Life of William, Earl of Shelburne/Volume 1/Chapter 6

by Edmond George Petty-Fitzmaurice

 

CHAPTER VI

 

LORD SHELBURNE AND THE MARQUIS OF ROCKINGHAM

 

1763-1765

 

For a year and more after the events just related Shelburne seems to have availed himself in earnest of the opportunity of cultivating the retirement on the charms of which he had formerly insisted when writing to Fox. While his enemies at Court were blackening his character, he was buying MSS., entertaining his friends, making a lake at Bowood,^[1] and restoring order on his estate at Wycombe in Buckinghamshire, which, on his succession, he says he "had found tenanted by beggars and bankrupts, universally out of repair, great part uninclosed, and the bounds of the rest in the worst possible order. No tenants could be got to take it without a great deal being done, and without long leases. However, a great deal was done, the whole was put into perfect repair, a great deal too much expended in some instances in farmhouses, the whole inclosed, pathways and roads turned, the bounds made good, and tenants were found to take it without any lease; but they took every advantage of the bad repute in which the estate was held, as well as of my ignorance and inexperience at the time, and my total want of assistance, to indemnify themselves, for any risk they might run, in settling the rent."^[2]

"Since my return from Calcraft's," he writes to Barré, "I have been in Wiltshire and avoided politicks."^[3] "I am glad to find you still like retirement," writes Weymouth, "though I dare say you have a great deal of amusement in yourself. I am sure that your mind is too active to let the great events of the world pass without taking some part in them."^[4] "Have you done with those silly manuscripts," writes Sandwich,^[5] at the same time offering him "a wild beast" for the menagerie then at Wycombe, but in after years removed to Bowood, where the skull of a lion—the sole relic of his peers—now wonders from the top of a cupboard at the strange company it keeps among bookshelves and parchments. But the bookshelves and parchments are not those from which Jemmy Twitcher attempted to win Lord Shelburne with the offer of a wild beast. These are now at the British Museum. Acquired and added to at various periods, the collection consisted in the main of the purchases of Mr. James West and Mr. Philip Carteret Webbe^[6]—of Wilkes and judicial fame—from whom they were bought by Shelburne. It comprised many of the State papers of both the Cecils, from whom they had passed to Sir Michael Hickes, their Secretary, and from him to Strype, and so to West. There too, were to be found the collections of Bishop Kennet and those of Le Neve and others learned in heraldic lore; with the papers of Sir Julius Cæsar, the Master of the Rolls of the first James and the first Charles; of Petyt on Parliaments; with selections from the Patent Rolls; and a mass of other documents in which the past history of England might be read from the time of Henry VI. to the time of the Star Chamber, and from the time of the Star Chamber to the reign of George III. When Shelburne—then Lord Lansdowne—died, those who reigned in his stead had the same opinion of the value of MSS. as Sandwich, and the story is still told how only the zeal of an auctioneer saved the papers of Sir Julius Cæsar from falling into the hands of an enterprising cheesemonger,^[7] who had made a private bargain for them at the price of £10. The whole collection was then brought to the hammer and purchased by the British Museum with the first sum of money ever voted by Parliament in aid of the Library.

Occasionally Shelburne visited London with Barré, now become in every sense of the term his aide-de-camp, and the centre of the group of "the little knot of young orators"^[8] which was wont to gather in Hill Street, or in small clubs, mixed with literary men older in years and of various political opinions. He is also heard of travelling in France and Belgium with Mr. Dunning. "Lord Shelburne," Sir James Porter writes from Brussells, "passed through here. This Lord has parts and conception, and has applied; and I should think might have made his way, if he had not kicked down his pail of milk."^[9] It was through Bute that Shelburne had, in all probability, come to know Johnson.^[10] Through Johnson he came to know Goldsmith and Reynolds, to the last of whom he sat for his portrait in March 1764, and again in 1766.

Other members of the society in Hill Street were Lawrence Sulivan, the rival of Clive at the India House,^[11] Serjeant Glynn and Alderman Townshend, Dunning and Pratt, Francis the translator of Horace, Calcraft and Nugent, George Dempster the future patron of Burns, and Captain Howe, who writing from India, had announced his intention of coming back, "and improving in husbandry under so experienced a farmer as Lord Shelburne must undoubtedly have become, if he cultivated the favourable disposition he so strongly shewed for retirement from the noise of the world."^[12] Blackstone too, was a frequent visitor, and was introduced to the King by Shelburne. Alluding in a letter to Shelburne to his wish to become the Head of a College, the future author of the Commentaries on the Laws of England thus expressed himself on a subject which was only just beginning to force itself on the attention of the public men of the country as follows in writing:

"I should then also find leisure and opportunity to open another plan, which I have long meditated, and which my present situation in the University (as Principal of a Hall) would give me opportunity to put in practice; I mean some improvements in the methods of academical education, by retaining the useful parts of it stripped of monastic pedantry, by supplying its defects, and adopting it more peculiarly to gentlemen of rank and fortune; whereas the basis of the present forms is principally calculated for the priesthood, while the instruction of laymen (whatever be their quality or profession), is only a collateral object. The Universities were founded when the little learning of the times was monopolized by the Clergy. They politicly meant it should continue so, and ordered their Institutions accordingly."^[13]

Hume too, had been a visitor in Hill Street, and on leaving London placed on record his pleasant recollections of the society he had met there in the following letter:

December 12th, 1761.

My Lord,—An accident, a little unexpected has hastened my journey to Scotland a little sooner than I intended. I was offered a chaise that sets out to-morrow morning, where I could sit alone and loiter and read and muse for the length of four hundred miles. Your Lordship may judge, by this specimen of my character, how unfit I am to mingle in such an active and sprightly society as that of which your Lordship invited me to partake, and that in reality a book and a fireside, are the only scenes for which I am now qualified. But I should be unfit to live among human creatures could I ever forget the obligations which I owe to your Lordship's goodness, or could ever lose the firm resolution of expressing my sense of them on all occasions. I beg your Lordship to believe that, though age and philosophy have mortified all ambition in me, yet there are other sentiments which I find more inherent to me, which I shall always cherish, and which no time can efface. And when I shall see your Lordship making a figure in the active scenes of life, I shall always consider your progress with a peculiar pleasure, though perhaps accompanied with the regret that I partake of it at so great a distance. I remember to have seen a picture in your Lordship's house of a Hottentot who fled from a cultivated life to his companions in the woods and left behind him all his fine accoutrements and attire. I compare not my case to his; for I return to very sociable, civilized people.^[14] I only mean to express the force of habit which renders a man accustomed to retreat and study unfit for the commerce of the great world, and makes it a necessary piece of wisdom for him to shun it after age has rendered that habit entirely inveterate. This is the only excuse I can give to your Lordship for being so much wanting to my own interest as to leave London when you had contrived to make it so agreeable a habitation to me.

I did not hear of this vehicle till to-day, and to tell the truth, I rather chose to express my sentiments to your Lordship in writing, than to wait upon you in person, because however imperfectly I may have executed my purpose of discovering my sense of the obligations I owe your Lordship, I still could do it better by writing than by speech.

I am, with the greatest sincerity, my Lord,

Your Lordship's

Most obedient and most humble Servant,

David Hume.

