Mexican Archæology/Chapter 3
CHAPTER III—MEXICO: THE CALENDAR AND CALENDRICAL FEASTS
MEXICAN ritual was so closely connected with the elaborate calendar that some explanation of the latter is necessary before it is possible to give an intelligible description of the various rites and ceremonies by which the favour of the gods was sought. The origin of this calendar is obscure, and can only be discussed in relation to the Maya calendar, with which it is obviously connected; so it will be best to leave this question to a later page, stating here only that in Mexico it was supposed to be the invention of Quetzalcoatl, and transmitted to the Nahua peoples through the agency of the two prototypes of magicians, Oxomoco and Cipactonal. The Mexican calendar is twofold, and comprises a ritual calendar, with a round of 260 days, which was employed in divination and for the fixing of certain "movable feasts," and a solar calendar, with a round of 365 days, according to which the seasonal feasts were held. The method of naming the individual days was the same for both, and consisted in the combination of twenty pictorial signs (Fig. 7) with the numbers one to thirteen. The signs were as follows (see Appendix I):
I. Cipactli. The head of a monstrous animal, identified now with the alligator, now with the sword-fish, and appearing in the manuscripts sometimes with legs and sometimes with fins. According to legend, the earth was created from the primordial cipactli, and the irregularities of the earth's surface are due to the scaly prominences on the animal's back. The date I. cipactli is given as that of the creation, and the sign is especially associated with Tonacatecutli and fruitfulness.
2. Eecatl. The head of the wind-god; typifying instability.
3. Calli. A house, implying rest; associated with Tepeyollotl.
4. Quetzpalin. A lizard, associated with the rising of the water and fertility; also with a god Ueuecoyotl (the "Old Wolf").
| a. | cipactli. | h. | tochtli. | o. | quauhtli. |
| b. | eecatl. | i. | atl. | p. | cozcaquauhtli. |
| c. | calli. | j. | itzcuintli. | q. | olin. |
| d. | quetzpalin. | k. | ozomatli. | r. | tecpatl. |
| e. | coatl. | l. | malinalli. | s. | quiauitl. |
| f. | miquiztli. | m. | acatl. | t. | xochitl |
| g. | mazatl. | n. | ocelotl. | ||
| (Fejérváry. Mayer MS., Liverpool} | |||||
5. Coatl. A snake, typifying poverty and homelessness; associated with Chalchiuhtlicue.
6. Miquiztli. The head of Mictlantecutli, an unlucky sign.
7. Mazatl. The head or hoof of a deer; unlucky because the deer typifies timidity; associated with Tlaloc.
8. Tochtli. A rabbit, good luck and fertility: associated with Mayauel.
9. Atl. Water, unlucky, typifying floods and death; associated with Xiuhtecutli.10. Itzcuintli. A dog (sometimes the ear only is shown), rank and riches; associated with Mictlantecutli.
11. Ozomatli. A monkey, implies cleverness and craftsmanship, combined with instability; associated with Xochipilli.
12. Malinalli. Grass, sometimes shown as a jawbone with grass hair, unlucky; associated with Patecatl.
13. Acatl. A reed, implying emptiness; associated with Itztlacoliuhqui.
14. Ocelotl. An ocelot (sometimes the ear only is shown); success in war and love, but suggesting a death by sacrifice (the typical death of a warrior). Associated with Tlazolteotl.
15. Quauhtli. An eagle, implying courage in war; associated with Xipe.
16. Cozcaquauhtli. A vulture, signifying old age; associated with Itzpapalotl.
17. Olin. A sign emblematical of movement (used also to signify an earthquake). Variable in fortune, and associated with Nanauatzin.
18. Tecpatl. A stone knife, the emblem of drought and sterility, associated with Tezcatlipoca.
19. Quiauitl. The head of Tlaloc, emblem of rain; an unlucky sign.
20. Xochitl. A flower, implying good craftsmanship; associated with Xochiquetzal.
These signs ran consecutively in the order given above, one being assigned to each day, and the series was repeated ad infinitum. Conjointly with them were repeated the numerals 1 to 13; e.g. 1. cipactli, 2. eecatl, 3. calli, and so on to 13. acatl, which was followed by 1. ocelotl, 2. quauhtli, and so forth. There being no common factor to the numbers 13 and 20, a period of 13 X 20 days, or 260, would elapse before the sign I. cipactli would recur. This period of 260 days constituted the ritual and divinatory calendar, known as the tonalamatl. The tonalamatl was subdivided in various ways; in some manuscripts each of the twenty thirteen-day periods, or "weeks," is shown separately, together with the figure of a god who was especially associated with the first day, but whose influence was supposed to extend over the whole "week." The deities presiding over the successive "weeks" of the tonalamatl are given in one MS. (Vaticanus A) as follows, the date preceding the name of each being that of the first day of each "week."
