Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society/Volume 13/Rĕmbau

by Dudley Francis Amelius Hervey

RĔMBAU.

As little has been recorded on the subject of this State, except in works not very accessible, and as I have visited it officially on several occasions. I have thought that a short account of the country may not be without some interest for the readers of this Journal.

This State is one of the countries known as the "Negri Sembilan,"One of Nĕgri Sĕmbilan. or Nine States, formerly under a Yam Tûan (in full, Yang-di-pĕrtûan) Bĕsar and a Yam Tûan Mûda, each, however, with its own chief or Dato' Pĕnghûlu.

In Remban, as in Nâning and others of the "Nine States," aMěnangkâbau origin. considerable portion of the population are Měnangkâbau by descent, and Měnangkâbau people still come over, as they do to Malacca.

Its name is said to derive from an enormous Mĕrbau tree whichSupposed derivation of name. used to grow in the plain near the foot of Gûnong Dato'; there are said to be some traces left of it still.

Another account states that the great tree fell down from the mountain, and that the name of the country arose from the description of the noise of the fall as the colossal stem thundered down the steeps—"měrbau rĕmbau."^[1]

It is further related that so vast was the size of this giant of the jungle that its head reached to the Sungei Ûjong^[2] stream, to which it gave its name (i.e., Sungei Ûjong Kâyu Mĕrbau); while its branches extended to the Moar, and it has been pretended that from this circumstance "Mĕrbau Sarâtus,"^[3] one of the limits of fishing rights on the Moar, took its name.

Original settlement of.Rĕmbau, like the rest of these countries, was, according to Mĕntra traditions, at first inhabited by the aboriginal tribes alone, and its first Pĕnghûlu was, like that of Nâning, appointed by the Dato' Kĕlâna Pĕtrâ of Sungei Ûjong.^[4]

Another local version is that Rĕmbau was first settled by Bâtin Bĕndahâra Sakûdei at Hûlu Rěmbau near Gûnong Dato', and he it was who felled the mighty Měrbau tree. According to native authority quoted by Newbold, Bĕndahâra Sakûdei was the first chief of Sungei Ûjong upon whom the title Kĕlâna Pĕtrâ was conferred, and was the son of a Bâtin,^[5] and the following account of this origin was related to Newbold by the Râja di Râja of Sungoi Ûjong:—

"In ancient times one of the princesses^[6] of Sungei Ûong having had the presumption to laugh at the naked state of a Bâtin of the Jakuns, incurred his resentment, and was compelled irresistibly to follow him through thicket and brake, until, moved with compassion, her 'sans-culotte maître de danse' broke the spell and married her. The offspring of this sylvan union is said to be Sakûdei,^[7] from whom descend the Pĕnghûlus of Sungei Ûjong."

Pĕnghûlu how elected."Běduanda" is the name of one of the chief aboriginal tribes in the South of the Peninsula, and two of the chief Rĕmbau tribes bear the same name—the Běduanda Jâwa, and the Bĕduanda Jakun—from which the Pĕnghûlu is alternately elected.

Alternate election.This alternate election is said to be due to a dispute in days gone by between the two branches of the Bědnanda, each claiming the right to elect the Pĕnghûlu, which was settled by the sovereign of Johor giving each the right alternately.

He at the same time gave distinctive titles to the Pĕnghûlus—to Titles.the one elected from the "Bĕduanda Jâwa" that of "Sĕdîa Râja," to him of the "Běduanda Jakun" that of "Lêla Maharâja."

The office is hereditary, descending on the side of the sister, as in Nâning and in all the Mĕnangkâbau States. I attach a table shewing the constitution of the country, and giving an approximate estimate of the numbers of each tribe.

It will be noticed that the population is mixed.Mixed nationality

The Siamese probably date from the time of the invasions by their ancestors recorded in the "Sĕjârah," and which, if we may believe that work, took place shortly before the Portuguese took Malacca.

Acheh and Malacca were at one time intimately connected, the latter, at first the superior, having subsequently become feudatory to the former.

The boundaries of Rĕmbau with Malacca territory were defined Boundaries. by the Treaty of the 9th January, 1883, and were fixed as follows:— Kwâla Sungei Jĕrneh,^[8] Bukit Bĕrtam,^[9] Bukit Jĕlôtong,^[10] Bukit Pâtus,^[11] Jîrat Gunjei,^[12] Lûbok Tâlan,^[13] Dûsun Fĕringgi^[14] Dûsun Kĕpar,^[15] Ûlu Sungga, Bukit Pâtus. The Rembau branch of the Linggi from Sempang upwards forms the rest of the boundary line.

