Mexico of the Mexicans/Chapter XIV
CHAPTER XIV
THE REVOLUTION (continued)
In the vortex of lawlessness and political disorder which Mexico had become, it is perhaps not surprising to find a bandit occupying a place of supreme importance Zapata.in its history, building up governments and setting them aside, holding absolute sway over a vast tract of country, terrorising the populace like some fabled giant of mediaeval times.
Emiliano Zapata is essentially a product of Mexican conditions. Once a common bandit, although a landowner, with a dozen desperadoes at his heels, he has gradually extended his dominion over the whole country, and has grown so powerful that no President or faction dare venture to dispute his authority. One by one, successive governments have broken a lance with him, but have had to admit defeat.
Against a background of rebellion and intrigue, Zapata stands out as a unique if scarcely admirable figure. Utterly unscrupulous, presenting the characteristics of the race at its lowest level, he is aptly designated by his nom de guerre, "El Atila del Sur"—"The Attila of the South.” No gleam of chivalry, no single spark of honour, can we trace in all his triumphant career. He is a breaker of treaties throughout; a scorner of truce and amnesty; avid for wealth; looting, sacking, spoiling wherever he goes. The brutality of his methods of warfare contemporary records may equal, but can hardly surpass.
The story of his career—successful though it be—is unrelievedly sordid and inglorious. The son of a farmer of Indian extraction, he early began to plunder, with the assistance of a dozen followers. For these petty depredations, he was arrested and conscripted into the army of President Diaz (against whom he afterwards had the satisfaction of using his arms). A military experience of fifteen years has doubtless stood him in good stead in his many battles.
His connection with the Federal Army was over and done with when, on his father's death, he and his brother Eufemio betook themselves to the Villa Ayala, to settle on the extensive haciendas which formed their heritage. The instinct of brigandage was, however, still strong within him, and part of the revenue from these estates he used to arm and equip 900 men, with which, in March, 1911, he flung himself into the Maderist Revolution against President Diaz. From the beginning of March to 24th May, when Diaz resigned, Zapata made the Revolution an excuse for every form of licence and barbarity. Towns, villages, haciendas were sacked and burned, and their inhabitants treated with revolting cruelty. With the resignation of Diaz, the activity of the bonâ fide revolutionaries naturally came to an end, but the Zapatistas continued their depredations without interruption. The political element was apparently but a second consideration in their leader's career of rapine and plunder.
Nevertheless, because of his support of the Madero Government, Zapata was not interfered with for some six months after the termination of the Diaz Presidency. Then, indeed, it was too late; for by this time his forces were greatly improved, both in numbers and equipment, and from his stronghold among the Guerrera Mountains he had extended his sway over the States of Morelos and Puebla. A force of 5,000 men sent against him by President Madero met with defeat, though led by such seasoned generals as Huerta and Figueroa.
Meanwhile, the bandit steadily widened the territory under his barbarous rule, and the people clamoured bitterly for protection. In response to their appeals, Madero had the attacking force renewed, but still without effect. Finding his troops thus unable to cope with the situation, the President resorted to bribery, and offered Zapata $50,000 to disband his followers and live peaceably. The bandit took the bribe and gave his promise readily, but without the slightest intention of keeping it. He made no effort to disperse his followers, but rather increased their number, and became, if anything, more cruel and audacious than hitherto. Instances of his incredible cruelty might be multiplied, but one will suffice.
A handful of Federal troops (thirty-seven in all), recalled to Mexico by the authorities, and passing through Yantepec on their way, were there besieged by Zapata with a force of 3,000 men. Naturally the little garrison could not hope to prevail against such overwhelming odds; but rather than surrender or trust to Zapata's worthless promises of amnesty, they bravely held out until there was but one man left, and he mortally wounded. The Zapatistas then stormed and carried the improvised fortress, and finding the one gallant survivor—burned him alive.
The bandit and his followers now allied themselves to the partisans of Pascual Orozco; but Madero, whose government had not from the first been strong enough to cope with Zapata, chose to ignore this circumstance and to regard him as a loyal supporter. Another large bribe was offered and accepted, though Zapata had as little intention of keeping the peace as on the former occasion.