 

But Shelburne, though temporarily deprived of Hume as a guest, received at this time another and as illustrious a visitor in Benjamin Franklin. Long afterwards, when the country of the one seemed sinking under the blows of repeated misfortune, and that of the other was with difficulty struggling into existence, these two men were called to end the fratricidal strife and to separate the contending nations, if it were possible, as friends. They then looked back to the time when, in days of comparative calm, nineteen years before they had "talked upon the means of promoting the happiness of mankind, a subject far more agreeable to their natures than the best concerted plans for spreading misery and ruin."^[15]

The greater part of 1764 was passed by Shelburne between improvements in the country and society in London, only disturbed by the distant rumours of the schemes, actual and potential, of George Grenville for taxing America, and by the election of the Directors of the East India Company, in which he supported the list of Lawrence Sulivan, in order, it was supposed, to get Barré sent out to Bengal as Governor-General,^[16] but in reality from a strong distrust of the policy of territorial conquest represented by Lord Clive,^[17] who had been again sent out in 1763 as Commander-in-Chief and GovernorGeneral, in consequence of the renewed outbreak of serious trouble. Still, even when supporting candidates on whose election he considered the future honest management of the Company to depend, he felt an aversion to such interference. In subsequent years, he said, alluding to this question: "I interfered a good deal at one time in the affairs of the Company, but upon its taking a very corrupt turn, I scrupulously shut my door against them. It was always my maxim to avoid all personal canvassing. I have always felt it a petite guerre, a poor means of securing friendship or animosity. Besides, what a slavery does it make of political friendship!"^[18]

Early in the following year Walpole writes to Mann: "There is an approaching wedding notified between Lord Shelburne and Lady Sophia Carteret, the only child of our old friend Lady Sophia Fermor by Lord Granville. Her face is like the beauty of neither, and is like her halfsisters,^[19] but her air and person would strike you from the strong resemblance to her mother.^[20] Their children will have the seeds in them of some extraordinary qualities, look whither you will." An illustrious modern author has supposed Shelburne, in consequence of this marriage, to have been influenced by the political opinions of his deceased father-in-law.^[21] They both undoubtedly shared that dislike of the old Whigs for which Granville had suffered at more than one period of his chequered career, and which was to play so great a part in the life of Granville's son-in-law.

The Stamp Act was passing through Parliament at the time that the statesman, whose whole career was to be so affected by it, was being married. But though Shelburne himself was absent from the House of Lords, his opinions were represented in the Commons by Barré, who putting aside the question (as at the moment of subordinate importance) of the right of Parliament to tax America, denied the advisability of exercising it; and showing the speciousness of the plea of virtual representation which had been advanced to support it, made a speech which chancing to be reported by Jared Ingersoll of Connecticut, immensely increased his Parliamentary reputation and rendered the phrase "Sons of Liberty," a household word in every home on the other side of the Atlantic:

"They planted by your care!" he fiercely retorted on Charles Townshend, who had applied those words to the origin of the colonists: "No, your oppressions planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated, inhospitable country, where they exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable, and among others to the cruelties of a savage foe, the most subtle and I will take upon me to say the most formidable of any people upon the face of God's earth; and actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure compared with those they suffered in their own country from the hands of those who should be their friends. They nourished up by your indulgence! They grew by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them in one department and another, who were perhaps the deputies of deputies to some member of this House, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them; men whose behaviour on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them; men promoted to the highest seats of justice, some of whom to my knowledge were glad by going to a foreign country to escape being brought to a bar of a court of justice in their own. They protected by your arms! They have nobly taken up arms in your defence, have exerted a valour amidst their constant and laborious industry for the defence of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And, believe me, remember I this day told you so, the same spirit of freedom, which actuated that people at first will accompany them still. But prudence forbids me to explain myself further. God knows I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat, what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. However superior to me in general knowledge and experience the respectable body of this House may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country. The people I believe are as truly loyal as any subjects the King has, but they are a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated: but the subject is too delicate; I will say no more."

Nor did Barré stand alone. Jackson the "omniscient," the friend of Johnson,^[22] a man famed for the almost unrivalled extent of his information, once the Private Secretary of Grenville, whose measure he now opposed, afterwards the trusted friend of Shelburne whose colleague he became,^[23] raised his voice also against the tax. "The Parliament," he said, "may choose whether they will tax America or not; they have a right to tax Ireland, yet do not exercise that right. Still stronger objections may be urged against their taxing America. Other ways of raising the moneys there requisite for the public service exist, and have not yet failed; but the colonies in general have, with alacrity, contributed to the common cause. It is hard all should suffer for the fault of two or three. Parliament is undoubtedly the universal unlimited legislature of the British dominions, but it should voluntarily set bounds to the exercise of its power, and if the majority of Parliament think they ought not to set these bounds, then they should give a share of the election of the legislature to the American colonies, otherwise the liberties of America I do not say will be lost but will be in danger, and they cannot be injured without danger to the liberties of Great Britain."^[24]

"Dear Barré," writes Shelburne to him, on hearing of the debate, "I am happy to hear of your success the American day. It must give your friends in America the greatest pleasure. How wonderful the division!"^[25] The numbers handed in by the tellers had been 249 and 49.

Shelburne was now in frequent communication with Pitt through Calcraft. "I was able," writes Calcraft, "to pay my intended visit to Hayes yesterday, where I was received in the most kind manner, and spent three hours in more intimate and confidential conversation than ever. … I will convey a short sense of your situation in Mr. Pitt's opinion by his last words to me: 'Assure Lord Shelburne he may depend on hearing from me the instant an opening comes from any quarter; that I will ever avow his conduct from our first beginning. Let him stick to measures. Connections as to men are mean, but on measures commendable. I make no professions, but Lord Shelburne will infer.' He also strongly commended Barré's conduct, to which I did all the justice in my power. We laughed about the fifteen expresses reported to be sent him from Administration, and he remains not a jot nearer Lord Bute, the Duke of Bedford, or Mr. Grenville, though he thinks Lord Bute means some change and foresees confusion. He is against any Regency Bill, on which subject I will enlarge to your Lordship on meeting. He is also strong against the American Mutiny Bill,^[26] as an oppression they ought not to be subjected to, and in a great measure unnecessary. He thinks the King sending for the Duke had some serious meaning, but has not heard what. I was glad to hear him speak most highly and affectionately of Lord Temple again.^[27] Lady Chatham had dined with him yesterday. He begged me to make many apologies for not having been to visit you, which he will do here if he can, but has been confined ever since your Lordship saw him, and is not able to stand yet. The two friends Mr. Pitt talks of as those he will advise with in all situations and depend on, are Lord Chief Justice Pratt and Lord Shelburne. This pleased me as did his sentiments about Barré. Many, many other things were discussed, which I will report at large on Friday."^[28]