The boundary with Sungei Ujong was fixed about two years ago by His Excellency Sir F. A. Weld, as, previous to that time, there had been disputes about it. It now runs as follows:—from Sempang to Bukit Mandi Angin, thence to Pĕrhentian Tinggi, and thence to Gûnong Angsi. The boundary on the inland side towards Sri Mĕnanti, Inas or Jĕlei, and Johol has shifted from time to time, Gûnong Pâsir, which is now under Sri Mĕnanti, is claimed as properly belonging to Rĕmbau, though in Newbold's time it was said to have originally belonged to Johol, and this last is confirmed by the aborigines, who are the best anthorities. The boundaries with Sri Mĕnanti are said to be Gûnong Tâjoh, and Gûnong Lîpat Kâjang.

Those with Johol, Bâtu Gâjah (on hill of that name), Gûnong Dato', Pěrhentian Lantei (or Tinggi) on Bukit Ûlu Âpi-Âpi, and (including Tampin) Bâtu Bĕrâpit (now claimed to be in Tampin, Pĕrhentian Manggis being said to be the right point, on Bukit Kûda Mâti), Jĕram Kambing and Bukit Pûtus.

Chief placesSempang, where the Rĕmbau and Pĕnar join to form the Linggi, and where we have now a Police Station on a small piece of land ceded to Government in 1874, was formerly one of the chief places in Rĕmbau; Kwâla Pĕdas, a few miles further up on the right bank, was another, but they have both been abandoned. At Bandar Rûsau was the residence of the Yam Tûan Mûda, and latterly of the late Pĕnghûlu Haji Sail. In Newbold's time the Pĕnghûlu lived at Chĕmbong. The present Pĕnghûlu resides at Gĕmâyun near Chĕngkau, where Haji Sail had another residence. Rĕmbau, in Population.proportion to its size, is, no doubt, the most populous of these native States, being probably about 11,000, exclusive of Tampin, Kru and Tĕbong; the details will be found in the table showing the constitution of the country; in Newbold (1839) it is given at 9,000 including Tampin and Kru. The most populous part of the country is said to be inland at Sri Lĕmak and Ûlu Sepri, but this is not Character.confirmed by the numbers I have obtained. From the table first alluded to, it will be seen of what a mixed character the population is. They likewise bear, among the Malays, the character of being pre-eminently treacherous. The Gâdong district (lying between our frontier and Gûnong Dato') near which Haji Mastafa lives, is said to be the harbour of robbers aud cattle-lifters, but Ilaji Mastafa is too far advanced in years, too imbecile, and too much in the hands of others to do anything to improve matters; but under the new régime we may in time look for amendment.

Remban place of installation of Râja.As Rĕmbau used to be the place of installation of the Yan Tuan or Yang-di-pĕrtûan Bĕsar, it will not be out of place to deal here with the subject of the Yam Tûans. The original States in the interior of this part of the Peninsula, according to tradition, before they became "Negri Sembilan" were Kělang, Jĕlĕbu, Sungei Ûjong and Johol, with seniority in the order given.

Original Negri Sembilan.The "Nĕgri Sembilan" are stated by Newbold, and probably correctly, as being originally as follows, Kĕlang, Jělĕbu, Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Sĕgâmat, Nâning, Rĕmbau, Hûlu Pahang (including Sĕrting and Jĕmpol) and Jĕlei (in Pahang, adjoining Jělĕbu).^[16] Kĕlang soon fell under the domination of Sĕlângor.

Johol originally included Jĕmpol and the whole watershed of the Moar as far as the Palong on one side and Mount Ophir on the other, having on the N. & W. common boundaries with Jĕlĕbu, Sungei Ûjong, Rĕmbau and Nâning (the latter now included in Malacca).

Sĕgâmat seems to have been absorbed by Johor a generation or two since. Nâning and Rĕmbau were children of Sungei Ûjong, and when the former of them came moro directly under Dutch. influence, Sri Mĕnanti, or more correctly Hûlu Moar, which had asserted independence of Johol, took its place in the confederation.

Origin of Yam Tusn Besar.About the middle of last century, the Dutch, in conjunction with the sovereign of Johor, Sultan Abdul Jalil Shah, who was suzerain of the Nine States, appointed Daïng Kambôja, a Bugis Prince, as their chief.

His rule, however, was not approved of, and the Pĕnghûlus of Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Rĕmbau and Hûlu Moar invited, with the assistance of the Dutch and the consent of Johor, the Princes of the Měnangkâbau dynasty to come over as their chiefs. Daing Kambôja, however, found support with some of the Penghalus, and for a time hostilities ensued between the rival parties, but in the end Raja Mělâwar, the Měnangkâbau Prince, prevailed, and Daïng Kambôja withdrew to Rîau, where he died in 1778. Thenceforward Johor, by common consent, had nothing more to do with the Nĕgri Sĕmbilan.