1. cipactli, Tonacatecutli.
1. ocelotl, Quetzalcoatl.
1. mazatl, Tepeyollotl.
1. xochitl, Ueuecoyotl.
1. acatl, Chalchiuhtlicue.
1. miquiztli, Tonatiuh.
1. quiauitl, Tlaloc.
1. malinalli, Mayauel.
1. coatl, Tlauizcalpantecutli.
1. tecpatl, Tonatiuh.
1. ozomatli, Patecatl.
1. quetzpalin, Itztlacoliuhqui.
1. olin, Tlazolteotl.
1. itzcuintli, Xipe.
1. calli, Itzpapalotl.
1. cozcaquauhtli, Xolotl.
1. atl, Chalchiuhtlicue.
1. eecatl, Chantico.
1. quauhtli, Xochiquetzal.
1. tochtli, Itztli.
There is however some variation in the assignment of the week-gods, e.g. Sahagun gives I. miquiztli to Tezcatlipoca, 1. acatl to Quetzalcoatl, 1. tecpatl to Uitzilopochtli, etc. Within the weeks, many individual days were associated with certain deities, such as 4. olin and 12. itzcuintli with the sun, 5. itzcuintli and 6. quetzpalin with Mictlantecutli, but for a list of these the reader may be referred to Sahagun. Apart from the signs of the days themselves, the presiding deities of the weeks, and the gods of the individual dates, the numerical signs also possessed a lucky or unlucky connotation. Three and four were good numbers, five and six generally bad, seven always good, eight and nine bad, ten, eleven, twelve and thirteen good. Consequently the diviner was obliged to take into account all these possible influences, which in many cases might be contradictory, in considering the fortune attached to a particular day. In some MSS. the tonalamatl is arranged on a different system, viz. in five long horizontal rows of fifty-two days each. Each row, and each vertical column of five days, is provided with a presiding deity or symbol, the influence of which must be assessed. Nor have we yet come to an end of the factors which must be taken into consideration, but before proceeding it will be necessary to explain the solar calendar.
The Mexicans reckoned 365 days to the solar year, which they divided into eighteen months of twenty days each, and a nineteenth period of five days, considered extremely unlucky, at the end of the year. As the days were known by their tonalamatl names, it is obvious that the first 115 days of the year recurred at the end. But it was possible to distinguish between two days of the same name which fell in the same year, owing to the fact that each day was associated with one of a series of nine deities, called "lords of the night," a series also repeated ad infinitum, save that no "lord" was assigned to any of the five unlucky days at the end of the year, which were called nemontemi or "useless days." Thus, since the number 260 is not divisible by Q, 1t was possible to differentiate between two days of the same name falling in one year; and since 9 goes into 360 without remainder, the commencement of the year coincided with the commencement of the series of "lords of the night." These lords of the night are indicated by the heads or symbols of the following gods: 1. Xiuhtecutli, 2. Itztli, 3. Tonatiuh, 4. Cinteotl, 5. Mictlantecutli, 6. Chalchiuhtlicue, 7. Tlazolteotl, 8. Tepeyollotl and 9. Tlaloc. Nor is this all, a corresponding series of thirteen "lords of day," which however is not similarly composed in all MSS., accompanied the days (omitting the nemontemi), and the influences of the day-and night-lord assigned to each day respectively constituted two additional features for the consideration of the would-be interpreter of the tonalamatl. It is perhaps hardly necessary to state that the reading of the book of days was in the hands of a professional priesthood and required much study to perform correctly.
Since each "month" consisted of twenty days, and there were twenty day-signs, it is obvious that each month in a given year began with the same sign; but since the last month was followed by the five unlucky days, it follows that each year began with a day-sign five days later than the last. Also since 365 is divisible by 13 with 1 as remainder, it follows equally that each year began with a day-number one in advance of the last. Further, since there were twenty day-signs, and five (the least common multiple of 365 and 20) goes into twenty exactly four times, the year began with one of four signs only. Now the year was always distinguished by the sign of the day on which it began, and it is a peculiar fact that the commencement of the year never coincided with the commencement of the tonalamatl. The four signs which give the names to the years are the signs tecpatl, calli, tochtli and acatl, recurring in that order. Whether the day-number entering into the name of the year was that of the first day, as held by most authorities, or of the first day of the fifth month, as Seler tries to prove, need not be discussed here; the fact remains that the years were named successively, 1. tecpatl, 2. calli, 3. tochthi, and so on, until, after a period of fifty-two years (13 X 4), the same sign occurred again with the same number as the name-date of the year. This period of fifty-two years constituted the shorter cycle of the Mexicans, the longer cycle consisting of twice that number; but before proceeding further it will be necessary to say something about the months (see Appendix II).
