and to advance the interests of women were conspicuous by their absence. The Fortnightly gave space for about 600 names asking for the suffrage, selected from over 2,000 received within a few days.[2]
This was the last work in which the distinguished reformer, Miss Caroline Ashurst Biggs, took part, as she died in September, 1889. Miss Lydia Becker, editor of"The Women's Suffrage Journal," which she had founded in 1870, passed away the following Summer. These two deaths were an irreparable loss to the movement for the enfranchisement of women.
"1891." — Parliamentary prospects grew brighter and Mr. William Woodall, who had charge of the Suffrage Bill, obtained May 13th for its consideration. The first Lord of the Treasury, Mr. W. H. Smith, had received a deputation appointed by the Suffrage Societies April 20th, to present him with a largely signed memorial praying that Her Majesty's Government would reserve the day appointed for the discussion of a measure "which suffers under the special disadvantage that those whom it chiefly concerns have no voting power with which to fortify their claims." They received the assurance that the House would not adjourn before the 13th, and that the Government had no intention of taking the day for their business.
On April 30th, however, when the Government proposed to take certain specified days for their business, Mr. Gladstone objected, insisting that they should be uniform in their action and take all Wednesdays, up to Whitsuntide. This afforded a manifest opportunity for shelving the Suffrage Bill which the opponents were quick to perceive and, although Mr. Smith declared himself unable to take this day, Sir Henry James moved that all Wednesdays be taken. This was carried and the Government, for probably the first time in Parliamentary History, had a day forced on them.
"1892." — Better fortunes attended the endeavours of the Parliamentary leaders in the following session. Mr. Woodall having accepted office in the Government, Sir Algernon Borthwick (now Lord Glenesk) undertook the necessary arrangements for the introduction of the Bill. This was placed, by the result of the ballot for a day, in the hands of Sir Albert Rollit, who set it down for April 27th in the following terms:
Every woman who (1) in Great Britain is registered as an elector for any Town Council or County Council, or (2) in Ireland is a rate-payer entitled to vote at an election for guardians of the poor, shall be entitled to be registered as a Parliamentary elector and, when registered, to vote at any Parliamentary election for the County borough or division wherein the qualifying property is situate.
This Bill was brought forward for second reading on the appointed day by Sir Albert Rollit with a powerful statement of the question, and a debate followed marked by a high and serious tone. For this brief narrative it will suffice to note the closing speech from the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, who concluded by saying that whenever any important extension of the Franchise was brought up "they would have to face and deal with the problem of Women's Suffrage — and deal with it in a complete fashion." The division showed 175 for the Bill, 192 against — a result which was a surprise to both sides, for the opponents had exerted themselves in a manner beyond all precedent; they had sent round a whip signed by twenty members, ten on each side of the House, and Mr. Gladstone had written a letter to Mr. Samuel Smith, that had been circulated as a pamphlet, in which amongst other points he urged that at least it should be ascertained "that the womanly mind of the country was in overwhelming proportion and with deliberate purpose bent on procuring the vote."
"1893-1895." — At the opening of the Parliament it was a great satisfaction to the Women's Suffrage party that Viscount Wolmer (now the Earl of Selborne) had undertaken the Parliamentary leadership of the question. It will hardly be needful here to go into all the causes which thwarted the vigilance of the leader in procuring a hearing for the measure in that Parliament.
On June 1st, 1895, a representative Conference was held at Westminster Town Hall to consider a plan for an appeal to the House of Commons from women all over the United Kingdom. Miss Florence Davenport Hill, who presided, briefly explained that the object of such an appeal was to convince the country in a more emphatic manner than could be possible by the petitions, memorials and demonstrations that already had been tried again and again, all of which were necessarily limited in their scope. This appeal should be from women of all ranks and classes in all parts of the United Kingdom. The Appeal for the Parliamentary Franchise then agreed upon was managed by a committee appointed from the chief organisations amongst women.
1896. — This effort to "focus the diffused interest of women in the suffrage into one concentrated expression" resulted in the collection of 257,796 signatures, nearly every constituency in the United Kingdom being represented. Although the Appeal was in readiness for presentation in the session of 1895, a suitable opportunity did not arise until 1896, when a fairly good place had been drawn in the ballot by Mr. Faithfull Begg and the Bill was set down for May 2oth. Permission was obtained to place the Appeal in Westminster Hall on May 19th, and passes were given to the Committee to enable them to show it to any Members of Parliament who might wish to inspect it. Accordingly — although it was already known that all Wednesdays had been taken in Government business — the Appeal of the women of this day and generation for constitutional rights was placed in that grand old Hall, round which the Parliamentary associations of a thousand years are clustered. Many Members showed great interest in studying the signatures from their respective constituencies.
Irrespective of the interest called forth, other good results followed, for the Women's Suffrage Societies had been drawn into pleasant relation with a great many new friends and helpers all over the country. It was also shown that women who differed widely on political and social questions could work cordially and unanimously for this common object. The closer union which this work had brought about led to the modification of the Special Appeal Committee into a combined Committee for Parliamentary Work. A Conference held in the Priory Rooms, Birmingham, October 16th, attended by delegates from all the Women's Suffrage Societies, greatly assisted concerted action.