Râja Mĕlâwar was then duly installed as Yang-di-pĕrtûan Bĕsar by the four Pĕnghûlus of Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Rĕmbau and Hûlu Moar (who were styled the Pĕnghûlu Bĕlantik from their office of installing the suzerainty in Rĕmbau, which was thenceforth called "Tânah Kĕrjaan," i.e., the place where the business of installation is performed, not "karâja-an," so it is said.^[17]

Thonce the suzerain proceeded to Sri Mĕnanti, his place of residence, so named from the chief and Batins there waiting to receive him in state, and it was called "Tânah Mĕngandong."^[18]

The bâleis erected for the suzerain on his visits to the different States were constructed of peculiar form, which must not be altered. That in Sungei Ûjong was called "Bâlei Mĕlintang" according to the best account, figuratively speaking from its Pĕnghûlu being in a position to oppose any innovations attempted by the Yam Tûan;^[19] that in Johol "Bâlei Bĕrtingkat" in the same way, being as it were, a third story on Sungei Ûjong and Rĕmbau, and being next door to Sri Mĕnanti, would bring their representations right up to the Astana.

Real power with Pĕnghûlu.The real power in these States is vested with the Pĕnghûlu, that of the suzerain being nominal only. Newbold, from whose writings I have taken much of the account here given, states that, on the elevation of Râja Mĕlâwar to the office of Yang-di-pĕrtûan, the following arrangement was agreed to between him and the Pĕnghûlus: that he should assemble them on affairs of State and subunit to a Maintenance ofYam Tûan Bĕsar.majority; that his maintenance be furnished equally by the inhabi- tants of the four States, each house contributing annually a gan- tang of padi, two cocoa-nuts and one suku (i.e., 13 1/2 cts.).

On the occasion of a death, marriage, or circumcision in the Royal Family, each Pĕnghûlu was to send three buffaloes and to furnish a certain sum for distribution (probably for the benefit of the various officers who took part in the ceremonies).

In the case of a war also, the Pĕnghûlu was expected to come forward with a certain contribution of men, arms, ammunition, and provisions.

Penghûlu's revenue.The Pĕnghûlu derived his revenue from his power of inflicting fines, and from contributions in kind made by the peoplo of his State; he was said, too, to have the power, in other Malay countries reserved to the sovereign, of enforcing gratuitous labour, but I doubt if the power has been exercised, except to a very limited extent.^[20] The respective positions of Yang-di-pĕrtûan and Pĕnghûlu are also defined by the following verbal Mĕnangkâbau traditions:—

Undang-undang of the Negri Sembilan.^[21]

Undang-undang.

Alam nen běrâju, lûhak nen berpĕnghûlu, sûku bĕrtûha, anak bûah berîbu bâpa.

The kingdom is under the Râja, the district under the Pĕnghûlu, the suku under the elder, and the members of the sûku under the ibu bâpa, (lit., father and mother) title of subordinate elder.

Sabingkah tânah tĕrbâlik, so hĕlei ûrat kâyu yang pitus undang yang punya.

Every clod of earth upturned, every slip of root snapped, is the Pĕnghûlu's.

Deri hûlu âyĕr mĕnyencheng sampei kahîlir ombak měmĕchah, To' Bandar yang punya.

From the trickling source of the stream to the mouth when the waves break is the To' Bandar's.

Di pîjak tânah, di langkah akar undang yang punya.

All the soil and roots under foot belong to the Pĕnghûlu.

Di sauk âyĕr, di pâtah ranting sa champak gâtah di tĕpi tĕbing To' Bandar yang punya.

All water taken, or boughs broken within reach of a punting-pole from the banks, belong to the To' Bandar.

Adat itu di anjak^[22] lâyu, di âlih mâti.

Neglect of these customs will bring decay on the country, and if they are changed, destruction will result.

Adapun Râja itu tiâda mĕmpûnyai nĕgri dan tiâda bûleh menchâkei kharajat, mĕlainkan bĕrkaâdilan sahaja sĕrta pĕrmâkananya duti sasûku, bĕras dûa gautang, nior salâli.

Now the Raja does not own the country, nor can he levy taxes on its produce, but with him lies the final award of justice only, and he obtains a maintenance of a "sûku" (12 cents), two gantangs (gallons) of rice and a string of (i.e., 2) cocoa-nuts. [A contribution from every householder.]