At the end of the month the Regency Bill coming on in the House of Lords, Shelburne joined Temple in denouncing the whole Bill as unnecessary and unwise. After urging that the object of the Bill was the public peace and security of the Crown; that the King was liable, like other persons, to make mistakes, more especially in cases where his own essential interest and that of his family were concerned; that it was therefore consistent with the dignity of Parliament and of the Crown for the former to interfere, and not merely to register the wishes of the latter, he continued: "In case of a demise, the Parliament then in being may be immediately assembled, and by a clause in the last Bill of Regency now, as I think, in force, they are to sit three years, unless sooner dissolved. The most proper means of administering Government during a minority would then be in the hands of those who are alone interested in the success of those means, who can be the only judges of circumstances, situations, and characters, and who alone have a right to judge of the true interests of the State. The present Parliament seems to have no right to make laws which shall be binding upon future Parliaments, especially in points in which the future are alone interested, unless their wisdom and their power was so great that they could discern unbegotten events, or stop the fleeting currents of human affairs. If they want this power, how can it be supposed that future times will relinquish their own peculiar rights, and suffer themselves implicitly to obey the direction of those who had no right to restrain them, nor opportunities to judge of their situation or circumstances. … Yet what provision is made by this Bill for a future Regency? What judgment, what foresight is the Parliament to exert! Excepting the persons of the Royal Family, the whole is to be left to the future deterinitiation of the King, whose will is to extend beyond his life, and to be implicitly obeyed by the Public. Even the Regent is at present unknown, and consequently unapproved of. The ten great officers of State will be such as shall be in office at the demise. The present Ministers before that period may be removed, and those ten may possibly be the most obnoxious in the kingdom, and though perhaps the proper instruments of a wise and ruling monarch, may yet be in their own persons contemptible both in respect to their morals and understanding. The administration of government requires subserviency of man to man and not a rivalship or emulation of abilities, and therefore it is seldom that above one genius is included in the group and even that one perhaps may be seated upon the Throne; and if that be the case the nation, during a minority, may be governed by the most incapable men in it, to the exclusion of those of the first rank, fortune, merit, talents, and abilities.

"To these are to be added four more, and consequently neither of the Royal Family nor possessing any of the great offices of State, men perhaps who will be as much hated then as they are at present unknown.^[29] To reply to these things the great wisdom of the King will be possibly urged as an unanswerable argument. It is however unparliamentary to do so; it is the language of slaves and not of freemen. The wisdom of the King may be a private inducement, but it ought never to be a public argument; when the good of the State is in question all men are to be supposed fallible. Principles and systems of policy as wrong or right, are alone to be considered, and the casual abilities of men should be left out of the question. Yet even this consideration will lose its force when it is remembered that the appointment of a Regent and Council will probably be the last act of His Majesty's life, when sickness and infirmity may disturb his understanding and management, and intrigue may prevail. But it were well if a bad administration for a short period were the only evil which could result from such a law. What is most to be apprehended is lest disdain, resentment, and violence should hereafter prevail, and the legal authority of such a Regency be set at open defiance."^[30]

He then went on to show that an incompetent Regent and incompetent Ministers would be tempted to stoop to the lowest corruption in order to overcome their unpopularity, while on the other hand the Parliament sitting at the King's demise could choose the most competent Regent, in his opinion the Queen; and she and the Ministers would have an interest in preserving the high character to which they had owed their elevation. Thus the risk of corruption and of bad government which might lead to rebellion and anarchy would be avoided.

The arguments, however, proved ineffectual, and only six peers followed Temple and Shelburne into the lobby. Temple retired to Stowe and Shelburne to Bowood.

The conduct of the Ministers on the question of the Regency had greatly weakened their position. They had first alienated the Duke of Cumberland by seeking to exclude his name from the Bill, and they had then tried to exclude the Princess Dowager through fear of Bute. Succeeding in this, though only for a moment, they alienated the King, who sent Cumberland to negotiate with Pitt.^[31] But Temple refused to co-operate in the formation of a Ministry, and the negotiation came to an end. Shelburne had been offered office. "Pitt," Calcraft wrote to him, "thinks nothing can be more guarded or proper than your reply, and is still more convinced by the statement made to your friend^[32] of a late transaction how slippery and dangerous all ground at Court is, so wishes you to keep on greater guard, which he seems sure will answer with the public. Even this communication he doubts may be misconstrued or revive Lord Bute's idea that everybody may be had. His Lordship, it seems, is totally Lord Holland's, and in both these quarters Mr. Pitt and Lord Shelburne are equal favourites. Your visit in Audley Street^[33] is thought most sensible, and we shall like to hear the consequence of this transaction. He applauds to the last degree your leaving town. He is hurrying away Lord Temple, and goes himself the moment the doctors will allow it. I suspected at first some little jealousy about Court communications, but explaining your intentions towards him as publick and private men, that not only vanished but he wished it kept sensibly open. Mr. Pitt went into the strongest expressions about your conduct, which he concluded by saying repeatedly, 'Lord Temple and he agreed you and your friends only had acted a thorough part.' I think he has stronger light since Monday from George Grenville's quarter, though they have not met; in some shape or other there seems security. He went into arrangements, is most determined to keep Lord Bute at bay though not altered in sentiments of gentlemanlike conduct towards him or anything reasonable for the great person's friends. The commendation of the Duke nettles and creates doubts of underhand manoeuvres between his Royal Highness and Lord Holland, but the Court is altogether inexplicable. He wishes mystery on our part also, and recommends strongly no post correspondence. His confidence to us being thought, as it really is, unbounded, of this there was no danger I assured him, as he imagined. George Grenville dines at Hayes on Thursday."^[34]

But Pitt was unable to come to any agreement with Grenville notwithstanding the "security" of which Calcraft spoke, and this divergence of views had important results, for by the end of June another ministerial crisis had become inevitable. The King personally disliked his present advisers too much to allow their support of his arbitrary measures to atone for their plain-spoken independence on the subject of Bute, nor had Grenville cared to conceal from the King that what he specially wished was not so much like Halifax to increase the power of the Crown, as to uphold the authority of Parliament in American affairs. Thus it was that in July both Grenville and Bedford and their colleagues retired, and Pitt was once more sent for to form a Ministry. He demanded and the King consented to a legislative condemnation of general warrants, the repeal of the cider tax, a change of the American stamp tax, and an alliance with Prussia; but owing to the perversity of Temple, who was now reconciled to his brother, the author of the Stamp Act, and was acting under his influence, the negotiation again failed.^[35]

"I came to town," writes Shelburne to Barré, "yesterday on a political call. Mr. Pitt thought he had agreed so far with the King the Saturday before that there could be no further difference in essentials, and sent for Lord Temple with a view to proceed immediately to particular arrangements. However, Lord Temple found himself under a necessity, on coming to town on the Monday, to decline the Treasury for certain delicate and tender reasons, which hitherto have remained unexplained as to particulars or the public. Mr. Pitt abides by his opinion that the ground was sufficient to proceed upon if Lord Temple had acceded, but without him at his right hand it was impossible for him to resist the difficulties that threatened from different quarters, and is hitherto positive in this opinion. The King however being determined to dismiss those at present about him, it is generally supposed will take the advice of his Uncle, and an administration is expected to be formed in consequence by Friday.

"As long as I imagined this was likely to come to anything, I was sorry you had gone so soon, but as things stand I think you will be of another sentiment. In all events you may depend on hearing further, when the measure appears fixed.

"I should go out of town immediately, but I have some Wiltshire business, which will detain me till Saturday. I wish you entertainment where you are; no place can be duller than London."^[36]

Thus the King again found himself without advisers. At length in desperation he sent Cumberland to negotiate with the rump of the old Whig party, and the Rockingham-Newcastle administration emerged out of the chaos. Pitt refused the overtures which the new Whig leader at once made to him. Shelburne followed his example, declining the post which Rockingham offered him:

 

The Marquis of Rockingham to the Earl of Shelburne.