1897. — All was thus in good working order when at the opening of the session an excellent place was drawn in the ballot by Mr. Faithfull Begg (M. P. for St. Rollox division of Glasgow) and the Women's Franchise Bill was set down for February 3rd, when it passed second reading by a majority of 71. The old opponents sent out a strong whip against the Bill and mustered in force, but they were exceeded by the old friends, nor did the division show the whole strength of the movement, as many known to be favorable were still absent at that early date of the session.[3] A statement issued by the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies, said:
The closer coalition that Autumn of all the Societies which make Women's Suffrage their sole object into a National Union was in itself a symptom of that new phase, and the combined SubCommittee was now further modified into the Executive Committee of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies.
1898-1899. — The value of this second reading has been permanent notwithstanding that its progress through the next stage of going into Committee was thwarted by what even the Times described as an "undignified shuffle." The rule that Bills which have reached Committee stage before Whitsuntide should be taken on Wednesdays after Whitsuntide in their turn, so that if any one Bill is not finished on the day it is taken it is carried to the next, was so worked as to shut out the Women's Franchise Bill in 1899, and the rule which was meant to give equitable share to all was abused by purposely protracted talk over Bills which had no claim to such profuse attention.
This was the last opportunity that the pressure of the eventful years with which the century closed afforded for Parliamentary debate. The great meeting in Queen's Hall, London, June 29th, 1899, when the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies gave hearty welcome to their fellow-workers from all parts of the globe during the International Council of Women, remains the latest event of public significance.
The new House of Commons, 1901, includes 267 members who have voted in former Parliaments on the question of extending the Parliamentary Franchise to Women; of these 96 are opponents, 171 are supporters. One has continued to be a consistent opponent from the division on Mr. John Stuart: Mill's amendment to the Reform Bill of 1867. Two have continued to be consistent supporters from the same division. Of members whose first time of voting dates from one or other of the numerous divisions which took place between the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884, there still remain 20 opponents and 25 supporters. Of the members who recorded their vote for the first time on the question in the division on Sir Albert Rollit's Bill of 1892, there remain 24 opponents and 30 supporters. Of those whose first votes date from the division on Mr. Faithfull Begg's Bill in 1897, there remain 51 opponents and 114 supporters.
Thus the ratio of supporters gradually strengthens, and this notwithstanding the retirement of twice as many tried friends as of steady opponents. If to these considerations it is added that amongst the newly-elected members, for each one who is understood to be an opponent there are at least three understood to be friendly, it will be seen that the march of time strengthens the ranks of the Women’s Suffrage cause in the‘House of Commons.
Amongst the supporters who have retired from Parliamentary life are three past leaders of the Women’s Suffrage Bill, Mr. Leonard Courtney, Mr. Woodall and Mr. Faithfull Begg. Two past leaders now have seats in the Cabinet, Lord Selborne and Mr. George Wyndham. The Premier, Lord Salisbury, has been at all times a true friend; the leader of the House of Commons, the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, has voted and spoken in favor of the question in that body.
Mention has been made of the death of Miss Becker and of Miss Biggs. Miss Isabella M. S. Tod of Belfast, who passed away on December 8th, 1896, was a bright and leading spirit, in Ireland especially. In November, 1899, the Edinburgh Committee lost their much-loved Hon. Secretary, Miss Eliza Wigham, who had held that office for more than thirty years. In the same month Mr. Jacob Bright, who secured the Municipal Franchise for women, also passed away.
In Ireland the Local Government Act of 1898 gave fresh impetus to women’s public work, and Mrs. Haslam, the veteran Hon. Secretary of the Dublin Women’s Suffrage Society, for the past twenty-six years, still encourages the rising workers of today.
The North of England Women’s Suffrage Society has just sent a petition with over 29,000 signatures entirely from women working in Lancashire cotton factories. The petition, which looked like a garden roller from its size, was brought up by a deputation of fifteen of the women, and by them placed in the hands of their Parliamentary friends for presentation.
In London the branches have amalgamated into one Central Society—President, Lady Frances Balfour; Chairman, Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett—and life and effort ‘are apparent in every direction.[4]
The new century has opened with a heavy shadow of sorrow for the British people in the death of their much-loved sovereign, Queen Victoria. Her reign will always be conspicious as an era of change of tone in regard to the studies and pursuits of women. The extent to which that change is due to the presence on the throne of a woman full of goodness — one for whom Truth was her guide and Duty her rule in every action of her life — will stand out more clearly perhaps to future generations. But this we know, that during the Victorian era the idea of separateness in the interests of men and women has grown less and less, while cooperation and sympathy have grown more and more, so that these words of one of the pioneer thinkers on this subject, Mrs. Jameson, have become a key-note to the suffrage movement: "Whatsoever things are good, whatsoever things are wise, whatsover things are holy, must be accomplished by communion between brave men and brave women."
LAWS SPECIALLY AFFECTING WOMEN.
Half a century ago married women had no right to their earnings, nor to dispose of their property; all belonged to the husband unless settled on the wife and then it was in keeping of trustees. Mothers had no rights in their children. All professions were closed to women.
"1839". — Custody of Infants Act empowered the Lord Chancellor to leave custody of her child to the mother, up to the age of seven, in case of divorce.