The first month was called Atlcaualco, and the first day according to Sahagun, who wrote about the middle of the sixteenth century, corresponded with the 2nd of February. This month marked the cessation of the rains,[1] and it was represented in calendars by a figure of the god Tlaloc, to whom, together with Chalchiuhtlicue, the religious festivals of the month were especially dedicated. Large numbers of children were sacrificed to the rain-god, chiefly on mountains, but also at a certain deep hole in the lagoon, and it was considered a good omen if the small victims wept on their way to the place of sacrifice, since their tears were supposed to portend a plentiful rain-supply. A gladiatorial sacrifice was also made to Xipe during this month.
The second month, Tlacaxipeualiztli, commencing February 22nd, was dedicated to Xipe, and is indicated in MSS. by a figure of this god. Warriors who had taken prisoners in battle brought them to the temple of Uitzilopochtli, holding them by the hair. Here their hearts were offered to the god, their bodies cast down the temple steps and flayed, and their skins assumed by their captors. In the temple of Xipe, called Yopico, elaborate gladiatorial sacrifices were held during this month, in which captives, tethered one by one by a rope to the centre of a circular stone (Fig. 5, b; p. 41), were attacked by four warriors in ocelot and eagle dresses. If the victim could defend himself against these, a fifth opponent attacked him, a left-handed man being selected for this purpose. When overpowered, the victim was sacrificed, either by having his heart torn out, or by being fastened to a framework and shot with darts (Fig. 5, a). The gladiatorial sacrifice is symbolical of war, and the creation myths relate how the gods called into being special bands of warriors whose blood and hearts should be devoted to the nourishment of the sun and the earth. War, therefore, was necessary, in order that the processes of nature might continue without hindrance, and war amongst the Mexicans had thus assumed a ceremonial character. The arrow-sacrifice was apparently introduced from the Huaxtec country, together with the worship of the earth-goddesses Ixcuinamé, of whom Tlazolteotl was the chief. It was practised also at Tlaxcala and Uexotzinco, as explained above. Both this and the flaying sacrifice partook of the nature of imitative magic, and had as their object the promotion of fertility, a matter which at this time of the year was of considerable importance to the Mexicans. For the ordinary form of sacrifice (Fig. 5, c) the victim, stripped of his ornaments, was stretched on the sacrificial stone, which was slightly convex in shape. Five priests, called Chalmeca, held his arms, legs and head, while the sacrificer slashed open his breast with a stone knife, and, inserting his hand in the wound, tore out the heart, which was held for a moment to the lips of the idol, or offered to the sun, and then cast into a stone vase, called quauhxicalli, or burnt. Many of the so-called "calendar stones" are possibly elaborate quauhxicalli; a good example of the normal type is figured on PI. VII, i. In most cases 
I
MEXICO
1. Stone quauhxicalli (vase in which the hearts of victims were deposited)
2. Stone quauhxicalli in the form of an Ocelot
(Scale, 1, 1/6th: 2, 1/30th)
The third month, Tozoztonthi, began on March 14th, and is signified in MSS. by the figure of a maize-goddess. It was a month of first-fruits; children were sacrificed to Tlaloc, and the first flowers were offered in Xipe's temple, after which ceremony, but not before, their perfume might be inhaled by mortals. The flower-sellers also held a festival in honour of Coatlicue, and those who had provided victims for the sacrifices during the preceding month, discarded the skins which they had worn until now.
The fourth month, Uei tozoztli, beginning on April 3rd, is also represented by the figure of a maize-god, and the presiding deities were Cinteotl and Chicome Coatl. The ceremonies observed concerned the maize-plant, which was used to decorate the altars and temples, while the selected heads destined to be used as seed were offered by young maidens to the above divinities. A peculiar offering was made to the household images of the harvest-god, consisting of baskets of produce, each surmounted by a cooked frog which bore on its back, in a miniature basket, specimens of each of the varieties of grain which composed the offering.
The fifth month, Toxcatl, beginning on April 23rd, was symbolized by a figure of Tezcatlipoca, and was the occasion of the feast which has so often been described; at which a young man, identified with the god, was sacrificed to him after a year spent in the enjoyment of every luxury that Mexican civilization could afford. The identification of the victim with the god was a frequent feature of Mexican sacrificial ceremonies, and may have been based on the idea, found in many other parts of the world, that, just as the earthly representative of the deity was never allowed to attain old age, so the youthful vigour of the divinity remained unimpaired throughout the years. It may be remarked in this connection that one of the chief characteristics of Tezcatlipoca was perennial youth. A similar, though less important, ceremony was held in honour of Uitzilopochtli in this month.
he sixth month, commencing on May 13th, was called Etzalqualiztli. It was symbolized by a figure of Tlaloc, and ceremonies took place in honour of the Tlaloque. Aquatic plants were gathered by the priests for the manufacture of mats on which the offerings were placed in the shape of small balls of flour-paste; great care was necessary in setting out the latter, since if one rolled, the movement was taken as a sign that the officiating priest had infringed some law, and he was severely punished. When the priests set out to gather the reeds, they were permitted by custom to rob any passer-by whom they might meet; they joined in a ceremonial bath in the lake, imitating the motions and cries of aquatic birds, and finally offered a number of human victims who were adorned in the dress and ornaments of the rain-gods. During these ceremonies severe punishment was inflicted upon priests who had broken any ceremonial rule during the year.