Karna s̆sar ikan kabělat sĕsar bělat katĕbing.

For the fish (being pressed) rest against the weir and the weir is attached to the bank, (i.e., the Lĕmbâga look to the Pĕnghûlu, and the Pĕnghûlu to the Râja).

Jika runtoh těbing, binâsa lah bělat.

If the bank gives way the weir is destroyed (i.e., if the Râja is without justice, the Pĕnghûlu is undang-less, and the four sûkus are without their Lĕmbâga, the waris get no inheritance, and the country is destroyed).

Table of Yam Tûans. The following table gives a view of the Yang-di-pĕrtûans Bĕsar and Mûda from the time of their first introduction to 1832, from which it will be soon that up to the time of Râja Ali's appearance on the scene, the Yang-di-pěrtûans came over regularly from Mĕnangkâbau. He was called in by the Rĕmbau people to help in the conduct of hostilities against Yam Tûan Mûda Râja Asil, and his son Râja Haji, who had given offence by a marriage that was considered unlawful.

(From Mĕnangkâbau.)	Yam Tûan Besar.	Yam Tûan Muda.
	Râja Mĕlâwar.	———
(Do. )	———Âdil [(died 1795-96) leaving Râjas Âsil and Sâbun, latter became Yam Tûan of Jělĕbu, and Tĕngku Pûtih.]	———
(Do.)	———Hîtam (died 1808.)	Râja Âsil (son of Yam Tûan Bĕsar, Râja Âdil.)
(Do.)	———Lenggang Laut (died 1824) had two sons Râdin and Ûjang.[23]	Râja Ali (1815.)[24]
(Do.)	———Lâbu (1826.)	———
	———Ali 1832.	Syed Saban 1832.[25]

Râja Ali.Râja Ali intrigued himself into the position of Yam Tûan Mûda, and after the defeat and retirement from the country of Râja Lâbu, the last Mĕnangkâbau prince, he succeeded in obtaining the object of his ambition, the position of Yam Tûan Bĕsar, to which, as to that of Yam Tûan Mûda, he had no real claim at all.

From the time of his advent till quite lately, Rĕmbau and the neighbouring States have continued to be troubled by a series of intrigues.

Syed Saban.He appointed Syed Saban, his son-in-law, Yam Tûan Mûda, who was ultimately unable to hold his own, and after the Nâning war became a pensioner of the Government, living alternately in Malacca and Tampin, which latter place has, from the time of the first Yam Tûan Mûda Râja Asil, been assigned to the prince holding that position for his maintenance.

Syed Hamid.Syed Saban's son, Tengku Syed Hamid, though he has long endeavoured to obtain the position of Yam Tûan Mûda, has never succeeded in securing the needful recognition, and now rules in Tampin only, which may be now considered to be as completely severed from Rĕmbau, as that State is from any further connection with a Yam Tûan either Bĕsar or Mûda.

Origin of Pĕnghûlu Chiefs and "Sûku"The following account embodies those traditions which have been handed down in Rĕmbau regarding the origin of the Pĕnghûlu, of some of the chiefs, and of some of the sûkus, and will be found, as might have been expected, to differ in some points from others on the same subject already referred to and obtained from different sources.

LĕmbâgaAmong the "Lĕmbâga" or eight chiefs of "sûku" the two highest are the Gĕmpa Maharâja, and Mĕrah Bangsa.

This is because, on the decease of a Sĕdîa Râja Pĕnghûlu, when the chiefs are assembled for the election of his successor, the Dato' Gĕmpa Maharâja's duty is to install him and notify it to the people. And on the decease of a Lêla Maharâja Pĕnghûlu the Dato' Měrah Bangsa discharges similar functions.

The four Lĕmbâga in the low country are held senior to the four inland, and when one of the former dies, his insignia are half those displayed on the death of a Pĕnghûlu, while those of an inland chief are slightly less; money, for instance, is not scattered on the way, nor are cloths spread on the path. The story of the origin of Origin of Gĕmpa Maharâja Pĕrba, and Pâtih. Dato' Gĕmpa, Dato' Pěrba, and Dato' Pâtih is as follows: There was a chief named Dato'^[26] Bĕndahâra Sakûdei^[27] (his wife was a Jakun, daughter of Bâtin Sarîbu Jâya, she was called Princess Long-hair), who came from Johor with his followers to open Rĕmbau. After him came a man from Mĕnangkâbau named Dato' Lĕteh, and he and his party became trusted to the Dato' Bĕndahâra, and supported the people from Johor: they all settled at a place called Kĕbun Lâda (Pepper Garden). After a time Bĕndahâra Sakûdei had three children (female) the eldest named Dato' Bungkal, the next Dato' Mûdek, and the youngest Dato' Mĕngkûdu. Later on he removed to Sungei Ûjong, but he left his eldest child Dato' Bungkal in Rĕmbau with Dato' Lĕteh. Dato' Lěteh belonged to the Mandîling branch of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku, and at the time all those of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku who came over from Mĕnangkâbau to Rĕmbau put themselves under him.