"1873." — Custody of Infants Act allowed the mother custody of her child to the age of sixteen in case of divorce.
"1886." — Guardianship of Infants Act gave the right to a surviving mother to be joint guardian in addition to any appointed by the father. The Act also enabled her to appoint a guardian in case of the father's death or incapacity; it also required the Court to have regard to the wishes of the mother as well as of the father.
"1870-1874." — Married Women's Property Acts secured to them all rights to property acquired by their own skill and industry, and to all investments of their own money in their own names.
"1882." — Married Women's Property Act consolidated and amended the previous act, enabling married women to acquire, hold and dispose by will or otherwise of any real or personal property without the intervention of a trustee.
1876. — Medical Education Act permitted medical degrees to be conferred on women.
1890. — Intestates Act provided that when a man dies intestate leaving a widow and no children, all his estate if under £500, goes to the widow, if over £500 she shall have £500 in addition to her share in the residue.[5]
LAWS RELATING TO LOCAL GOVERNMENT. (SUFFRAGE.)
1869. — Municipal Corporations Act restored to women ratepayers of England the vote in Municipal Elections which had been taken away by the Municipal Corporation Act of 1835.
1870. — Elementary Education Act created School Boards and placed women on a complete equality both as electors and as eligible for election.
1881-1882. — The Municipal Act for Scotland gave to women the same Municipal Franchise possessed by those of England since 1869. They already had the School Franchise.
1888. — The County Electors Act gave women equal franchises with men for the election of Councillors for the County Councils created by the Local Government Act of that year.
1894. — Local Government Act which reorganised the Parochial Poor-Law Administration in the Counties, confirmed the rights of women to all Local Franchises and their eligibility as Poor-Law Guardians; and made them also eligible as Parish and District Councillors.
1896. — Poor-Law Guardian Act for Ireland made women for the first time eligible as Poor-Law Guardian.
1898. — Irish Local Government Act reorganized the system of Local Government in Ireland on similar lines to that in England. Women who had hitherto been excluded from the Municipal Franchise now had all Local Franchises conferred on them and were made eligible for Rural and Urban District Councils. 1899. — London Government Act changed the system of Vestries to that of Borough Councils throughout the Metropolitan Districts. Women had been eligible on the old Vestries and several were then serving. Their claim to sit on the new Borough Councils was, however, rejected.
WOMEN IN PUBLIC WORK.
Half a century ago no offices were held by women beyond such parochial offices as Sextoness, Overseer and Churchwarden, which they occasionally filled. Their always-existing right to act as Poor-Law Guardians seems to have been entirely left in abeyance until the early '70's, when the attention of publicspirited women was being called to the need of reformation in the workhouses.
1870. — Members of School Board: Miss Lydia Becker was the first woman to be elected to public office by the popular vote. This was at the first School Board election in Manchester, in November, 1870. She was re-elected at every subsequent triennial election until her death in 1890. Several were elected in London and other large towns. Their number has gone on slowly increasing, both in towns and rural districts, the women being re-elected again and again whenever they continued to stand.
1873. — Poor-Law Inspectors: The first-woman was appointed Poor-Law Inspector in 1873. Then for some years there was no other. Two now fill that office, appointed in 1885 and 1898 respectively.
1875. Poor-Law Guardians: The first Poor-Law Guardian was elected in 1875. There are now over 1,000 serving as Guardians and District Councillors in England, a few in Scotland, and about go in Ireland.
1892. — Royal Commissions: Women were appointed as Assistant Commissioners on the Royal Commission of Labor in 1892, and as Royal Commissioners to enquire into secondary education in 1895.
1894. — Factory Inspectors: The first women Factory Inspectors were appointed in 1894, and six are now serving.
The Education Department also has a few as Inspectors. Local authorities in large towns are realizing the value of women as Sanitary Inspectors, and the number of these increases gradually.
STEPS IN EDUCATION.
Half a century ago there was not one school or college where women could have any approach to University classes. Now there are over 2,000 women graduates, besides 1,500 who hold certificates from Oxford and Cambridge in place of the degrees which would have been theirs had those ancient seats of learning opened their gates to women graduates. The following table shows the particulars :
| Distribution. | Women Admitted. | Approximate total number of graduates in January, 1900. |
| London University. | By a supplemental charter of 1878 | 1,100 |
| Victoria University | By its charter of foundation, 1880 | 180 |
| Royal University of Ireland | 1882 | 425 |
| The Scottish Universities: | ||
| Edinburgh, | By an ordinance of the University Commissioners in 1892 empowering the admission of women | 226 |
| Glasgow, | Commissioners in 1892 empowering | |
| Aberdeen, | the admission of women | 226 |
| St. Andrews. | ||
| University of Wales | By a charter in 1893 incorporating the Colleges of Aberystwith, Cardiff, Bangor | 27 |
| Durham | By an amending charter in 1895 | 25 |
| Girton College, Cambridge | Opened for women 1872 | 529 |
| Newnham College, " | Opened for women 1880 | 577 |
| Halls for Women in Oxford | Opened for women 1879 | 426 |
The students of the three Women’s Colleges above take the examinations of Cambridge and Oxford and have instruction in part from their faculties, but receive only certificates instead of degrees. The other universities grant them full degrees.