July 11th, 1765.

My Lord,—I did myself the honour to wait upon your Lordship on last, but had not the good fortune to find you at home; and I should have desired the honour of a conversation with you, if I had had any expectation of succeeding with you in what I was empowered to propose.

I must, nevertheless, in order not to appear wanting in respect to your Lordship, desire to know from your Lordship, whether it would be agreeable to you to return to preside at the Board of Trade.

The conversation I have had with Mr. Dempster has given me the utmost satisfaction, as it permits me to flatter myself that your Lordship is not disinclined to give your countenance and assistance in support of His Majesty's present servants, as well as that your Lordship is far from objecting to any applications being made to Colonel Barré.^[37]

 

His reply was in these terms:

July 11th, 1765.

My Lord,—It is impossible for me, except I could convey to your Lordship at the same time how desirous I have ever been, by unalterable duty and respect, to preserve His Majesty's good opinion, to express to you the satisfaction and happiness it would give me to serve him in any situation, much more in the considerable one your Lordship does me the honour to point out to me. I am therefore extremely concerned that, besides the total ignorance I am under in regard to the measures you propose to pursue, a real consciousness of my own inability in so active an office, to which the domestic habits I have lately fallen into add not a little, makes it absolutely incumbent on me to decline the honour done me, through a conviction that more evil might come to His Majesty's affairs than the little aid I could ever hope to give could compensate.

As to my future conduct your Lordship will pardon me if I say "measures and not men" will be the rule of it, especially as I can add that, besides the sincere affection I shall ever bear His Majesty's person, my opinion of the present state of this country in many respects is such, as will make it matter of very serious concern to me, not to concur in whatever shall be proposed by His Majesty's Ministers.

This, as I recollect, contains the substance of my conversation to Mr. Dempster, when he did me the favour to call on me some time ago, and in the course of his visit took occasion to speak to me of myself. I am sorry it is impossible for me to give your Lordship any light in regard to Colonel Barre. Too many public events have happened since he has been at a distance, that I cannot even conjecture what his sentiments may be in the present situation. Your Lordship may be assured, if he approves the public plan of government proposed, I shall hear with the greatest pleasure of his obeying the King's commands, and yielding to your Lordship's wishes.

I have the honour to be, with great consideration and regard,

My Lord,

Your most obedient and humble servant,

Shelburne.

 

To Barré, whom Conway had meanwhile invited to join the Administration, Shelburne explained his sentiments on the political situation more fully as follows:^[38]

"Our friend Dempster has been with me to desire my opinion whether he should engage with the Duke's Administration, with Lord Rockingham at the head of the Treasury. He had been applied to by Fitzherbert, but declined going to Lord Rockingham till he had seen me, upon which it was given him to understand that he would do a very agreeable service by finding out my opinion in this crisis, both as to myself and as to you. I returned his attention by advising him, as he seemed to approve the line of measures, by all means to assist the King if it suited his private arrangements. As to myself, I told him the less that was said of me the better; that I had lately entered into engagements of a domestic nature, which I did not choose to break through; but that, besides the affection I originally had for the King, I could not help feeling for him on this occasion, and commending a great part of his conduct, and would undoubtedly, when winter came, whoever was his Minister, if he proposed right measures, support them; as to you, that you must answer for yourself, when you came over; that I could not take upon me to conjecture even what your sentiments might be; that I influenced no man, not even my brother. There have been communications from other quarters, which I cannot trust to paper, but they ended in nothing particular, and in general have been upon the same line as this I mention, accompanied with the most moderate language towards particulars of all sides, and as much respect and affection to the King as I could convey through a third person. I wish I could give you further light out of this chaos which at present reigns throughout, in which the only wise plan appears to me is to stand still yet awhile. When you come over, you may be able to see clearer, but as I know by experience, it is pleasant at a distance to be advised freely, I would advise you by all means to prosecute your tour, and not return till the candles shew more light, unless sent for, and that in a very direct manner. I mean this to guard against general letters which Dempster or any one else may be desired to write you. You may depend upon hearing from me by a particular messenger, if I see anything likely to ripen in which I can take part, and if it continues as it has been, that I shall leave the ground as broad and open for you on every account as possible. It is hazardous writing, but I thought it fit at all hazards to convey to you my sentiments in general as to the crisis. I have desired Calcraft to forward it by express to Dover, and if possible to send it from Calais by a particular Messenger to Paris. He will write to you the common reports, though I don't believe in anything for certain, except that Lord Rockingham is set down to be at the head of the Treasury on the Duke's Plan."

This letter did not reach the itinerant Colonel till October. He then at once refused the offers made him on the ground "that he had not the honour of knowing many of His Majesty's new servants, and that at the distance he then was he would not be supposed to be well informed of the measures they might choose to adopt."^[39] To Shelburne he wrote, "You know best, my Lord, whether I have acted sensibly as a politician, but I know I have acted as a gentleman, and your friend."^[40] Shelburne replied, "As we are to meet so soon I defer saying more till then. Don't imagine it's for want of matter, for I have a great deal to say both in applause of your conduct and in return for your kindness to me. You'll hear every thing that has passed on the road."^[41]

Much blame has been cast on Shelburne for thus refusing to throw in his fortunes with Rockingham. A dispassionate consideration of the circumstances of the time will hardly justify the blame. Shelburne was not only opposed to the Stamp Act itself, but guided by the opinion of Camden, was inclined to deny the constitutional power of Parliament to lay an internal tax on the American colonies. He was in any case adverse to the assertion of that power.^[42] In these views he was confirmed by a journey which he undertook about this time through the Low Countries, and a consideration of the ties which bound them to their Austrian rulers.^[43] As for the new Administration itself, it was composed of Ministers holding divergent opinions on the question of the Stamp Act; and the leading members, influenced by Burke, wished to declare the right of Parliament to tax and legislate for America in all cases whatsoever, while the King had a very definite intention of not allowing the Stamp Act to be touched if he could avoid it. Again the influence of Newcastle was sure to make itself felt, and Shelburne with Pitt was resolved no longer to tolerate the interference of Newcastle. It may be urged that had Shelburne joined the Ministry, he would have been strong enough to force his own ideas upon it; but Rockingham, though a very dull was a very obstinate man, especially when supported by the Duke of Cumberland and by Burke. The latter has left to posterity an elaborate and ingenious defence^[44] of the Minister, whose Private Secretary he was; but the very defence advanced is also the best justification of Shelburne, as it confesses that the resolution to repeal the Stamp Act, for the execution of which all the preparations still continued to be made,^[45] was not even entertained till the news of the troubles in America arrived, while Cumberland, on whose patronage the Ministry depended, was not only an upholder of the Stamp Act, but was the last person to have given way before the appearance of resistance. Fortunately for the Rockingham Whigs Cumberland died in October; but even after that event, the divided and distracted condition of the Cabinet is witnessed to by Lord Hardwicke, who had joined it as Minister sans portefeuille.^[46]

That Shelburne might with his own opinions have carried the day and forced his policy on the King, as Lord Rockingham did afterwards, is indeed possible, but it is far more probable that the Declaratory Act would have been a fatal stone of offence, and that a fresh ministerial crisis would have taken place in consequence.