In Tecuiluitontli, the seventh month (June 2nd), typified by the figure of Uixtociuatl, the festival of this, the goddess of salt, was held. Flowers played a large part in the ceremonies, and the sacrifices consisted of a woman, identified with the goddess, and a number of captives.
Uei tecuiluitl, the eighth month (June 22nd), was devoted to Xilonen, and the figure of a noble (or of Xochipilli) appears as its symbol. During the festivals, large distributions of provisions were made by the rich, since this season was wont to be one of scarcity, for as yet it was not lawful to make use of the new crop of maize. Special features of the ceremonials were a dance by accredited warriors clad in all their insignia, and the sacrifice, in the temple of Cinteotl, of a woman dressed as the goddess. The victim was taken by one of the priests on his back, and in that position she was decapitated, and her heart offered. The chicauaztli or rattle-staff, a rain-charm, played a prominent part in the ceremonies, which were essentially of the nature of a removal of a tabu from the maize-crop.
Tlaxochimaco, the ninth month (July 12th), was symbolized either by a figure of Uitzilopochtli or of a mummy; and on this occasion the god appeared in benevolent guise. 'The festival was a flower-feast, and quantities of blossoms were collected to be offered as first-fruits to the god. It comes as a welcome relief to note that no human victims were offered during these ceremonies, which must have afforded a spectacle of great beauty.
The tenth month, Xocouetzi (August Ist), however, made up in gruesomeness for the simplicity of the last. A festival was held in honour of Xiuhtecutli, the figure of a mummy appearing as symbol, and the terrible fire-sacrifice mentioned on p. 53 was made. A feature of the proceedings was the erection of a lofty pole, surmounted by a figure of the god made of flour-paste, and the final ceremony consisted in a contest on the part of the young men to swarm up the pole and reach the figure, the victor being entitled to certain rewards and insignia. Both the last two month-festivals had a certain connection with honours paid to the dead. During the latter the Tlaxcalans especially performed rites in memory of deceased warriors and princes. .
Ochpaniztli, the eleventh month (August 21st), was symbolized by a figure of Teteoinnan, in whose honour the ceremonies were held. A woman, dressed as the goddess, was decapitated by a priest of Chicome Coatl, and flayed, the skin from her thigh being made into a mask for the priest of Cinteotl; she was not told of her fate, since it was of great importance that she should not weep. Sacrifices were also made to Uitzilopochtli, and the proceedings included a battle of flowers and the distribution by the king of military rewards and insignia. The skin-mask worn by the priest of Cinteotl was finally deposited on a hostile frontier, and the occasion was often marked by a skirmish with the foe who lay in wait for the escort.
Teotleco, the twelfth month (September roth), symbolized by a figure of Tezcatlipoca, was signalized by a feast in honour of all the gods, who were believed to have left the country for a season, and were now about to return. Tezcatlipoca, the god of perennial youth, was believed to arrive in advance of the rest, while Yacatecutli and Xiuhtecutli came a day after the main body; the former because, as the god of travelling merchants, he might be supposed to have wandered further afield, the latter because he was essentially the old god, and could not be expected to travel so fast. For the arrival of the main body, a heap of maize-meal was prepared by a priest, who visited it at intervals until the mark of a footprint announced the arrival of the holy travellers; this was the signal for universal rejoicing. A large amount of octli was consumed, this proceeding being termed "washing the feet of the gods." The festival terminated with the burning alive of a number of slaves.
Tepeiluitl, the thirteenth month (September 3oth), ushered in the festival in honour of the mountain-gods, and was signified by the figure of a mountain with the head of Tlaloc. Numbers of snake-figures of wood (emblems of the lightning) were prepared, as well as images of the mountains in meal-paste, and certain victims, identified with fertility-deities were sacrificed to Tlaloc. The festival was held partly in honour of those who had perished by drowning or the lightning stroke, or by some other death which necessitated burial as opposed to cremation.