The establishment of an equal standard of knowledge for men and women has brought about the result that the achievements of women in literature, science and art, once treated as abnormal and exceptional are now quite normal and usual; and the liberal learning, once confined to the very few in favored circumstances, is within the reach of numbers. As a corollary to this it has been recognized that women’s occupations also deserve systematic training, with the result that when once the training was given the resourcefulness of women has enabled them to follow out new lines, and a new independence has dawned upon them. At the same time the sense of personal responsibility which comes of independence has made many more women realize that they have a duty to the community, and therefore has compelled them to set their thoughts and minds to the performance of those duties. As a natural consequence the fact is being more and more realized by the Electorate and by Government Departments that women can bring useful service to the community.
The Isle of Man.
[The ancient kingdom of the Isle of Man, with an independent government since the time of the vikings, and making its own laws which require only the sanction of the Crown, extended Full Suffrage to women property owners in December, 1880, and the act received the assent of Queen Victoria, January 5th, 1881. This was extended to all women rate-payers in 1892. ]
PROGRESS IN THE COLONIES.
NEW ZEALAND.[6]
The first of the Colonies of the British Empire to grant the Parliamentary Franchise to women was New Zealand, therefore, the story of Colonial Progress fitly opens with the land of the Maories. The earliest public mention that this writer has been able to find of the question was in a speech of Sir Julius Vogel to his constituents in 1876, when he said that he was in favor of extending the franchise to women — but as far back as 1869 a pamphlet on the subject, entitled An Appeal to the Men of New Zealand, had been written by Mrs. Mary Muller, who may be fitly termed the pioneer woman suffragist of that colony.
In 1878 the Government introduced an Electoral Bill which included the franchise for rate-paying women; this passed the House of Representatives but met with much opposition in the Upper House on points unconnected with women's suffrage, so that it was ultimately withdrawn.
In 1887 Sir Julius Vogel, Colonial Treasurer, introduced a Bill giving practically universal suffrage to women. This was supported by the Premier, Sir Robert Stout, and passed the House of Representatives May 12, 1887, by 41 ayes, 22 noes. Several Members stated that they only voted for it in the hope that in Committee it would be limited to owners of property. An amendment proposed to this effect in Committee was rejected, but this proved a fatal victory, for when the clause was put as it stood the "noes" carried the day.
A resolution moved by Sir John Hall in 1890, carried by a majority of 26, was a further note of encouragement.
The work for Women's Suffrage was mainly carried on by the Women's Christian Temperance Union, and they now put forth increased energy, so that early in 1891 Mrs. Kate W. Sheppard, Franchise Superintendent, was able to report that many local unions had appointed franchise superintendents. With what effect they worked was shown when Sir John Hall presented in August, 1891, a petition for the suffrage seventy yards long, which was run out to the furthest end of the House; a row of Members ranged themselves on either side to inspect the signatures and found no two alike, as some seemed to expect. On September 4th Sir John Hall's Bill again passed in the House of Representatives, but was lost by two votes in the Legislative Council, or Upper House.
In 1892 Sir John Hall presented in behalf of the measure the largest petition ever seen in the New Zealand Parliament. That year the Hon. J. Ballance introduced an Electoral Bill on behalf of the Government, in which the most important new feature was the franchise for women. It passed the House of Representatives, but a difference on technical details between the two branches of the Legislature delayed its passage in the Council.
In 1893 the Electoral Act of New Zealand conferred the Franchise on every person over twenty-one, although this did not carry the right to sit in Parliament.
As a General Election was close at hand no time was lost in enrolling women on the register. The report of the New Zealand W. C. T. U. of 1893 supplies the following figures:
| Men. | Women. | |
| On the Register | 177,701 | 109,461 |
| Voting at the Poll | 124,439 | 90,290 |
A lady present in Auckland during the election relates that the interest taken by the Maori women was very great and that nearly half the Maori votes registered in Auckland were those of women.
The Hon. H. J. Seddon, Premier of New Zealand, when in England for the celebration of the Queen's jubilee in 1897, spoke of the measure as a great success, saying, "It has come to stay." The Bishop of Auckland, speaking at the Church Congress in England that year, said "it had led to no harm or inconvenience, but the men of New Zealand were wondering why they had permitted the women of that Colony to remain so long without the right to vote in Parliamentary elections."
SOUTH AUSTRALIA.[7]
On July 22d, 1885, Dr. Stirling moved a Resolution in the House of Assembly in favor of conferring the Franchise for both Houses of the Legislature, on widows and spinsters who possessed qualifications (property) which would entitle them to vote for the Legislative Council. The debate was adjourned on the motion of the Attorney-General and on August 5th the Resolution carried without a division or serious opposition. This favorable start is the more remarkable that there had been no previous agitation, no society or committee formed, no petitions presented, no meetings held. It was a matter of enlightened conviction on the part of the legislators. Dr. Stirling introduced a Bill in 1886, in the same terms as his resolution, and on April 1 3th it passed second reading by a majority of two of those voting, but as amendments to the Constitution must have a majority of the whole House, the Bill could not be proceeded with. A general election followed soon after, at which Dr. Stirling did not re-enter Parliament, and Mr. Caldwell took charge of the Bill, which in November, 1889, again passed second reading in the House of Assembly, but again by an insufficient majority. In the Summer of 1889 a public meeting was held to form a Women's Suffrage League, which set to work holding meetings and collecting signatures to petitions under the guidance of its Hon. Secretary, Mrs. Mary Lee. The efforts of the parliamentary friends were thrice baffled—in 1890, 1891 and 1893—by the necessity for a majority of the whole House, which stopped fur- ther immediate progress though each time the Bill had passed second reading. The growth of support was, however, evi- denced by the reply of the Premier to a deputation from the Women’s Suffrage League in November, 1893—that “on the question of Women’s Suffrage the Government were in the posi- tion of just persons who needed no conversion, as they were thor- oughly at one in the matter and were willing to do all they could to place Women’s Suffrage on the Statute Book.”