There was another circumstance connected with the advent of the Rockingham Administration which was profoundly distasteful to him as well as to Pitt. Among those who now reappeared on the scene was the famous, or as Shelburne would have said, the "infamous," Lord George Sackville.^[47] Shelburne had many opportunities of forming an opinion on both the military and political career of the new Vice-Treasurer of Ireland. The nature of that opinion may be gathered from the following picture, which though in some respects anticipating a subsequent portion of the narrative, may here be read with interest:

 

Account of Lord George Sackville.

"Lord George Sackville was third son of Lionel, Duke of Dorset. His mother was the daughter of a Scotch gentleman of a private family.

"The old Duke of Dorset was born and bred in Queen Anne's time; he was in all respects a perfect English courtier, and nothing else. A large grown full person, which together with some other circumstances procured him the friendship of Lady Betty Germain, who proved her attachment to him by leaving away from her own relations to his third son a very considerable property, upon condition of his taking the surname "Germain," but to revert to them in case of his inheriting the Dukedom. He had the good fortune to come into the world with the Whigs, and partook of their good fortune to his death. He never had an opinion about public matters, which together with his qualifications as a Courtier and his being of an old Sussex family, a circumstance which weighed greatly with the Pelhams, kept him during his whole life in a continual succession of great places, such as Steward of the Household, twice Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, President of the Council, Warden of the Cinque Ports, &c. He preserved to the last, the good breeding, decency of manners, and dignity of exterior deportment of Queen Anne's time, never departing from his style of gravity and ceremony. He was once at the play, when Mr. Cary, who had been his Secretary in Ireland, a light sort of a man, asked him across two or three benches, loud enough for those between to hear, whether my Lord Middlesex undertook the opera next year. The question at first discomposed the Duke somewhat, but he turned about and replied: 'Upon my word, Mr. Cary, I have not considered what answer to make to such a question.'

"His eldest son Lord Middlesex, I believe was never much heard of in public life. Lady Middlesex was generally understood, after Lady Archibald Hamilton, to have become the subject of the Prince of Wales's attention (which appears more particularly from Lord Melcombe's diary), to which her husband appears to have submitted very quietly, who it may be supposed led a dissipated life on his side. It appears by what Lord Melcombe says that he was early embarrassed in his affairs and considerably involved in debt, which together with other circumstances, made him always ill with his father. His appearance after the death of his father was always that of a proud, disgusted, melancholy, solitary man, and his conduct, particularly towards those who were to succeed to the title, being totally unprovoked on their part, went so far beyond what could have been dictated by his creditors or his wants, as to savour very strongly of madness, a disorder which there was too much reason to suppose, ran in the blood, from the behaviour of Lord John Sackville, the second son, who after marrying a daughter of Lord Gower under some very strange circumstances, behaved still more strangely when he was embarking with his regiment upon some expedition; so that his family thought it most prudent that he should resign his commission, and undergo a sort of family exile near Lausanne in Switzerland, where I saw him in the winter of 1760 living upon a very poor allowance and but very meanly looked after. He was very fond of coming among the young English at Lausanne, who suffered his company at times from motives of curiosity and sometimes from humanity. He was always dirtily clad, but it was easy to perceive something gentlemanlike in his manners, and a look of birth about him under all his disadvantages. His conversation was a mixture of weakness and shrewdness, as is common to most madmen. When he heard of his brother Lord George's behaviour at the battle of Minden, he immediately said, 'I always told you that my brother George was no better than myself.'

"Lord George, the third son, afterwards Lord Sackville, had by these means a great road open to his father's favour, on which he imposed by many circumstances so as to gain the entire and exclusive direction of him. He was a tall man, with a long face, rather strong features, clear blue eyes, a large make, though rather womanly, not too corpulent, and a mixture of quickness and a sort of melancholy in his look which runs through all the Sackville family, such as is seen in the antique statues often to accompany great beauty. He was educated at Westminster school, where he became connected with a remarkable set of men, who were then upon the Westminster foundation, the principal of whom were Mr. Murray, since Lord Mansfield; the two Stones, one of whom came to be Secretary to and in effect governed the Duke of Newcastle—the other, Primate of Ireland; Markham, since Archbishop of York, &c., a set of men who by sticking together and contenting themselves mostly with subaltern situations or at least with subaltern roads to great situations, pursuing always a Machiavelian line of policy, clinging to the Duke of Newcastle and his brother as long as they had any power left, and abandoning them as readily to pay their court to every new favourite, cultivating Whig connections with Tory principles, continued always to enjoy substantial power and patronage, while greater men were without difficulty suffered to do the business and take the honours of it.^[48]

"From Westminster his father carried him to Ireland when he first went Lord Lieutenant, and during his absence from thence left him under the particular care of the Master of the Rolls there, Mr. Carter, a man of a very original character, whose uncommon sagacity and shrewdness as well as depth of understanding, would have distinguished and advanced him in any country. This shrewd old man observed Lord George Sackville's countenance and manner dining at a side-table in his own house with some persons of his own age—Mr. Carter's own table being full—when a slight dispute occurred; and saw enough into his character to make him advise the Duke of Dorset when he returned to Ireland, whatever he did with his son, never to put him into the army. Had the Duke followed this advice, the whole empire would probably have followed the fate of the particular parts which were committed to his care, for I do not conceive that anything but the checks which stopped his military career, could have prevented his being Prime Minister. He was however prepared for another destiny: he took the military line, and was rapidly advanced in it.

"He commanded a regiment in Flanders and in Scotland. I have heard the officers of the regiment affirm that he was frequently found in Scotland listening at the officers' tents to hear what was said of him.

"He afterwards attended his father when he was appointed a second time Lord-Lieutenant of that Kingdom as Secretary, and, together with Primate Stone, whom the Duke of Dorset made Primate, threw that kingdom into the utmost confusion, by attempting measures which Government had not the power either here or there to carry through, and which they had still less the ability and the weight to conduct.^[49] They attempted a change of measures and modes of administration at one and the same time, and without the least regard to public opinion, and that at a time when the characteristic of English Government was its moderation, and the only chance of its subsisting was its candour, its integrity, and its inoffensiveness: Mr. Pelham just dead, and the Duke of Newcastle weak and incompetent, attacked on all sides by younger men of ability and vigour, who were seeking for every breath of popularity to aid them against him.

"Ireland had been governed by a few men who were called undertakers. They were commonly appointed Lords Justices in the absence of the Lord-Lieutenant, and were used on his arrival once in two years to undertake, as it was termed, to carry the business of government through the House of Commons there, upon condition of their obtaining a pretty good provision for themselves, and as hard a bargain for others as they could drive for Government; for their credit depended with the English Government upon the cheapness of it. The poor Duke of Dorset was made by his son and the Primate to commence politician and man of business at sixty. The undertakers were dismissed. Their weight, connections, and habits, which were formerly applied to keep the people ignorant, happy, and quiet, were immediately applied with all possible activity, for their existence depended on it, to instruct, to animate, and to disquiet them, in doing which they could find no great difficulty, considering that the character of the people was naturally turbulent, impetuous, and uncivilised, ten Roman Catholics without property or principle to one Protestant with or without property, new measures brought forward in a country where nothing new had been agitated since the Revolution, except the paltry business of Wood's halfpence, which might have taught them experience; and the contrivers of all this without either solid sense, natural interest, or courage to support what they had undertaken.