Again Madero opened hostilities, sending Generals Huerta and Figueroa against the rebel. At Horseshoe Hill, near Cuernavaca, the capital of Morelos, a severe engagement took place, resulting in a painful defeat for the Federal troops. Another fierce struggle ensued round the fortified dwelling of Zapata, and once more the Madero force was repulsed.
Once again the President entered into negotiations with Zapata, to fall back at length on his weak policy of bribery, though experience might have taught him how ineffectual it was. The bribe (30,000 pesos) went into the coffers of the bandit, whose "peace talk" was, of course, not worth a moment's credence.
In the autumn of 1912, General Robles, at the head of 5,000 men, marched against the brothers Zapata, who retired to the Villa Ayala. Here a three-weeks' battle was fought, and again the Federal troops were worsted and driven back with heavy losses.
Towards the end of the year, Emiliano Zapata, with a force of 10,000 armed men, made a sally into the State of Hidalgo, whose rich mines had roused the cupidity of the bandits. The "raid"—it was almost an invasion—was not entirely successful. The Zapatistas failed in their effort to secure the capital city of Pachuca, and had to withdraw before the State troops. Considerable damage was done, however, among the peaceful inhabitants, and the raiders returned home laden with plunder. More than that, Zapata's popularity in Mexico was greatly increased as a result of the raid, and a corresponding increase took place in the size of his army.
On the appointment of the Provisional Presidency of General Huerta, for whom as an enemy Zapata had a wholesome respect, he left his task of harassing the capital and withdrew once more to his fortified home in Guerrero.
Here we observe a new and somewhat surprising phase of his career, for we find the rapacious bandit, the vulture of the mountains, the Attila of the South, posing as a philanthropist, and that on a very extensive scale. Thousands of square miles of land were divided among the very poorest of the peasantry. Part of this was property which had already been seized by Zapata. In some cases, the rightful owners were purposely dispossessed so that their land might be given to the peons.
He is still, however, "El Atila del Sur," whom the rôle of benefactor fits but poorly. One feels again that it is a malicious and cynical rather than an altruistic motive which prompts his actions. His democracy, too, is of the crudest. It is the effort of a low intelligence to place others of his kind in authority rather than see such authority in the hands of those fitted to use it. It is his pleasure, too, when he has sacked a town, to give its best houses to the poor.
In due course, General Victoriano Huerta became Provisional President. He made an effort to restore public order, and was recognised by all the powers except the United States, Huerta as
President. which from the first steadily refused to countenance him. That their view was the correct one was speedily proved, for Huerta quickly showed that he was working entirely for his own personal ends. In August, 1913, the American Ambassador was withdrawn, and the United States demanded early and free Presidential elections, and an undertaking that Huerta himself should not be a candidate. New elections were arranged for 26th October, and Huerta announced that the terms of the Constitution would prevent him from offering himself as a candidate. But before the elections transpired, Congress was arbitrarily dissolved, and many of its members cast into prison. The elections duly took place, and Huerta, although not a candidate for the Presidency, received the largest number of votes. The United States refused its recognition of the election, and once more called upon Huerta to resign, which he most unwillingly did.
Francisco Carvajal became Provisional President until Venustiano Carranza could reach Mexico city from his exile in the United States. Carranza was a trusted politician of wide Liberal sympathies Carranza. and, although over the allotted span in years, was still able and willing to serve his country. Carvajal was a drawing-room soldier, and gracefully allowed matters to slide. But when Carranza entered the capital, he was to find himself handicapped by the opposition of a remarkable and desperate man—a man who before had practically been one of his henchmen. This was the famous bandit-soldier Villa, a native of Guerrero, in whose mountains he had been wont to lurk in true guerilla manner. Soon he got into touch with Zapata, and this alliance was more than Carranza could face. They quickly gained command over the country immediately surrounding Mexico city, and this they conscientiously looted. So serious did the situation become, that at length Carranza consented to a peace convention at Aguas Calientes, which should be attended by delegates from the Carranza, Villa, and Zapata factions, the object being to select a Provisional President satisfactory to all parties. Meanwhile, Carranza evacuated Mexico city; and on Thursday, 11th March, 1915, Zapata entered it for the first time. Zapata had a wonderful reception, people of all classes stopping to shake hands with his men. They sacked several churches and destroyed many magnificent paintings, and in this they were helped by members of the Casa del Obrero Mundial, a society of working men instituted by the Carranzistas, with strong socialistic or anarchistic leanings.