When, in August, 1894, the Government brought their Adult Suffrage Bill to the Legislative Council the opponents did their utmost to bring about its defeat by obstructive amendments, but in vain. Finally they moved that the clause prohibiting women from sitting in Parliament be struck out, expecting thereby to wreck the Bill, but the supporters of the measure accepted the amendment and so it was carried by a combination of opponents and supporters, giving women Full Suffrage and the right to sit in the Parliament. An address and testimonial were presented to Mrs. Lee by the Hon. C. C. Kingston, the Premier, Dr. Cock- burn, other Members of Parliament and friends. In making the presentation the Premier said he did so at request of the Com- mittee, for her important services in one of the greatest consti- tutional reforms in Australian history. Royal assent was given to the Bill in 1895.
The first election under this Act took place in April, 1896. Statistics published in the Australian Register of June 1oth, give the following totals:
| Men. | Women. | |
| On the roll in Adelaide and suburbs | 30,051 | 24,585 |
| On the roll in the country districts | 47,701 | 34,581 |
| Voting in Adelaide and suburbs | 19,938 | 16,253 |
| Voting in country districts | 31,634 | 23,059 |
| Percentage voting in Adelaide and suburbs | 66.34 | 66.11 |
| Percentage voting in the country districts | 66.32 | 66.68 |
Speaking at the Annual Meeting of the Central Committee of the Women’s Suffrage Society in London, July 15th, 1898, Dr. Cockburn (now Sir John Cockburn, K. C. M. G.) said: “The refining influence of women has made itself felt in this sphere as in every other: they have elevated the whole realm of politics without themselves losing a jot of their innate purity. ‘No poorer they but richer we,' by their addition to the electoral roll."
WEST AUSTRALIA.[8]
The women of West Australia enjoyed the unprecedented experience of having organised their Franchise League and gained the Franchise in one year. The question, however, had been more or less before the Colony since 1893. In that year Mr. Cookworthy had introduced a Women's Suffrage Resolution in the House of Assembly which was lost by only one vote.
After the next General Election, Mr. Cookworthy again introduced his Resolution in 1897, when it was lost by two votes, one of its strongest supporters being absent. Although there was at that time no organisation specially for the Suffrage, the Women's Christian Temperance Union did much to extend interest, and there was a large body of support to be found amongst the intelligent women of the Colony. This led to the formation of a Women's Franchise League for Western Australia.
This League was formally organized at a public meeting of the Leisure Hour Club in Perth, May 11th, 1899, Lady Onslow presiding. That autumn a Resolution similar to the one which had been introduced in the Legislative Assembly passed the Council, and before the year closed the Electoral Act was passed of which the important part for women lies in the interpretation clause, which interprets "Elector"? as any person of either sex whose name is on the Electoral Roll of a province or district. Royal assent to the Bill was given in 1900. Although women now can vote for members of the Parliament they can not sit in that body.
Already the Women's Franchise League of Western Australia is transformed into the Women's Electoral League.
NEW SOUTH WALES.[9]
The Mother Colony seems likely to be the next to enfranchise women. The question in that Colony first came prominently forward when Sir Henry Parkes, the veteran statesman and ofttimes Premier, proposed a clause to give equal voting power to women in his Electoral Bill in 1890. The clause was eventually dropped, but the very fact that it had been introduced in a Government Bill by a man of such high position as Sir Henry Parkes gave the question the impetus for which the friends of the movement were waiting to collect the growing interest into organized form and combined action.
On May 6th, 1891, the Womanhood Suffrage League of New South Wales was formed, Lady Windeyer was elected president and an active campaign was begun. On July 30th Sir Henry Parkes moved a Resolution in the Legislative Assembly "that in the opinion of this House the franchise for the election of members of the Legislative Assembly should be extended to women on the same conditions and subject to the same qualifications as men." The debate was a very long one, ocupying twelve hours and concluding at 3 a. m., when the motion was lost by 34 ayes, 57 noes.. The friends of Women's Suffrage were in no way cast down by this vote. They believed that in a full House on a fair test division their friends would have been in a majority, but many who were anxious for the passing of the Electoral Bill voted against Sir Henry Parkes' motion lest the inclusion of women should imperil its chances in the Upper House.