In Quecholli, the fourteenth month (October 30th), was held the festival of Mixcoatl, whose figure appears as its symbol. A strict fast was observed, during which large numbers of arrows were made, which were offered in bundles of twenty to Uitzilopochtli. Miniature arrows were deposited on the graves of the dead, and, on the tenth day, a great communal hunt was organized, on the mountain called Zacatepec, in which various surrounding tribes joined. A victim, the representative of the god, was offered to Mixcoatl, and a number of slaves to Tezcatlipoca; some of the latter being carried up the temple steps bound hand and foot like captive deer.
Panquetzaliztli, the fifteenth month (November 9th), ushered in the great feast of Uitzilopochtli, whose figure is shown as its emblem. The proceedings were symbolical in part of the mythical fight between this god and his hostile brothers, the Centzon Uitznaua, since a great ceremonial combat was organized between the slaves destined as sacrifices. In this one party represented the god, the other the Uitznaua, and a great figure of the Xiuhcoatl, the mythical weapon of Uitzilopochtli, figured later in the proceedings. During the fight, the image of Paynal made a rapid ceremonial tour of certain temples, and the sacrifice which terminated the festival was accompanied by music.
In the sixteenth month, Atemoztli (November 29th), the first rains usually appeared in the mountains (according to Sahagun, but see footnote on p. 65), and sacrifices were offered to Tlaloc, who appears as the symbol. Figures of the mountain-gods were made from meal-paste, and these were "sacrificed" with a weaver's sword.
The seventeenth month, Tititl (December 19th), was symbolized by a figure of Ilamatecutli, whose representative, a woman, was sacrificed in the ordinary way in the temple of Uitzilopochtli, though her head was immediately removed, and carried by the officiating priest in the ceremonial dance which followed.
The last month, Izcalli (January 8th), was dedicated to Xiuhtecutli, whose portrait appears as emblem. Various land and water animals were captured by children and young men, who gave them to the officiating priest to cast into the sacrificial fire before the god. Human sacrifice was offered only every fourth year, and the ears of children born in the interval were pierced in the presence of the god.
The remaining five days of the year, called Nemontemi, were regarded as extremely unfortunate. No work was done, and the people went out as little as possible, for an evil omen encountered during this period was regarded as doubly unlucky. In particular every attempt was made to avoid quarrelling and dispute, and the time was one of general inaction.
The feasts of the solar calendar have been detailed at some length in order to give an idea of the nature of Mexican religious practice, and to show to what an extent religious observances entered into the life of the people. Those who desire fuller particulars will find them in Sahagun's great work. Space forbids a description of the various ceremonies relating to certain individual days of the ritual calendar or tonalamatl, but that performed on the day 4. olin, sacred to Tonatiuh, deserves short mention. A prisoner, in merchant's dress, was taken to the shrine called Quauhcalli and set upon a large stone carved with the image of the sun. Standing thus he declaimed a message to the god, with which he had been entrusted, and was forthwith stripped of his ornaments and sacrificed upon the stone itself. Seler conjectures that the famous so-called "calendar-stone" in the Mexican museum is the stone to which reference is made in this account. This magnificent specimen of the Mexican stone-mason's art is figured on Pl. VIII, 1, and a schematic drawing is seen in Fig. 8. The outer band of decoration is formed by two fire-snakes, each with a human face in its mouth. At the top, in a square cartouche, is the glyph 13. acatl, the date of birth of the historical sun (see p. 51). The day-signs in order form an inner ornamental band, and in the centre is a large olin glyph, accompanied by the number 4, and with a sun-face in the middle. Within the arms of the olin are sculptured the calendrical names of the four previous suns, and in the interspaces are the glyphs 1. tecpatl, the sign used for the name of Montecuzoma, I. quiauitl, and 7. ozomatli, the significance of which has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Outside the day-signs are seen the pointed emblems which typify the rays of the sun, which enter also into the glyph by which the Mexicans expressed the meaning "year" (Fig. 86, 1; p. 356).
Two other special festivals connected with the solar calendar call for mention. The first of these occurred every eight years, in the month of Quecholli or Tepeiluitl; it was called Atamalqualiztli, and during it only bread and water were consumed, with the intention of letting other food-products rest. An image of Tlaloc was set up, and the worshippers performed a ceremonial dance clad in various animal costumes. An interesting feature of the ceremonies was the following: In front of the image of the god was a tank of water, containing frogs and snakes. A number of men called Mazateca, perhaps inhabitants of the Mazatec district, tried to seize one of these animals in his mouth, without using his hands, and having succeeded, continued to dance with it in his teeth. The custom has a strange
resemblance to the snake-dance performed by the Pueblo Indians up to the present time.