There were five branches of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku from Mĕnangkâbau who adhered to Dato' Lěteh, viz., the Mandîling, the Chĕniâga, the Pâya Bidâra, the Pagar Chinchang, and the Agam.

In course of time Dato' Lĕteh looked round for a suitable husband for the daughter of the Bĕndahâra, and while he was considering the matter, there came a Mĕnangkâbau man of the Chĕniâga branch of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku named Dato' Lêla Bâlang, to ask for Dato' Bungkal as a wife; all the family were agreed to it, and they were married.

In due course Dato' Lêla Bâlang became father of a son, whom he named Lêla Maharâja.

When he was about six years old, and the country had become populous, Dato' Lĕteh consulted with Dato' Lêla Bâlang, and suggested that it would be advisable for the latter to go to Johor and make over the country, for it belonged to the Dato' Bĕndahâra (Sakudei), the two Dato' thought that no one else could rule the country but Lêla Maharâja, for he was the grandson of the Dato' Bĕndahâra.

First appointment of Pĕnghûlu.Then Dato' Lêla Bâlang went with Dato' Laut Dâlam who was a Mĕnangkâbau man with a Javanese wife, to Johor and there the son of Dato' Lêla Bâlang was appointed Pĕnghûlu Lêla Maharâja, but while he was in his minority Dato' Lêla Balang undertook the duties, and was given the title of Dato' Gĕmpa Maharâja.

Second appointment of Pĕnghûlu.Then came Dato' Laut Dâlam complaining to Dato' Lěla Bâlang that he had obtained the Pĕnghûluship for his son and the administration of it for himself with a title, while he, Dato' Laut Dâlam had got nothing for his trouble (the journey to Johor?). Then Dato' Lêla Bûlang returned to the presence the same day and represented the state of matters. The Râja asked whether Dato' Laut Dâlam had any daughters, and finding he had, decided that when he grew up Lêla Maharâja should marry Dato' Laut Dâlam's daughter, and if he got a child, that child should be Pĕnghûlu Sĕdîa Râja, whose duties should be undertaken by Dato' Laut Dâlam, and Dato' Laut Dâlam had the title of Dato' Mĕrah Bangsa conferred on him. They then returned to Rĕmbau.^[28]

It was subsequently decided, in consultation with Dato' Lĕteh, that all the Chěniâga branch of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku should be handed over to the charge of the Dato' Gĕmpa Maharâja, i.e., Dato' Lela Bâlang. The other four branches of the sûku remained under Dato' Lěteh, who was Dato' Putih, and have so continued to this day.

The descendants of Dato' Laut Dâlam became the "waris" of the Pĕnghûlu Sĕdia Râja, because of the mother having been Javanese, and when the "waris" of both Pĕnghûlus had become numerous, an elder was put over them with the name of Dato' Pĕrba, who was chosen alternately from each side, being at one time Jakun and the next Jawa.

Dato' Pûtih has always been considered to be connected with the Dato' Pĕrba up to the present time, because Dato' Lěteh brought up Dato' Bangkal, and Dato' Pûtih is descended from Dato' Lĕteh, and Dato' Pĕrba is descended from Dato' Bungkal.