The Aguas Calientes convention duly took place, and Eulalio Gutierrez, a supposed adherent of Carranza, but in reality a tool of Zapata, was chosen Provisional President Gutierrez and
Garza. and went to Mexico. Zapata evacuated the city in his favour, but Gutierrez collected 10,000,000 pesos and betook himself to San Luis Potosi to start a revolution of his own there. But late in 1915 he was forced to surrender to the Carranzist army under General Obregon. At the time that Gutierrez had fled Mexico city, the Carranzists heard of his defection before the Zapatistas became aware of it, and took possession of the capital before the bandit leader could get there himself. This, of course, meant constant attacks on the suburbs by Zapata, and Carranza, afraid of his international reputation and really desirous to avoid further bloodshed and looting, consented to a second meeting at Aguas Calientes. On this occasion, Roque Gonzalez Garza, one of Villa's men, was chosen Provisional President. Carranza did his best to keep Garza from Zapatista influence, but all to no purpose, for he required to keep most of his troops watching Villa in North Mexico. Zapata commenced the most stringent blackmailing demands on the unfortunate Garza, who, in despair, fled to the United States.
Once more Zapata entered Mexico city, this time in a spirit of ferocious destruction. His ruffians invaded the stately palaces which had harboured the great Zapata loots
Mexico. families of the Diaz régime, stripped them of their paintings and other adornments, and forced the national pawnshops to pay immense prices for them. Horses were stabled in the stately homes of Mexico, the parquet flooring of the great houses was pulled up because the women who accompanied the Zapatista army preferred to dance on earthen floors, to which they had always been accustomed. Valuable libraries, containing priceless volumes on Mexican antiquities, were looted and their contents used for fuel to cook the messes of Zapata's brigands. Women were dragged from their homes by the hundred and never seen again, and the denizens of the slums were informed that the city was now their property and that they might do what they chose with it. The altars of the great churches were looted and defiled; in short, there was no villainy to which this monster among men did not stoop in his callous disregard of the fundamentals of humanity. The foreign colony, aroused to the real danger of the situation, appealed to the British Chargé d'Affaires, Mr. Hohler, who by great efforts and the most distinguished personal bravery, succeeded in conducting 500 foreigners by train to Vera Cruz. The refugees were forced to make the journey to Pachuca by mule-cart and, having arrived at that city, entered a train which the Carranzist party had put at their disposal. What American and Brazilian efforts could not do, British pluck and forcefulness duly accomplished.
But the tale of Mexico's Provisional Presidents was not yet at an end, for a third meeting at Aguas Calientes, at which Carranza and Villa had met, concluded that Zapata's behaviour was detrimental to all parties and elected Chazaro.Lagos Chazaro, the former Maderist Governor of Vera Cruz, to the Provisional Presidency. They had unhappily selected another broken reed, for, after a few weeks had passed, Chazaro disappeared. Once more Zapata entered Mexico city, and in September, 1915, was attacked by the Carranzist forces to the east of the capital. For nearly a month the conflict raged with but small losses on either side. In the end, Zapata was forced to evacuate the city, since when he has lain low in the Cuernavaca district. By this time, the price of food had risen enormously. A pound of meat cost about $6 (Mexican) or 12s., milk had gone up from 15 to 80 cents the litre, potatoes from 12 cents to $3, flour from $10 the 100-lb. bag to $138. The wretched women and children of the city were starving for the most part and begging from door to door for a mouthful of bread. Scores of them dropped in the streets from sheer weakness and died there—and all because of the fiendish rapacity of the leaders of the various "parties," that of Carranza excepted. It must be admitted that for a time the machine of civilisation in Mexico was entirely broken down and that the barbarian element triumphantly vindicated its presence. Was Diaz aware from the experience of his rule of forty years that the only methods of repressing this element were those of harshness and peonage, or was this outbreak of barbarism the fruit of his régime? Who can say? Those who have studied the history of Mexico know that certain of the races who flourished within its borders in the aboriginal period were cruel and bloodthirsty, and cherished a sanguinary faith in which human sacrifice and ceremonial cannibalism were the outstanding characteristics. Have these inherent brutalities only slumbered since the Conquest? In some measure, it is probably only too true that they have. But the critic of the Mexican people should strive to remember that at such a crisis the better elements in a population become almost completely overpowered and voiceless. This was not the real Mexico any more than France of the Revolution was the real France.