"It is natural to suppose under these circumstances that Government was defeated. The Primate was protected by his Primacy; Lord George Sackville escaped with difficulty from the fury of the populace. Another Lord Lieutenant was sent over to quiet things. The undertakers were restored, but could no longer make the good terms for Government which they used to do; things were laid too much open for the old system to revive; and there was no new system prepared to substitute in its place. The foundation was thus laid, and may be easily traced from that time to the total emancipation of the legislature of Ireland from that of Great Britain, and the complete Revolution which has since taken place in regard to the fundamental laws of Ireland.^[50]

"His Irish unpopularity did not affect his line in England, where it was little attended to, and less understood; he rose rapidly in consideration, and his fortune ran quickly to its termin. In the military line he had no rival, at least no one who could cope with him in regard to family, fortune, connection, or talents for imposition and intrigue. Enough was known of his character for everybody to fear him, as he was generally understood to be of a vindictive implacable disposition. In a political line he did not as yet set up to be Minister, which made him an object to all parties as a second. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox both bid for him; his Westminster connection secured him constant access to the Duke of Newcastle, and let him into every secret of that house, while he assiduously cultivated and promoted his mother's country people, the Scotch, which made a form of union between him and the Earl of Bute. He naturally excelled in that species of dexterity and address which enabled him to turn all these circumstances to his consideration. The war breaking out, he could not avoid serving, which he chose to do upon the coast of France under the Duke of Marlborough, an easy, good-natured, gallant man, who took a strange fancy for serving, to get quit of the ennui attending a private life, without any military experience or the common habits of a man of business, or indeed capacity for either, and no force of character whatever.^[51] This opened a fine game to Lord G. Sackville, who played it off to the utmost. Instead of losing consideration by being only second in command, he gained considerably in the eyes of the army. He took every advantage of the Duke of Marlborough's goodness and weakness of character, and in point of manner trespassed upon him without measure. Everything that was well done, every one that was served, it was all Lord George's doing. Everything that was neglected or ill done, every fault that was committed, every person that was disobliged, it was all the poor Duke of Marlborough. Lord George's favourites, emissaries, and expectants in the army, which were naturally without number, as there was no one else to look up to or fear, were perpetually occupied in running down the Duke of Marlborough for the purpose of crying up Lord G. Sackville, while the Duke of Marlborough had no one about him except a very shy son, and two or three good people, without any party or plan of making one, having ambitioned the command pretty much as a boy from school does a scarlet coat. Besides, his character was not made in any respect to resist or detect any man. He therefore naturally sunk under the art and management of the person next in command, but what is scarcely credible, yet what I know to be true, all the time he did so, he was in the habit of describing Lord G. Sackville in the most odious colours possible, and pointing out every failing which he had, but he did not know how to emancipate himself. Lord George took an equal lead in appearance though not in reality over Lord Howe, who, though in many respects the opposite of the Duke of Marlborough and disposed in consequence on most occasions to resist Lord George, yet did it in so awkward a manner, as only to give Lord George's talents for intrigue a little employment. Lord George's pride, which was naturally very great, grew into the most intolerable insolence. Everything fell before him till the fleet approached the coast. It would have been well for Lord George and perhaps for the public, at least so far as the particular service was concerned, if Lord George could have made the enemy feel any part of those powers which he displayed on board the Magnanime. It is painful to point out, and much more to dwell on failings which are incident to human nature, and at the same time lead to the contempt of it. The following lines which appeared in the newspaper in the course of the winter, sufficiently explain the character of the Lieutenant-General on shore. It is to be feared there was too much foundation for what is insinuated, and more need not be said.

 

"All pale and trembling on the Gallic shore,
His Lordship gave the word, but could no more;
Too small the corps, too few the numbers were,
Of such a general to demand the care.
To some mean chief, some Major or a Brig.,^[52]
He left his charge that night, nor cared a fig;
'Twixt life and scandal, 'twixt honour and the grave,
Quickly deciding which was best to save,
Back to the ships he ploughed the swelling wave.

 

"The army landed, reconnoitered St. Malo, burned a few empty ships, which were out of reach of the cannon of the place, and returned to the fleet and with the fleet to England.

"It was not the business of any party to attack Lord George. Mr. Pitt had too much on his hands and felt his power too little established to risk it. The German war was at the same time resolved upon; six thousand of the best of the troops were detached from the coast of France to Germany. It was an object for several political reasons to have the troops commanded by the Duke of Marlborough and Lord George Sackville. Lord George had seen enough of that service not to wish to return to it, and therefore willingly left the remainder of the army under a General without interest and without favour, to attack with little more than half the number of troops and the regiments (now the French were everywhere upon their guard along the Channel to which our operations were visibly confined), the same or still stronger places on the coast than what he attempted with the whole, knowing as he thought pretty well what must come of it. On his arrival in Germany he continued to play the same game as before in regard to the Duke of Marlborough; but Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick formed a very different chapter from any he had ever yet to deal with. The Duke was bred not only in the camp but in the Court of Prussia; he was in all respects an experienced soldier, and a proud high man; he was in the habit of doing his business within himself, and had besides officers of character and experience who knew their business and were attached to him. He was the near relation of the King of Prussia, and recommended by him to the command of the allied army; he was likewise related to our King, and corresponded directly with him, while he was sure of Mr. Pitt's vigorous support from motives of common interest; he had a corps of his own family troops in the army under the command of his nephew, the Hereditary Prince of Brunswick, besides a corps of Prussians, and the bulk of the army were Germans. He must have immediately seen Lord George's inefficiency as a military man, and very quickly saw through his tricks, so that he knew what he had to expect, nor was he of a temper easily to endure any rival near the throne. Lord George on his part immediately set himself to make a distinction and draw a line between English and German, to cultivate a line of popularity among the former which his very nature opposed, to pry into the accounts and the expenditure of the army, and to criticise and nibble at every move which Prince Ferdinand made, assuming as much in point of manner as the Duke's own manner, who was himself a pretty good master of that science, would let him do. The Duke of Marlborough died of a fever at Munster. Lord George succeeded to be Commanderin-Chief of the British troops, and Lord Granby succeeded to be second in command, who was made for popularity, had all the good qualities of the Duke of Marlborough, but more force of character, more activity, and a natural turn to the army. He had his quarters, his purse, and his heart perpetually open to the whole army without the least spirit of intrigue. He took decidedly the line of Prince Ferdinand from no motive of jealousy or ill-will to Lord George, to whom he always behaved with more than respect, and a degree of honour which went the length of delicacy on all occasions, and refinement upon some, but from motives of probity, generosity of nature, and a laudable ambition. A little anecdote may serve to show how much Lord George risked in regard to Prince Ferdinand, and of how much imprudence he was capable.

"The night but one before the Battle of Minden at supper at the head-quarters, Lord George dwelt during the whole supper upon the character of the Maréchal de Contades, who commanded the French army, extolling him in the highest degree. Prince Ferdinand, who was naturally touchy, bore it for a considerable time, till his patience becoming exhausted, he could not help breaking out, 'Mais pourtant j'ai vu le dos du Maréchal de Contades; il n'a jamais vu le mien'; to which Lord George replied, 'Où Monseigneur Prince Ferdinand, à Crévelt?' Upon this Lord George proceeded to prove that Crévelt was only an affair and not a battle.