The other festival was that which occurred every fifty-two years, when the year-date 2. acatl recurred. The occasion was considered as especially dangerous to mortal men, since it was feared that the sun might fail to rise, and the Tzitzimimé demons would descend from the first heaven to destroy mankind and so bring about the end of the world. The principal 
1. The "Calendar Stone"
2. Stone figure of an Octli god
(Scale : 1, 1/50th; 2, 1/6th)
(Zouche MS., British Museum)
Pleiads, the high-priest of the Calpulco quarter of Mexico, kindled the new fire on the breast of a prisoner, who was sacrificed immediately after in the usual manner. Representatives of the surrounding cities were present, and torches lit at the new fire were rapidly carried to the chief temples in each city, where the populace awaited their arrival in the greatest anxiety. From the temples the fire was distributed all over the city, and universal rejoicings hailed the commencement of a new era and the deliverance of the world from universal destruction. Old garments were discarded, and all household utensils were broken or freshly painted in token of the new lease of life given to mankind. A peculiar custom in connection with these ceremonies is seen in the fact that women expecting to become mothers, and young children, were made to assume masks of maguey leaves, and the former were shut up in the granaries. It was feared that women in this condition might become monsters and devour their relations, and that the children might be turned into mice, especially if they were allowed to fall asleep. New fire was also made at the dedication of a new temple, or the completion of a new house.
The employment by the Mexicans of a solar year of 365 days brings us to the question whether they at any time intercalated any day or days to make their year square with real solar time. It is quite obvious that a people, most of whose feasts were connected with agriculture, were bound to notice that their festivals gradually failed to correspond with the seasons, and many conjectures have been made regarding the methods which they might have used to rectify their calendar. It must be confessed however that there is no direct evidence that days were ever intercalated in the latter, and Seler has shown that at any rate between the year of the conquest, and the date of Sahagun's writing, some forty years, no intercalation had been made. Moreover the confusion into which the calendar had fallen at the beginning of the sixteenth century seems to be evidence against the practice. It is quite possible that when the discrepancy became too great a new start was made, and it may be that the five "suns" typifying the five ages of the world really represent five attempts to establish a calendar. The sun was not the only body the observation of which served as a check upon the calendar. The me Venus was also of the greatest importance, and its synodical revolution was closely connected with the 104-year period which constituted the longer cycle of the Mexicans. This revolution occupies practically 584 days, and consequently five such revolutions are equal to eight years of 365 days. Since 20 when divided into 584 leaves a remainder of 4, it is obvious that the commencement of a Venus-period will fall always on one of five of the twenty day-signs. Further, since 13 when divided into 584 leaves a remainder of 12, it is equally obvious that each successive Venus-period will open with a day of which the numerical sign is one less than that of the preceding period. In several of the MSS. we have the Venus-periods set out in the order in which they occur, viz. on the days cipactli, coatl, atl, acatl and olin; 1. cipactli being followed by 13. coatl, the latter by 12. atl, and so forth. It can be seen that 65 Venus-periods must elapse before the same sign occurs in conjunction with the same number at the commencement of a period, and this amounts to 104 years of 365 days, viz. the longer cycle of the Mexicans. It seems most probable that the Venusperiod was utilized as a means of correcting the 365day year, and I am even inclined to believe that observation of this planet was practised before the institution of the solar calendar. But I shall recur to this point when the subject of the Maya calendar is discussed; meanwhile it is worthy of note that the signs of the two last "suns" are atl and olin, signs which occur as the commencing-days of Venus-periods; that the historical sun was supposed to have been born on 13. acatl; and that the new fire ceremony always took place in the year 2. acatl. Though the morning star played such an important part in the regulation of the calendar, it was not regarded altogether as a beneficent deity, possibly because of its association with war and sacrifice among the hunting peoples. However that may be, its light when it first rose was considered to exercise a baneful effect upon mankind, and chimneys were carefully stopped up to prevent the rays from entering the houses. The cult of Venus was especially practised at Teotitlan and Tehuacan, where the priests had the reputation of being great calendrical experts. A human sacrifice was performed at the first rising of the star, and offerings of blood and incense were made daily until it commenced to decline. A tradition existed also that the planet was supposed to "shoot" certain classes of individuals in certain signs, and it 1s interesting to note that in manuscripts the deity in whom it is personified, Tlauizcalpantecutli, is constantly shown hurling darts at other gods and certain animals.
Connected with the calendar was the peculiar regard which the Mexicans paid to the "world-directions." The points of the compass were known by the following names: east, Tlapcopa; north, Mictlampa; west, Ciuatlampa; and south, Uitzlampa. To these a fifth, the central point, was generally added, and, in some cases, the directions up and down. With the east were associated all years with the acatl sign, the paradise Tlalocan, the colour yellow, and the gods 'Tonatiuh and Itztli. With the north, tecpatl-years, the underworld Mictlan, the colour red, the god Mictlantecutli. In the west was the home of the female deities, especially the earth-and fertility-goddesses, and with it were associated the calli-years and the colour blue. To the south belonged the tochtli-years, the colour white and the god Tlaloc. With the centre the figure of Xiuhtecutli, the god of the hearth-fire, is constantly associated. Other gods are associated also with the four quarters, but the MSS. are often contradictory. The day-signs were divided as follows:
East: cipactli, acatl, coatl, olin, atl.