The next debate on the question was on November 18th, 1894, when Mr. O'Reilly moved a Resolution that "in the opinion of this House the time has arrived when the franchise should be extended to women." This was supported by Sir Henry Parkes. The Premier, Sir G. H. Reid, approved of Women's Suffrage in the abstract but objected that the present Parliament had received no mandate from the people. Sir George Dibbs thought the demand a just one. Eventually the motion, with the words "the time has now arrived" omitted, was carried by a large majority. No debate has taken place since 1894, as the pressure on the time of the Legislature has been great with Federal and other matters, but the question was never in a more hopeful position. The sudden change of government in 1899 placed a strong friend to the cause at the head of affairs in the present Premier, Sir William Lyne, and at the annual meeting of the Suffrage League in August, 1900, Mr. Fegan, M. P. (Minister for Mines) congratulated the women of New South Wales on being so near the goal of their desires. The Premier had definitely said that before the session closed a Bill would be introduced to give women the suffrage, and he hoped that next year they would be able to disband their League, its work being finished. The Bill was introduced in 1901 but was lost by 19 ayes, 22 noes.
On Aug. 14, 1902, the bill conferring the Parliamentary Franchise on women passed the Council. It had already passed the Assembly and is now law.
VICTORIA.[10]
In Melbourne an organisation for Women's Suffrage has been in existence some sixteen years, but it is only within the last five years that the question has come within the region of practical politics. The movement suffered from want of concentration of energy. "At one time the original association, though still in existence, was rivalled by other societies with the same object, but more or less tinged with local, class or religious characteristics. This rivalry, though it tended to the growth of the movement, deprived it of force and eventually led to divided counsels and consequently to comparative failure." The Australian Woman's Sphere[11] from which the above words are quoted, goes on to say: "A few years since, largely owing to the patience and tact of the late Annette Bear Crawford, its first Hon. Secretary, there was formed the ‘United Council for Women's Suffrage' which aimed at including representatives of all the leagues that had for their main object, or for one of them, the political enfranchisement of women."
The formation of this Council has been the sign of a new life in the question in Melbourne. At the General Election of 1894 a determined effort was made to secure the return of a majority of members pledged to vote for the suffrage cause. The Government promised a Bill in the session of 1895, and on November 26th the Premier, Sir George Turner, introduced a Women's Suffrage Bill which passed the House of Assembly without a division, but was lost in the Legislative Council by two votes.
The Women's Suffrage Bill passed the Legislative Assembly in 1897, '98, '99, 1900, '01, each time with an increased majority, but each time its progress has been stopped in the Council.
Nevertheless there are many evidences of increasing vitality in the movement in Victoria, not the least of these being the rise of an Anti-Women's Suffrage Crusade. These "New Crusaders" have presented a petition which purports to be signed by 22,987 "adult women" of Victoria. But in 1891 before the suffrage was a live subject, before it had entered the region of practical politics, the women suffragists in six weeks obtained 30,000 signatures of adult women. The first and the most natural result of the anti-suffrage movement has been to bring down enquiries on the United Council from all parts of the Colony how to help Women's Suffrage.
QUEENSLAND.[12]
The Women's Suffrage question appears to have received its first awakening in Queensland from the visit of Miss Hannah Chenings, who in 1891 came from Adelaide on a lecturing tour in connection with an effort to obtain a law for the better protection of young girls. Her account of the Women's Franchise
League in South Australia aroused a wish for a similar organisation here, and after a period of silent growth the Women's Suffrage Association was formed in 1894, mainly through the instrumentality of Mrs. Leontine Cooper and Mrs. Maginie, who, as Miss Allen, had been a member of the New South Wales Society.
At the first annual meeting of this association, in March, 1895, the report showed that petitions had been presented with over 11,000 signatures, and that letters expressing themselves as favorable to the measure had been received from thirty Members of the Legislative Assembly. In the General Election of 1897 a large number of candidates declared themselves in favor, but so far the effort to carry a Bill through the House has met with disappointment, and the Women's Suffrage Association are bending their efforts towards inducing the Government to bring in a Bill. Here, as in the other Colonies where they are still unenfranchised the women feel deeply the injustice of their exclusion from the Federal Referendum.
TASMANIA.[13]
As long ago as 1885 a Constitutional Amendment Act passed second reading in the Tasmanian House of Assembly which provided for the extension of the Franchise to unmarried. women rate-payers, but notwithstanding the support of the Government the question made no further advance in Parliament.
In recent years a Bill to enfranchise women on the same terms as men has passed the House of Assembly on several occasions with increasing majorities, but the opponents are still too numerous to carry it through the Upper House. The Women's Christian Temperance Union have been the most energetic workers in its behalf.
[It will be noticed that in each of these Australian States the Women's Suffrage Bill repeatedly passed the Assembly, or Lower House, which is elected by the people, but was defeated in the Council or Upper House, which is composed entirely of wealthy and aristocratic members, who can be voted for only by these classes, and some of whom are appointed by the Government and hold office for life. In 1901 a Federation of the six States was formed with a National Parliament, both Houses to be elected by the people. In June, 1902, a bill passed this Federal Parliament giving women the right to vote for its members and be elected to this body. About 800,000 women have been thus enfranchised, the largest victory ever gained for this movement.