"What happened at the Battle of Minden sufficiently appears from the papers of the time. No military man can have any difficulty in forming a just judgment of Lord George's conduct, who compares the paper he wrote and circulated immediately upon Prince Ferdinand's issuing the order which reflected upon him with his defence at his court-martial. The conduct of the army towards him was scandalous; he was universally deserted. Those who were accustomed to fawn upon him even after the battle, when the order came to be issued neglected, nay even insulted him. It may be curious to observe, to show his habit of imposing, that immediately after the battle he came up to the 20th Regiment, with whom he was always unpopular, talked of the glory of the day, and confounded the officers, who had just come out of the heat of the action, by addressing himself to Colonel Tenant, who was then Captain of Grenadiers, and saying 'how happy we have all done our duty.'

"Upon his return he was tried, and sentenced in terms the most humiliating which could be invented. It was understood that his life was spared out of regard to his family, and to the earnest intercession of his father.

"The old King wanted him expelled the House of Commons, and pressed the measure upon Mr. Pitt in the presence of Lord Holdernesse, who persisted in declining it, alleging that if he was expelled and afterwards came to be re-elected, which might happen for some family borough, he did not see what the House of Commons could do, which marked a sagacity in Mr. Pitt which did him the highest honour, considering all that since happened upon Mr. Wilkes' expulsion; the King finding Mr. Pitt persist, turned round to Lord Hardwicke and said: 'Then I do wish Pitt very much joy upon the company which he wishes to keep.' After this Lord George sank into obscurity and general contempt. No man would be seen to speak to him in the House of Commons or anywhere else. However, he persevered, till men grew weary of showing him a contempt which did not abash him. At last the Rockingham party in 1765, who wanted equally both penetration and fortitude, were the first to whitewash him, for no other reason than that they were under an apprehension that they should have nobody to speak for them the first day of the Session, on account of the seats of the principal persons of the party being vacated in consequence of their accepting office till they could be re-elected. They did not venture to restore him to his military rank, but they brought him back to the Privy Council, and appointed him Vice Treasurer of Ireland. Lord Chatham coming in the following year dismissed him from being Vice Treasurer, while, however, both he and the Court had gained the grand point of his being once more producible to great employment. To this end he continued taking the most popular part he was capable of, and recovering as much consideration as he could, which his new friends were very well calculated to give him, while he took care to have the advantage of them, till the Court, with which he was always connected underhand, thought it proper to call him forth to be American Secretary. The Court itself, and indeed most men were dupes to his imposing manners, and gave him credit for a great deal more ability than he had. Whatever some might pretend, there was but one opinion about his military incapacity, but he was supposed to have great Civil talents; as for principle, it was not what the Court wanted, and in point of attachment they thought themselves on many accounts perfectly sure of him. The papers which were laid before Parliament and published, sufficiently prove how much they were mistaken; the papers which were withheld from Parliament and remain in the office, prove still more strongly Lord George's incapacity. He endured every species of indignity, from Sir Guy Carleton particularly, and other officers with whom he was obliged to correspond. There was a general diffidence as to his honour, and a general disrespect for his person, which was greatly heightened by the treatment he underwent in the House of Commons and the poor figure he made there. He sent out the greatest force which this country ever assembled, both of land and sea forces, which together perhaps exceeded the greatest effort ever made by any nation, considering the distance and all other circumstances, but was totally unable to combine the operations of the war, much less to form any general plan for bringing about a reconciliation. The best plan which was formed in the office was one which was given in by General Arnold. The inconsistent orders given to Generals Howe and Burgoyne could not be accounted for except in a way which it must be difficult for any person who is not conversant with the negligence of office to comprehend.

"Among many singularities he had a particular aversion to being put out of his way on any occasion; he had fixed to go into Kent or Northamptonshire at a particular hour, and to call on his way at his office to sign the dispatches, all of which had been settled, to both these Generals. By some mistake those to General Howe were not fair copied, and upon his growing impatient at it, the office, which was a very idle one, promised to send it to the country after him, while they dispatched the others to General Burgoyne, expecting that the others could be expedited before the packet sailed with the first, which, however, by some mistake sailed without them, and the wind detained the vessel which was ordered to carry the rest. Hence came General Burgoyne's defeat, the French declaration, and the loss of thirteen Colonies.^[53] It might appear incredible if his own Secretary and the most respectable persons in office had not assured me of the fact; what corroborates it, is that it can be accounted for no other way. It requires as much experience in business to comprehend the very trifling causes which have produced the greatest events, as it does strength of reason to develop the deepest design.

"The capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army united the whole Kingdom in one opinion of the impracticability of the War and the incapacity of the Minister who conducted it. Lord George was obliged to retire from office, but did it under cover of a Peerage, which gave occasion to an unprecedented motion and debate in the House of Lords, which for the sake of the Crown and its prerogative, as well as for the honour of the Peerage, it is to be hoped will never be again provoked under this or any future reign. The character he left in his office was that of a man violent, sanguine, and overbearing in the first conception and setting out of plans, but easily checked and liable to sink into an excess of despondency upon the least reverse without any sort of resource. The persons he brought into office were all, except his Principal Secretary, Mr. Doyley (who came about him I don't know by what accident), of a very obscure description, more or less of adventurers, of doubtful morals, and worse than doubtful integrity; but what disgraced him most of all, was his inveterate habit of corruption. He was not content with obtaining for his sons reversions of offices to a considerable amount, which ought to be executed by resident and capable persons and have since that time become the subject of an express Act of Parliament, but he made the most of almost everything he had to give, particularly of the Governments in the West Indies, and that in a moment when it was of the utmost consequence to choose men of the highest eminence and character for those important trusts. This was notorious from the character of those he appointed, some of whom had no previous connection with him, and others a very low one; but there are not wanting such proofs of what passed as leave it out of all manner of doubt. The chief plans which he left in the office turn upon confiscations; and a total change in the mode of governing the Colonies, which it would have been folly to have attempted in the quietest times. His conversation to the officers going out, went entirely upon forfeitures and every species of severity.

"The last public act of his life was a perfect epitome of all the rest, which was his opposition to the Irish propositions after his conduct in Ireland and his failure in the management of American affairs; not to mention a variety of other disadvantageous circumstances under which he stood in the House of Lords. It was a proof of no small effrontery and presumption to commence prophet afresh, and revive principles of high Government which had cost us so much and so lately too. He likewise showed no small address in refraining from speaking, while there was anybody present who was likely to answer him with any degree of point. He judged perfectly well the state of parties and the character of Ministry, and by means of indirect support which he received from different sides from different motives, and having had no reply made him, he contrived to make an impression which gave him a degree of momentary éclat; and would if he had lived have probably procured the object he had immediately in view, of obtaining some distinction for a son-in-law, who consented to take back his daughter under very base and dishonourable circumstances, and of forwarding lines of secret intrigue, which no man studied more, and giving vent to his general principles of policy and government. Upon the whole, his life deserves to be recorded as exhibiting more striking examples of the effects of good and bad fortune than has hitherto happened in our time.