Carranza had now a better opportunity of attempting to reduce the country to a condition of order. That he has The End of
Chaos.done much and is still occupied in this direction is plain from the accounts of acute observers who have recently visited Mexico. Dr. David Starr Jordan, American Minister to the Mexican Republic, stated in a recent interview that a beginning of order has been made, the worst conditions prevailing in Morelos, where Zapata is still in control, and in Chihuahua, where conditions are unsettled on account of the presence of American troops. He says—
"The Mexican Revolution, with all its crudities and brutalities, I found had a very definite purpose. Briefly, this purpose was to get rid of the mediaeval organisation left by the Spanish occupation.
"The land was divided into enormous tracts, held largely by non-residents, upon which the ordinary people, peons, were little more than slaves. Besides that, the great resources of the country had been peddled out in concessions to natives and foreigners, largely Americans, Germans, and British. The pawnbroking banker system had loaned the nation money on ruinous rates.
"Order was maintained by armed force and by the personal popularity of Porfirio Diaz. Extortion and disorder existed everywhere.
"During the various stages of the Revolution there were many atrocities. Men of the common sort became generals, supporting themselves by brigandage—a business more profitable for peons than ordinary work. Carranza came to be the representative of law and order, and as such was wisely recognised by the United States and by the South American Republics.
"At the present time the frontier city of El Paso is filled with agents of all types, representing the plundering interests. The city itself is a vigorous frontier town of reasonable wholesomeness. Cientificos, Clericos, concessionaires, and vultures of every kind are now there awaiting the word to pounce upon Mexico. Should the United States troops be withdrawn/' Dr. Jordan said, " there would be little danger of a lapse into the internal strife of the last few years in Mexico. Revolutions cannot turn backward/' he concluded.
Professor Roscoe R. Hill, of the University of Mexico, when lecturing on inter-American relations at the University of California during the 1916 summer session, said that three things were at the basis of the present crisis: "The concession of Porfirio Diaz to American and other outside interests; the land and labour problem, with monopoly on the one hand and the abasement of the lower classes on the other hand, and lastly, the failure of Diaz to educate the people. Diaz gave Mexico thirty years of peace, and this did much for business; but, as regards the conditions of the peons, he left them as he found them. Madero was a reformer and an idealist, Huerta a reactionary, and Carranza is attempting to carry out Madero's policy."
Dr. Hill urged an organised study of Mexico and South American countries: "Travel, the exchange of students and professors, scientific conferences, and better views will," he said, "bring about better understanding and feeling. To understand a people is to sympathise with it. The Mexicans are essentially no more barbarous than we are."
Reviewing something of the history of Mexico as this has affected the present situation, in an address before the Commonwealth Club of San Francisco, Dr. Hill said—
"Naturally the present condition is not the result of a day. Its explanation must be sought not only in the movement that led to the overthrow of Diaz, not only in the Diaz regime itself, but as far back as the Spanish colonial period. During the colonial epoch, the Spaniard maintained a policy of exclusiveness in trade and an intolerance of foreigners and foreign ideas.
"The preservation to a greater or less extent of these characteristics upon the establishment of the Mexican Republic served to hinder immigration and the proper investment of capital. These very necessary processes of national development were further retarded by the unstable conditions resulting from the political anarchy, which ruled for nearly half a century after independence. An outcome of this unsettled period was the introduction of the idea of Government concessions to foreign capitalists to take the place of national investment.