North: ocelotl, miquiztli, tecpatl, itzcuintli, eecatl.
West: mazatl, quiauitl, ozomatli, calli, quauhtli.
South: xochitl, malinalli, quetzpalin, cozcaquauhtili, tochtli.
In the MSS. the quarters are often typified by four trees, each springing from the body of the earth-goddess, with a bird perched amidst its branches, and accompanied by the five day-signs belonging to the quarter which it represents (Fig. 10). In Oaxaca, where the 52-year cycle was also observed, the years were assigned in groups of thirteen to the quarters. Those belonging to the east were supposed to be fertile and healthy; those
(Borgia MS., Rome)
to the north, variable; those to the west, good for mankind but bad for crops; while those to the south were thought to be characterized by excessive heat and drought.
Among the Tarascans too were found gods associated with the world-directions, and, as will be seen later, among the Maya also. The association of the underworld with the north by the Mexicans is interesting as exemplifying a tendency found amongst primitive peoples all over the world. The original home of the Mexicans lay to the north, and consequently it was to the north that departed spirits took their way, just as in Polynesia and Melanesia the disembodied souls were supposed to leap into the sea and disappear in the direction whence their forefathers had arrived.
It is therefore particularly interesting to note that among the Mixtec and Zapotec two spots were pointed out as the entrance to the underworld, and that each of these spots Jay in the actual territory inhabited by these tribes respectively. The Mixtec believed that the gate to the region of departed spirits was situated at Chalcatongo, and the place was regarded as a burial-ground of peculiar sanctity. While the Zapotec believed that their sacred city Mitla (or rather Lyobaa, Mitla being the Nahua name) stood on the site of the approach to the spirit-world. This belief, together with the peculiarities in religion mentioned in the last chapter, points to the existence among the population of a large element which may be called indigenous in so far as its beliefs were probably evolved locally and before the advent of the Nahua tribes in Mexico, by contact with whom they were so strongly affected in later years.
In Mexican ceremonial constant attention was paid to the world-directions, and the victim's blood was often sprinkled, and incense offered, in the four directions of the compass.
It will not be necessary to say many words on the subject of Mexican ritual, since much can be gathered from the description of the various feasts given above. In early times human sacrifice seems to have been far from prevalent, and the Chichimec were reputed to have made offerings only of animals and produce until they came into contact with other tribes. But according to the "Annals of Quauhtitlan," human sacrifice had already made its appearance under the Toltec régime. The first rite of this nature is said to have been the offering of children to Tlaloc in 1018, while the arrow-sacrifice was introduced from the Huaxtec country in 1058, and the flaying-sacrifice in 1063. But the arrow-sacrifice is mentioned elsewhere at a very early stage of the Nahua migration, in connection with the earth-goddesses. Once introduced into the valley of Mexico, the practice of making human offerings became more and more prevalent, until we find the number of individuals slain during the four-day ceremonies at the dedication of the great temple to Uitzilopochtli by Auitzotl given in two manuscripts as twenty thousand (see Fig.12; p.87). The Tezcocan ruler Nezahualcoyotl is said to have forbidden it, and later to have limited it to prisoners of war, but at the time of the conquest it showed no signs of abatement, and Bernal Diaz is constantly referring to the sacrifices which he and his companions were compelled to witness. Spaniards taken prisoner in the hostilities with the Mexicans were invariably devoted to death, and the same chronicler relates the grisly discovery in a temple at Pueblo Morisco of the remains of two of his compatriots, where Sandoval found two "faces which had been flayed, and the skin tanned like skin for gloves, the beards left on, and they had been placed as offerings on one of the altars." The hides of four horses were found at the same place. But terrible as such rites may seem to us, it may be taken as certain that they were regarded almost with equanimity by the Mexicans. Death by sacrifice was considered the normal death of a fighting man, and ensured entrance to the paradise of the Sun. Instances occur where men have deliberately demanded death on the sacrificial stone, notably the king Chimamalpopoca is said to have made arrangements for his own immolation, clad in the insignia of Uitzilopochtli. Or again, the Tlaxcalan general Tlahuicol, captured by the Mexicans, who refused his freedom at the hands of Montecuzoma, and subsequently even the rank of general in the Mexican army, and was so persistent in his demands for death on the gladiatorial stone that it was at length granted him. G The very cannibalism which, to a limited extent, formed the occasional sequel to human sacrifice, becomes divested of much of its horror when it 1s remembered that the rite was, in essentials, an act of communion with the deity, with whom the victim was identified. Instances of this identification have been mentioned, and it has been said that the victim, especially he who was condemned to die by the gladiatorial sacrifice, was clad in the insignia of the old stellar warand hunting-deities, Mixcoatl and the Morning Star, insignia which are often borne by Uitzilopochtli and the earth-goddesses. The ornament, which was regarded as that typical of the sacrificial victim, was the following: the body and face were painted white with yellow stripes, lips and chin red, and across the eyes was the black "mask" seen in the figures of the stargods. The hair was covered with down, and the victim carried arrows and a sword tipped and edged with the same material, which also appeared in five bunches on his shield (Fig. 12; p. 87).