The following account is given of the origin of the name "Lîma Saku" in the low country:— Origin of Lîma Sûku.In the time of Pĕnghûlu Kâsir a woman of the Dato' Pĕrba's people was taken to wife by a man of the Mungkar tribe in Tampin, but his peoplo did not pay the marriage dowry. On this the Dato' Pĕrba and Dato' Pûtih after consultation summoned their people together and went to Tampin to demand the dowry; they kept up the attack for about a fortnight, but without success; then Dato' Pûtih and Dato' Pěrba called to their aid Dato' Maharâja Sĕnâra, Dato' Lêla Angsa, and Dato' Ganti Maharâja: these three agreed to help them in the affair they were engaged in, and assembled all their people and attacked Tampin, which was defeated at their first attempt; the Mungkar people admitted the dowry claim, and the matter was settled. Then the five Dato' returned to Rĕmbau, and there they agreed to act together always, and they had a feast and slaughtered buffaloes, and Pĕnghûlu Kâsir romoved to a place called Mesjid Bâtu Pûtih, where there was a great assembly and the five chiefs mentioned registered an oath with the spilling^[29] of blood and under the Korân, that they would remain five elders with one Lĕmbâga, cach with his own people, but of one mind, whether advantago or injury should accrue, they should share it as long as the sun and moon, which cannot change, endure. Whichever of the fire chiefs should change or depart from the above solemn agreement, he would be punished by the testimony of the thirty books of the Korân, the Majesty of Pagar Rûyong would fall upon him, and the weapon Kâwi would make an end of him. This was the origin of the five sûkus, and thenceforth Dato' Pĕnghûlu Kâsir spoke of the four and five sûkus, in the low country, with respect to the "bĕrampat berlîma sûku,” and the "bĕrampat bĕrsĕmbilan sûku" inland. It is said that the first settling of this First settlement "di-darat," i.e. inland. part of the country was agreed on by three chiefs from Mĕnangkâbau; one Dato' Laut of Pâya Kumboh^[30] selected a stream called Lâyang; from him Dato' Si Maharâja^[31] is descended: another Dato' Pûtih from Sri Lĕmak took the stream called Lûbok Rûsa; from him is descended Dato' Sinda Maharâja:^[31] another Dato' Inda Pĕtrâ, a man of Bâtu Bâlang took the stream of Bintongan; he was the ancestor of Dato' Andîka.^[31]

These three all began planting in the places named. They claimed from the sources of the streams to their junction with the main stream. While engaged in clearing, they heard the sound of many trees falling down stream within the range of their claims, on going to see the cause, they found one Dato' Pûteh Kĕpâla a Sri Mělěnggang man of Mĕnangkâbau occupied in clearing. (Dato Mandělîka^[31] descends from him.) The place was called Bâta Hampar. Then there was a dispute between the three chiefs and Dato' Pûteh Kĕpâla, the former claiming from the gullies to the mouths of their streams, saying they had settled there first; the latter claimed the same, and their claims were equally strong, for they had been all recognised from Johor. Later on authority came from the Pĕnghûlu dividing the land between them, and making the boundary from Bâtu Mĕnunggul to Tunggâl Mĕrbau in the Bâtu Bĕsar jungle, and thence to Tunggâl Châchar, on to Kwâla Ânak Âyĕr Hîtam in the Sêpri stream; whoever went up the Leng stream must be under Dato' Si Maharâja, whoever went up the Lûbok Rûsa stream must be under Dato' Sinda Maharâja, and any one settling up the Bintongan stream must be under Dato' Andîka. So the Tîga Bâtu people under Nang Bĕsar, who went up the Bintongan, were under the jurisdiction of Dato' Andîka. So likewise in the case of the Sĕprî, Dato' Pĕnghûlu Uban brought two men from Johor, Dato' Chindei Luâtan (a Bĕduauda, from whom descends Dato' Sĕtir Maharâja), and a Mĕnangkâbau man of the Pâya Bidâra brauch of the Bâtu Hampar, (from whom Sûtan Bĕndahâra is descended), and told them to settle on the Sěprî. They worked with the three chiefs, Dato' Si Maharâja, Dato' Sinda Maharâja, and Dato' Andîka, and they became five sûkus, and were called "běrampat berlîma sûku" being confined within the boundaries above-mentioned.

Further down stream came Dato' Mĕngiâng of the Mungkar sûku from Mâchap,^[32] and a Mĕnangkâbau man, i.e., Dato' Maharâja Inda, making three with Dato' Pûtih Kěpâla, i.e., Dato' Mandělîka, and these were called three elders and one Lĕmbâga.

The origin of the appellation "bĕrsĕmbilan" is that they descended from nine mothers in these three sûkus, four in the Sri Mělĕnggang, three in the Mungkar, in the Tânah Datar^[33] two; these worked together, together bore disgrace and shame.

The eight Lĕmbâga of sûkus, four in the low country and four inland, hold the next position in the State to the Pĕnghûlu, and in all affairs of consequence he is obliged to consult them and to follow the opinion of the majority, and no treaties or agreements affecting the country generally are valid without their signature. The four Orang Bĕsar, though not heads of sûkus, still, from their position as "waris" and consequent eligibility for the Pĕnghûluship, are able to exercise considerable influence. But subordinate chiefs of intriguing character are, of course, often found to have au influence greatly disproportioned to their official position. The Dato' Pĕrba, the foremost of the "duablas sûku," also occupies an influential position, from his being the head of the joint sûku of Bĕduanda Jakun and Bĕduanda Jâwa, from which he, like the Pĕnghûlu, is alternately elected. He is also eligible for the Pĕnghûluship. It will also be noticed that his sûku is by far the most numerous, being double any of the others.