"The greatest responsibility for the present condition in Mexico must be laid to the Diaz régime. Porfirio Diaz was a benevolent despot who ruled Mexico with an iron hand. His three decades of peaceful rule brought many benefits to the country. Finances were placed on a firm basis, railways were extended, the material wealth of the country was developed, and the most friendly relations were established with foreign nations. Despite these positive achievements, three fundamental errors were made by the Diaz administration—
"First, the development of the cientifico principles, based on the idea of government by an oligarchy, was out of harmony with the growing democracy of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Politics were controlled by a small group of professional politicians, who maintained their position by the support of the army. The carrying of these ideals to their logical conclusion could do no less than bring on a period of reaction.
"Second, the abuses in the granting of concessions, which created a monopoly of the land and wealth in the hands of a small group of individuals, served to make the already hard lot of the peons more oppressive still. The process of concentration of the land, which carried with it the dispossessing of small land-holders, who thought their title secured by the constitution of 1857, exerted a very potent influence in the downfall of Diaz. Further, labour conditions were such that a large majority of the Mexicans lived in abject misery.
"Finally, the failure to provide an adequate system of public education impeded the healthy growth of the body politic. It prevented the development of a real public sentiment, which should exert a salutary effect upon the Government."
In April, 1916, a clash occurred between the civilian population of Parral (Mexico) and United States troops, The Collision
at Parral.who incautiously and unnecessarily entered the township. Carranza, by this time recognised by the United States by the title of "First chief of the de facto Mexican Government,” pleaded for the withdrawal of United States troops from Mexican soil, and stated that his forces were now quite competent to pursue and capture Villa and his followers. Villa was, indeed, the bone of contention, for he had destroyed much American property, had intimated his hatred of the Gringos, and his intention of despoiling them wherever he encountered them. As an American note to Carranza said—
"Despite repeated and insistent demands that military protection should be furnished to Americans, Villa only carried on his operations, constantly approaching closer and closer to the border.… His movements were not impeded by troops of the de facto Government, and no effectual effort was made to frustrate his hostile designs against Americans.
“Yet the Mexican authorities were fully cognisant of his movements.… Villa's unhindered activities culminated in the unprovoked and cold-blooded attack upon American soldiers and citizens in the town of Columbus on the night of 9th March, the details of which do not need repetition here in order to refresh your memory with the heinousness of the crime. After murdering, burning, and plundering, Villa and his bandits, fleeing south, passed within sight of the Carranza military post at Casas Grandes, and no effort was made to stop him by the officers and garrison of the de facto Government stationed there.
"In the face of these depredations … the perpetrators of which General Carranza was unable or possibly considered it inadvisable to apprehend and punish, the United States had no recourse other than to employ force to disperse the bands of Mexican outlaws.…
"The marauders engaged in the attack on Columbus were driven back across the border by American cavalry, and subsequently … were pursued into Mexico in an effort to capture or destroy them. Without co-operation and assistance, … despite repeated requests by the United States, and without apparent recognition on its part of the desirability of putting an end to these systematic raids, … American forces pursued the lawless bands as far as Parral, where the pursuit was halted by the hostility of Mexicans, presumed to be loyal to the de facto Government, who arrayed themselves on the side of the outlawry, and became in effect the protectors of Villa and his band."
Carranza begged that United States troops should be removed from Mexico. The Americans retorted that the Mexican authorities had themselves agreed that United States troops should cross the Mexican border to hunt down Villa; but the Mexican Government had done so under reservation of the clause that incursion must only follow specially outrageous conditions, and these, they held, had not transpired. Conference followed conference at El Paso between the American and Mexican representatives. Meanwhile, Villa played out his own disastrous and unpatriotic game. It was rumoured that he had been killed, and civilisation rejoiced. But the "death" was merely a ruse to throw his enemies off the scent.