The act of communion with the god is seen in the many festivals at which an idol of the deity was made of some edible substance, later to be eaten by the worshippers. 'This custom was followed also by the Totonac.
Human sacrifice was of course reserved for the more important feasts, the offerings on lesser occasions consisting chiefly of incense, quails and the worshipper's own blood. Incense, mixed with tobacco, was offered on every occasion, and the incense-pouch is shown in the MSS. as the invariable accompaniment of priests. It was consumed in pottery braziers (Pl. IX, 1, and Figs. 4, e, and 36, 1, pp. 36 and 185), and visitors of great distinction were greeted by censing, a compliment which was continually paid to the Spaniards on their first arrival. Blood drawn by the worshipper from ears, tongue, arms or legs, was offered on most occasions, and this rite was invariably performed as an 
| MEXICO | |
| 1. | Censer of Cholula ware |
| 2. | Pottery figurine; Coatlicue. Mexican vallley |
| 3. | "Head from Teotihuacan |
| 4-5. | "Heads of warriors. Mexican valley |
| 6. | "figurine; Xochiquetzal. Mexican valley |
| MAYA | |
| 7—11. | Pottery figurines from graves in British Honduras |
| (scale: 1, 1/7th; 2—6, 3/8ths; 7—11, 1/4th) | |
Fig. 11.—Totonac stone relief, from Huilocintla, near Tuxpan. act of penance every time that he wished to attain ceremonial purity. The usual implement was a spine of the aloe, which, covered with blood, was offered to the god, but implements of bone were also employed, especially for piercing the ears. An elaboration of this ceremony consisted in passing rods through the tongue, and at the principal festival, in March, to Camaxtli at Tlaxcala, the chief priest was supposed to pass no less than 405 specially prepared rods through that organ, the other worshippers being satisfied with a smaller number. This performance is well illustrated in a relief from Huilocintla in the Totonac region (Fig. 11), which bears a distinctly Mayan appearance, and, as will be seen later, the Maya themselves were much addicted to the practice. Upon the proper periodical observance of this penitential act, accompanied by ceremonial fasting, the Mexican believed his material prosperity, to a great extent, to depend. By this means a person born on an unlucky day might avert much of his destined ill-fortune, while a man born under a lucky sign would forfeit by neglect the prosperity which it promised. Fasting played a very important part in all ceremonies preliminary to religious festivals, and was a condition of ritual purity; it consisted in partaking of but one meal a day, of abstinence from flesh and octli, and of rigid continence. Penitential acts and fasting, together with the making of offerings to certain gods, were prescribed by the priests of Tlazolteotl for those who made confession before them. The fact that confession was practised by the Mexicans was especially striking to the Spaniards, and most of the early writers make some comment upon the ceremony. The penitent approached the priest and signified his desire to confess, and the priest consulted the tonalamatl to find a propitious day for the occasion. When this arrived, sacrifice was made to Xiuhtecutli by casting offerings into a fire specially kindled for the purpose, and after an invocation to Tezcatlipoca, uttered by the priest, the penitent made confession of his faults seated before the latter, whom he regarded as the representative of the god. Sahagun states that small offences alone were confessed by the young, and that it was only the elders who made acknowledgment of serious sins, for it was believed that pardon could only be granted once for a particular fault. Absolution, however, was complete, and seems to have freed the penitent from temporal punishment. Sahagun states that in the early days of Christianity, natives would come to the monasteries to confess, and then ask for a certificate from the priests which they might show to the alcade or governor in order that their offence might be wiped out in the eyes of the temporal law also. Before confession the penitent took an oath to tell the truth, by touching the ground with a finger which he licked. 'This was the customary manner of swearing, and the action was usually accompanied by the words, "In the name of the Sun, in the name of our lady the Earth, I swear so-and-so, and in ratification thereof I eat this earth." This action was termed "eating the earth in respect for the gods," and was performed each time a temple or shrine was entered.
- ↑ This is according to Sahagun's statement; at the present time in the valley of Mexico the rains commence in May-June and end in September — October.