"He owed such success as he met with in life, to his birth, the gravity of his manner, a naturally clear understanding, which prevented his taking up any argument in private, and still less in public, of which he was not complete master, but above all to his talent for imposition of every kind but one. As most men when they are content to apply their mind only to one thing, gain a wonderful tact in it, and especially when it regards manner only, he attained a very great faculty of judging both of parties and men, and turning both to what was always uppermost in his mind, his general line of imposition. He had no desire of searching out truth, he had no scruples, no management for any friends; was used to content himself with taking up the corner of an argument upon which he used to declaim with great decision and a great deal of seeming force, and for the most part judged both his time and place admirably well. Next to himself he owed his consideration to his mother's country; he erected a Scotch Standard which always stuck to him, and his Westminster connection never failed to advise and support him underhand, even when he was most pressed. But he wanted judgment in all great affairs, and he wanted heart on every occasion. He neither knew mankind nor did he know himself: the first is sufficiently proved by his never having had a creditable connection; the second by his putting himself repeatedly in situations in which he could not acquit himself, and putting himself forward in a manner both revolting and unbecoming, which no wise man would have ventured. He had likewise a great want of secrecy, naturally enough a part of the same character and to be accounted for on the same principles.

"He might be considered as an object of pity for some of his other failings, but what should deprive him of any and must stain his character for evermore, was his intolerable meanness and love of corruption, which he could not resist even when he enjoyed an ample fortune, and it might be supposed could want nothing to die in peace with his own mind but to retrieve his character or to leave his family but a good name. If he had had the smallest spark of elevation within him, the distresses of his country, the part which he was called upon to act, and the height which it might be supposed he had in view, would have excited it, but "Naturam expellas furcâ, tamen usque recurret."^[54]

 

1. Bowood anciently constituted part of the royal forest of Pewisham, which extended from Chippenham to Devizes, and from Lacock to Calne, and was bounded on the north and west by the River Avon. It was disafforested at the beginning of the seventeenth century, and granted in life estates and reversions to the courtiers of James I. and Charles I. These were forfeited under the Commonwealth. According to John Britton, the Wiltshire antiquary, the forest was then again thrown open, and the Parliamentary Commissioners, wishing to convey the deer of the former owners over Lockswell Heath to Spye Park, with what view is not quite clear, were embarrassed as to the means of effecting their object, till the clothiers of the neighbourhood constructed a skirted road of broadcloth between those places, and so accomplished their removal. At the Restoration the forest again came into the hands of the Crown, fresh grants were made, and Bowood was leased for ninety-nine years to Sir Orlando Bridgman, whose son, in 1726, obtained the fee. On his death it was sold to John, Earl of Shelburne. The present house was then built, but it has since been largely added to. The grounds were laid out by the Earl of Shelburne, the subject of this book, under the advice of "Capability" Brown, and Mr. Hamilton, of Pains' Hill. (See for further details Historical, Topographical, and Antiquarian Sketches of Wiltshire, by John Britton, and Canon Jackson's notes at p. 34 of his edition of Aubrey's Wiltshire.) Wycombe had been part of the Petty estates inherited by John Fitzmaurice. (See note, Chap. I. p. 1.)
2. Account of his estates by Shelburne. A fragment evidently written late in life.
3. Shelburne to Barré, September 1765.
4. September 27th, 1765.
5. September 25th, 1765.
6. Mr. West did not die till 1773, nor Mr. Carteret Webbe till 1770, but an account of the whole collection is given above at the time when Lord Shelburne began to collect. For further details the reader is referred to the Preface of the Catalogus Manuscriptorum Bibliothecæ Lansdownianæ, by Sir H. Ellis, at the British Museum.
7. See for further details Edwards' Memoirs of Libraries, i. 468, 524.
8. Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of George III., i. 110.
9. Sir James Porter to Mr. E. Sedgwick, from Brussells, January 4th, 1765. Hist. MSS. Commission Reports, Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part vi. Beaufort Papers, 342.
10. Boswell, iv. 120.
11. "Sulivan was disposed to favour the gentlemen of Bombay, and Clive the gentlemen of Bengal. Sulivan looked mainly to commerce, and Clive mainly to empire." Lord Stanhope, History of England, vii. 323.
12. Howe to Shelburne, November 1st, 1762.
13. December 27th, 1761.
14. Hume was then on his way to Scotland. In 1763 Lord Hertford, Ambassador to the Court of France, appointed him to be his secretary.
15. Shelburne to Franklin, April 6th, 1782. See Vol. II. p. 119.
16. Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of George III., i. 397. Correspondence, March 11th, 18th; April 12th, 20th, 1765, to the Earl of Hertford, iv. 224.
17. Shelburne to Howe, April 1764.
18. Lord Shelburne to Lady Ossory, 20th October, 1780.
19. The Countess of Cowper and the Marchioness of Tweeddale.
20. 13th January 1765; Correspondence, viii. 319.
21. Mr. Disraeli in Sybil, bk. i. ch. iii.
22. Boswell, iii. 383, who says "Johnson very properly altered the epithet 'omniscient' into 'all knowing,' as omniscient is -verbum solenne appropriated to the Supreme Being."
23. In 1782.
24. Quoted by Bancroft, v. 238.
25. February 1765.
26. The Mutiny Act was this year extended to America. Its clauses compelled the colonies at their own expense to furnish the troops.
27. There had recently been some coolness between Pitt and Temple owing to the conduct of the latter on the American question and his violence on behalf of Wilkes.
28. Calcraft to Shelburne, April 15th, 1765.
29. The Regency Bill was intended to provide for the possible demise of the King while the heir to the throne was still a minor. The fear of the influence of Lord Bute and the Princess Dowager of Wales embittered the debates.
30. Notes of this speech. Lanidowne House MSS.
31. The visit of Cumberland to Pitt at Hayes was on May 12th. The approaching reconciliation of Temple and Grenville was the cause of the inability of Temple and Pitt to co-operate on this occasion.
32. It does not appear who the friend was.
33. The resilience of Lord Bute.
34. Calcraft to Shelburne, May 1763.
35. Grenville Correspondence, iii. 60-65.
36. Shelburne to Barré, June 30h, 1765.
37. Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham, i. 234. The letter, being printed from a draft, has no signature; the original is not at Lansdowne House.
38. July 7th, 1765.
39. Barré to Conway, October 22nd.
40. October 23rd, 1765.
41. November 9th, 1765.
42. See his speech on the question. Parliamentary History, xvi. 165.
43. Parliamentary History, xvi. 165. It is probable that a volume of MSS. on this subject among the Lansdowne House MSS. was collected at this time.
44. Speech on American taxation, April 19th, 1774.
45. See the authorities quoted by Mr. Bancroft, v. 322. Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham, i. 284.
46. Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham, i. 284.
47. See supra, pp. 75, 82.
48. See supra, p. 14.
49. The Duke of Dorset was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1731 to 1737 and 1751 to 1755.
50. Writing in 1785 Horace Walpole says: "The man who certainly provoked Ireland to think is dead." H. Walpole to Mann, August 26th, 1785, Correspondence, ix. 10.
51. The Expedition to Rochefort in 1757 is here alluded to.
52. Brigadier-General Mostyn.
53. See on this subject Hist. MSS. Commission Reports, vi. 277; also the Historical Review for April 1910, xxv. 315, where there will be found a "Memorandum by William Knox, V.S., in the Colonial Office," who was Under-Secretary at the time.
54. In the "Narrative of the Changes in the Ministry, 1765-1767," by the Duke of Newcastle, it is stated that he objected to the appointment of Lord George Sackville to be Vice-Treasurer of Ireland.—"Narrative," edited by Miss Mary Bateson for the Royal Historical Society (Camden Series), 39, 41, 96.