In South and West Australia and New South Wales women may vote for members of the State Parliament. In Victoria, Queensland and Tasmania they may vote for the Federal but not for the State Parliament, an anomaly which doubtless will be very soon rectified. It is possible that before this volume is read all the women of the six Australian States will possess the full franchise by constitutional right. — Eds. ]
In the South African Colonies there has been, as yet, no history to record. That the question simmers in many thoughtful minds there can scarcely be a doubt, but the time for organised action does not seem to have yet arrived.
The other Colonies of Great Britain, with the exception of Canada, are not self-governing.
DOMINION OF CANADA.
The story of the movement to obtain the Parliamentary Franchise in the Dominion dates back to 1883. In April of that year the Premier, Sir John Macdonald, introduced a Bill in the Legislature for amending the electoral law, including a clause which gave the suffrage to unmarried women who possessed the necessary qualifications.
Previously, on March oth, the Toronto Women's Literary and Social Progress Club had gathered in public for the first time in the City Council Chamber to consider the Suffrage question. Mrs. McEwan presided and a paper “treating pithily and with much aptness on the subject of the Franchise” was read by Miss E. Foulds, who moved a Resolution “that in the opinion of this Meeting the Parliamentary Franchise should be extended to women who possess the qualifications which entitle men to vote.” This and a second resolution proposing the formation of a society to forward such legislation as might be required were both carried, many ladies and gentlemen speaking in their support and a large number of those present giving in their names as members. On April 5th an adjourned meeting was held and the Canadian Women's Suffrage Association was constituted.
Sir John Macdonald's Bill was presented too late to become a law and was re-introduced in 1884. It was in this year that members of the British Suffrage Association visited Canada. Miss Lydia Becker and Mrs. Lilias Ashworth Hallett were among them, and they and several other English ladies united in sending an address to Sir John Macdonald thanking him for the introduction of provisions in his Bill to enable women to vote and. expressing their high appreciation of the just and generous spirit which had actuated him. Mrs. Hallett had some conversation with Sir John Hall, who told her the only difficulty they expected in Canada as regarded passing the Bill was from the French population. This expectation proved to be well-founded. The Women's Suffrage Clauses were rejected by 51 ayes, 78 noes, after a debate extending over thirty-one consecutive hours.
It was ten years before any further effort was made to secure the Parliamentary Franchise. In 1894 a petition for this, in behalf of the Women's Christian Temperance Union, supplemented by memorials from the Provinces, was presented by Sir James Grant to the House of Commons, and by the Hon. Mr. Scott to the Senate, but no resolution was offered. A Bill introduced by Mr. Dickey, dealing with the electoral franchise, contained a clause asking suffrage for widows and spinsters, but the Bill was read only once. Mr. Davis, unsolicited, brought in a resolution for Women's Franchise on the same terms as men. Forty members voted for it, one hundred and five against it.
A petition for the Parliamentary Franchise for women, very largely signed by Federal voters throughout the Dominion, was presented to the House of Commons and the Senate in 1896. This was the last effort in the Parliament, and as a change has since been made in the Electoral Act, making the voters' list for the Dominion coincide with the Provincial lists, the battle will therefore have to be fought out in each separate Province.
THE PRESENT POLITICAL CONDITION.[14]
Women in Canada have no vote for any law maker, either Federal or Provincial. Their franchise is confined to municipalities, which can only make by-laws that relate to the execution of existing laws. But although women have no direct vote, they have, by much labor and united effort, effected some important changes in the criminal code and civil laws, as well as in the political position of women in the municipalities. The societies which have accomplished the most, if not all, of these changes are the Women's Christian Temperance Union, the Women's Enfranchisement Association and the National Council of Women.
In the Province of Ontario, in 1884, widows and spinsters were given the Municipal Franchise on the same terms as men. All women, married or single, If owners of property, may vote on money by-laws where such are submitted to the electors. Any woman on the assessment roll may vote for School Trustees and is eligible for this office. In 1892 it was enacted that women might study law and qualify for the Bar. In 1893 a Bill to give Municipal Suffrage to married women and one to grant the Provincial Suffrage to all women were defeated by 16 ayes, 53 noes.
In the Province of New Brunswick the Legislature in 1886 gave, unsolicited, to widows and spinsters the right to vote on the same terms as men at Municipal elections. In 1893 an Act was passed permitting the appointment of a woman as School Trustee. This was amended in 1896 making it compulsory that two on each Board shall be women.
In the Province of Nova Scotia the Municipal Franchise was granted to widows and spinsters in 1887. A Bill for the Provincial Franchise was defeated in 1893; and again in 1894 by one vote. An Act of 1895 permits all women, if rate-payers, to vote on School matters. A married woman having property in her own right, provided that her husband is disqualified, may vote in Municipal elections under the Married Woman's Property Act, since 1891. In the city of Halifax widows and spinsters who are rate-payers may vote on Municipal questions. In 1894 a Bill giving women a more extended suffrage was lost by seven votes; in 1895 by four votes; in 1899 a Bill for the full Provincial Franchise was lost by twenty-seven votes.
In the Province of Prince Edward Island, in 1888, the Municipal Suffrage was granted to widows and spinsters owning property. An Act of 1899 made women eligible to appointment on School Boards.
In the Province of British Columbia, in 1888, the Municipal Franchise was conferred on widows and spinsters owning property. An Act of 1891 allows the wife of any householder or freeholder to vote on School matters but not to hold office; in 1897 the Act was amended making them eligible as School Trustees. This same year all women rate-payers were given the Municipal Franchise. Only owners of property may vote on by-laws for raising money upon the credit of the municipality.