Nature of country.The soil of Rĕmbau resembles that of Nâning generally. The same may be said of its physical configuration; the country is of.an undulating character, the depressions being mostly "sâwah," and the rising ground kampongs or secondary jungle. The hills, except near the Malacca frontier, seem to be of less elevation than in Nâning. Bukit Bĕsar is the only mountain in the country, exclusive of those in the ranges which divide it from Sungei Ûjong, Sri Měnanti and Johol.

Padi-land.The "sâwah" or padi-fields are extensive, but a good deal is now out of cultivation, owing to the fatal cattle disease which has raged during the last three years, and has carried off almost all the buffaloes. I saw very few indeed.

A large proportion of the "sâwah" have, however, been planted out with padi this season, the fields having been prepared by means of a large wooden "changkul" or hoc, which is much used by the Rĕmbauans.

The "sâwah" divisions ("jalor" or "pêtak") strike me as being a good deal smaller than those in our territory, probably owing to the fact that they are cultivated by hand, and the "batas" or dividing ridges appear much better kept.

The soil of the "sâwah" is of a lighter colour than is common in Malacca and there is more tendency to sand and quartz grit in it.

Crops.The yield appears to be high, averaging eighty to ninety, and in some places runs as high as a hundred-fold. At Gâdong I noticed the "sâwah" soil was a very white clay with an admixture of grit, and was told it was particularly good and produced a hundred-fold, In this, as in other Malay countries, a certain amount of "ladang," or high-land cultivation, of padi takes place, more particularly when circumstances are unfavourable for the "sâwah" or wet cultivation.

Tin.There is no tin worked in Rĕmbau, though it was acknowledged that it existed, but was not worked for fear of the water flowing from the workings poisoning the "sâwah" and preventing the cultivation of padi. At Ûlu Pĕdas tin has been worked, but I heard it had been given up owing to rival claims.

Prevailing rock.Granite is the prevailing rock, but quartz occasionally appears cropping up to a limited extent, and loose fragments are found in the streams. The soil on the mountains of Tampin and Dato' is good, of light brown, occasionally clayey. The variety of ferns on Gûnong Dato' was considerable. The Tampin soil is said to be richer than any in Malacca, except that in the Mâchap district where tapioca is said to grow best.

View from Gûnong Dato'.The view from Gûnong Dato' is a fine one, extending westerly from the Sungei Ujong mountains, over the sea-board down to Pûlau Bĕsar in the South, where Gûnong Tampin shuts out the view; between the latter, however, and Bûkit Hûlu Âpi-Âpi, over which is the route to Johol from Rĕmbau proper, Mount Ophir rears its great pile.

To the immediate North lies Gûnong Bĕrâgak slightly higher, and forming the end of the amphitheatre opposite Gûnong Dato', with which it is connected by a semi-circular ridge: from this rise two nameless summits, the one adjoining Gûnong Dato' being decidedly higher than the latter, and like the rest of the ridge covered with trees which shew no tendency to be dwarfed.

Height of Gûnong Dato'.Gûnong Dato' itself I make 2,060 feet above Gâdong at Haji Mastafa's house, which cannot be much above sea-level. Gûnong Tampin is, to judge by the eye, 200 feet higher.

Peculiar summit.The summit of Gûnong Dato' is very peculiar, being formed of immense rocks, some 50 or 60 feet high resting on a space which is barely enough to support them; between the two main rocks hang suspended 2 or 3 smaller rocks, under which is sufficient room for a large party. Legend.On one of the smaller rocks in this cham- ber below has been placed an earthen jar into which water trickles from above; this water is often preserved by the devotees, who are constantly making the ascent to pay their vows, as having peculiar and sacred properties. On the top of the massive rocks first mentioned are smaller rocks which form the actual summit, and on one of these is to be seen a small hollow, shaped something like the print of a human foot. This footprint is attributed to the Pětri Gûnong Lêdang (Princess of Mount Ophir)—a fairy being, who touched here on her way from Tanjong Tûan, whence she had taken flight in her magic robes from the importunities of the crew of her late lord Nakhôda Râgam, whom she had in a moment of irritation slain with a prick of her needle. To this footprint the mountain owes its name of Dato,' and its reputation as a "krâmat." There is only one tree among these rocks, and that not in the summit, so that there is a clear view all round, except where the mountains, lying close inland, intervene and shut out Sri Mĕnanti, Jělei, Johol, and the Moar River.

I was fortunate in having a fine clear day on Gûnong Dato,' and was able to take a number of bearings with a prismatic compass, including a certain number of places in Rĕmbau territory lying at my feet.

The result is embodied in the accompanying rough chart, which has of course no pretensions to accuracy, but may perhaps serve to give a better idea of the country than has hitherto been attainable. On a further occasion I hope to give some further account of the chiefs of this State and their surbordinates, as well as of their functions, and some of the local customs.

D. F. A. HERVEY.

1. Probably a case of metathesis. This is likely enough to be the origin of the name; the other accounts are, of course, later embellishments.
2. This is the recognized official spelling, or I should spell it "Hûjong" in accordance with the proper Malay spelling, though Malays have begun to drop the "h" in this word, as in other similar ones, but I see no reason to drop it because it is mute. Many Malaya still sound the "h" in "hitam " and "hâyam," though the latter is more commonly sounded now without it.
3. The real origin of this name was probably that it was a very large tree, said to have 100 branches: cf. "rĕngas tûjoh" further down the Moar, which has seven stems branching from one root.
4. cf. infra with approval of Johor.
5. cf. infra.
6. The tradition, if the word "princess" is to be taken literally, is somewhat mixed (a not uncommon occurrence) about this, for there was no princely race in Sungei Ûjong at the time; but it is a common practice to confer this title on women remarkable for beauty and fairness of complexion, and it may mean no more.
7. cf. with Rĕmbau tradition infra, which makes him come from Johor.
8. "Jĕrneh," clear.
9. "Bĕrtam" a palm-like reed, of which the leaves are used for thatch, and the stem split for walling houses.
10. "Jĕlôtong," a fine gĕtah-bearing tree. The gĕtah is mixed with other marketable gĕtah.
11. "Bukit Pûtus," cleft hill, a very common name all over the country.
12. "Jîrat," a grave; "gunjei," a giant. This giant is said to have been so tall that he could pluck the cocoa-nuts as he walked along; he is said to have been killed at Padang Châchar (the plain of the châchar trees) by introducing a spear head into a bambu in which water was given him to drink so that when he tipped it up to drink he swallowed the spear-head, on which he fled, and was brought down by being cut in the leg; he fell and was buried where he fell, the heap over this marks the boundary point, where u pillar is now erected. There is another Jîrat Gunjei in Tampin, said to be that of a female Gunjei.
13. "Lûbok," pool in a river; "tâlan," a tree (in other parts of the country called "gâpis").
14. "Fĕringgi" Portuguese; "dûsun" orchard.
15. "Kĕpar," a very peculiar stumpy kind of palm.
16. There is of course another Jĕlei also known as (illegible text), which, till a generation or two ago, formed part of Johol, nor is it clear that it is entirely separate now; this district could not have been one of the original "Negri Sembilan; the title of its chief is the same as that of the Johol Dato', while that of the Jĕlei in the text was Maharaja Pĕrba. No doubt with the decadence of the Johor dynasty, and the practical independence of Pahang, Jĕlei ceased to be regarded as anything but a dependency of the Bendahara.
17. I am disposed to think it was "karâja-an" originally.
18. "Kandong," to be with child, in that sense to carry, to support, so this place bore or supported the Yam Tûan Besar.
19. Not, I am informed, as Newbold states, because it was built at right angles to the river. The allegorical explanation given in the text is more in accordance with Malay ideas.
20. Such as helping in padi-planting and repairing the Pĕnghûlu's house and fence.
21. i.e., of the "Pĕrpâtih (or perhaps more properly "Pâti" Pîhang) Sabâtang, opposed to which is the "âdat tĕmĕnggongan." I may refer to this in greater detail on a future occasion.
22. v.l. "di châbut."
23. Tengku Antah, the present Yum Tûan of Sri Mĕnanti is son of Râja Râdin.
24. Son of Râja Hîtam's wife by her former husband, Râja Haman, brother to Sultan Ibrahim of Sĕlângor.
25. Syed Hamid, the present ruler of Tampin, is his son.
26. The account quoted supra calls him a Bâtin, which would imply that he was himself a Jakun. The title of Bĕndahâra is now in use amongst the Jakuns.
27. Probably because he came from the river of that name in Johor.
28. This and the other States were no doubt at the time of the taking of Malacca by the Portuguese inhabited by aborigines only. These latter assisted in the defence of Malacca with their primitive weapons.
29. Each party puts some of his blood into a cup, and then each dips his finger into the blood and conveys it to his mouth.
30. Name of a rush-like grass growing in swampy ground.
31. Lĕmbaga "di-dârat."
32. In Nâning.
33. Datar, i.e. flat.