In the Province of Manitoba, in 1891, the Municipal Franchise was extended to women. Any qualified woman rate-payer can vote on School questions and is eligible for School offices.: Women property owners may vote on all submitted by-laws. In 1892 a measure to give women the full Provincial Suffrage was defeated by 28 ayes, 11 noes.
In the Province of Quebec, in 1892, the Municipal and School Franchise was conferred on widows and spinsters on the same terms as on men. The law relating to the right of women to sit on the School Board was ambiguous, so a petition was presented that they be declared eligible. The response to this was an amendment excluding women. In Montreal, under the old charter, only widows and spinsters who owned property had the Municipal Franchise; in 1899 this was amended, adding tenancy with residence as a qualification. In 1898 a Bill granting them the Provincial Suffrage was lost on division.
In the Northwest Territories, in 1894, the Municipal Franchise was granted to widows and spinsters. In School matters every woman rate-payer can vote and is eligible to School offices.[15]
- ↑ The women of Great Britain and Ireland possess every franchise except that for members of Parliament Local suffrage is restricted to spinsters and widows, but the important vote for Parish and District Councils, created by the Local Government Act of 1894, is possessed by married women "provided husband and wife shall not both be qualified in respect to the same piece of property." It may be stated in general terms that all electors must be rate-payers, although there are some exceptions applying to a small percentage of persons. [Eds.
- ↑ These were classified in groups: (1) The general list. (2) Wives of clergymen and church dignitaries. This list was headed by Mrs. Benson and Mrs. Thomson, the wives of the Archbishops of Canterbury and York. (3) Officials, including ladies who are Poor-Law Guardians and members of School Boards. (4) Education, including the names of such leaders in the movement for the higher education of women as Mrs. Wm. Grey, Miss Emily Davies, Mrs. Henry Sidgwick — the Mistress of Girton, the Principal of Newnham College; upwards of sixty university lecturers and teachers and head mistresses of High Schools, upwards of eighty university graduates and certificated stu-. dents; and there were omitted for want of space the names of over 200 other women engaged in the teaching profession. (5) Registered medical practitioners, heeded by Mrs. Garrett Anderson, M. D.; Miss Elizabeth Blackwell, M. D., and Mrs. Scharlieb, M. D., together with a number of ladies engaged in the department of nursing. (6) Social and philanthropic workers. (7) Literature, including Miss Anna Swanwick, Mrs. Anne Thackeray Ritchie, Miss S. D. Collet, Miss Olive Schreiner, Mrs. Emily Crawford, Miss Amelia B. Edwards. (7) Art and music. (8) Landowners, women engaged in business and working-women, the latter class represented by the secretaries of nine women trades' societies, and over 180 individual signatures of women artisans.
- ↑
The text of the Bill was as follows:
(1) This Act may be cited as the Parliamentary Franchise (Extension to Women) Act, 1897.
(2) On and after the passing of this Act every woman who is the inhabitant occupier, as owner or tenant, of any dwelling-house, tenement or building within the borough or county where such occupation exists, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter in the list of voters for such borough or county in which she is so qualified as aforesaid, and, when registered, to vote for a member or members to serve in Parliament.
Provided always that such woman is not subject to any legal incapacity which would disqualify a male voter. - ↑ The first petition for woman suffrage presented to Parliament, in 1867, was signed by only 1,499 women. The petition of 1873 was signed by 11,000 women. The petition presented to the members of the last Parliament was signed by 257,796 women. [Eds.
- ↑ No reference has been made in the above table to the various Factory Acts which impose restrictions on women's labour — these belong to a different department — but whether their interference with the labor of women be for good or for evil, that interference is an additional argument for allowing them a voice in the election of representatives.
- ↑ In 1877 New Zealand granted School Suffrage to women, and in 1886 Municipal Suffrage.
- ↑ In 1880 South Australia granted Municipal Suffrage to women.
- ↑ In 1871 West Australia granted Municipal Suffrage to women.
- ↑ In 1867 New South Wales granted Municipal Suffrage to women.
- ↑ In 1869 Victoria granted Municipal Suffrage to women.
- ↑ The first number of The Australian Woman's Sphere was published in Melbourne, September 1, 1900. It is edited by Miss Vida Goldstein and appears monthly.
- ↑ In 1886 Queensland granted Municipal Suffrage to Women.
- ↑ Tasmania granted Municipal Suffrage to women in 1884.
- ↑ This portion of the report is condensed by the editors of the History from a chapter written by Mrs. Henrietta Muir Edwards for "The Women of Canada, Their Life and Work," a handbook prepared by the National Council of Women, at the request of the Canadian Government, for the Paris Exposition of 1900.
- ↑ In the city of Vancouver any single woman, widow or spinster, may vote for municipal officers, and all women possessing the other necessary qualifications of male voters may vote for all municipal officers and upon all municipal questions. Married women may vote in the election of School Trustees. It has recently been decided that a man possessing no property of his own, and not being a householder in his own right, may be allowed to vote in municipal matters if his wife be a property owner or a householder. [Eds.