A document which reached the Mexican Government about this time is of real historical value. A memorial addressed to General C. Venustiano Carranza by three former leaders of the so-called convention Government of Mexico in April, 1916, urged the First Chief, as a means of preserving the sovereignty of the country to provide for a national election at the earliest possible moment. The letter, signed by R. Gonzales Garza, former Convention President of the Republic; Enrique C. Llorente, former head of the Villa confidential movement in Washington; and F. Gonzales Garza, who was captured and imprisoned with President Madero and Vice-President Pino Suarez at the time of the Diaz-Huerta movement. These statesmen, who are now residing in New York, disavow all selfish motives in writing the letter, and assert their willingness to live permanently in exile if they can best serve the interests of Mexico by doing so. They address the First Chief, "with words of peace and concord," because tendencies are operative both within and without Mexico which will sooner or later destroy the independence of the country unless steps are taken to give it a de jure instead of a de facto government. As their memorial is of interest as coming from Mexicans who are fully aware concerning both the internal conditions of their country and its relations with foreign powers, we quote it at some length. The hope is expressed that the First Chief will consider the proposal favourably, because it is in line with the purposes which actuated the Constitutionalist movement, in which they were united to him until the time of the Aguas Calientes convention. They recall the circumstance that Carranza promised to provide general elections within a "reasonable time." A reasonable time, they believe, has now passed.
The international factors which are dangerous to Mexico, and which would be at least mitigated by placing the Government on a constitutional basis, are, according to the memorial, the following—
1. "A possible change of administration in the United States; because, in spite of the grave incidents which we have had with the present administration, there is no room for doubt that between the ideals of the Democratic party and those which are at the root of our revolution are greater affinities than it is possible for us to have with the Republican party. We well know the discreet line of conduct which the Democrats, headed by Mr. Wilson, have followed since the beginning of their administration, and we must believe that they will continue it until the conclusion of their period. This will give sufficient time to the Constitutionalists of Mexico to effect the reorganisation of the country and the establishment of a legal régime such as their name promises.
2. "The policy of preparedness for defence, which President Wilson has adopted, must be considered by us as very dangerous for our security. The series of controversies with Europe and a certain effervescence observed within this country (the United States) has spread a great distrust which, in the judgment of very sensible people, is not justified, but which has given ground for the President to initiate a most active personal campaign and to present bills to Congress for placing the nation on a war footing. Once this policy is adopted by Congress, we will see this people (the Americans) essentially pacific, dominated by new ideas which will probably drive them to make use of their military forces on the first provocation or opportunity a course which would be by so much the more likely in the event of a change of administration.
3. "End of the European War—if the beginning of the war was favourable to us, its end would be fatal, if at that time we still found ourselves with musket in hand, without having signs of adjusting our domestic affairs satisfactorily. And it is clear that at the end of the European War the apprehension that some Power or Powers may attempt a policy of aggression against this country, probably will vanish; and as this apprehension is what is pushing forward the movement for military preparedness, the conclusion of the great conflict will exaggerate the peril which we have mentioned, since the United States will find itself perfectly prepared; and the least which can happen in these circumstances will be that, urged on by European interests, it will be inclined to intervene with arms under pretext of claims or on some other pretext which chance will not fail to provide.
"Perhaps you," says the memorial in another place, "with the excessive confidence which is the natural consequence of triumph, and occupied as you are with the immense task of bringing order out of our national chaos, cannot take due account of the conditions which hourly menace our nationality. We, however, who are living in this foreign atmosphere, with eyes and heart intent upon everything which in any manner affects our country, can easily see the ebb and flow of opinion. And it is momentarily more sceptical of us, momentarily less tolerant of our foibles, to the extent that there are already not a few who consider the Mexicans outside the circle in which Lorimer placed the civilised peoples. These even attempt to deny our country, because of its prolonged intestine struggles, the right to the immunities ascribed to free States in international law.
"Before the court of foreign opinion our moral bankruptcy is as complete as our economic. Justly or unjustly, it is a fact that we have been losing all our prestige as a people capable of self-government. Our imprudences and our excesses have caused all politicians to judge us as without honour and without patriotism, our own intemperance in judging one another perhaps contributing no little to this lamentable result."
The writers declare that there is only one way by which Carranza may forestall the destructive tendencies which are at work against Mexico, both within and without the country, and that is by complying immediately with the constitutional provisions. Now, they say, is the opportune time to call a convention and set the machinery to work for the establishment of a legal government.
The memorialists were not far wrong in their observation regarding the "effervescence," noticeable in the United States. For many months, large detachments had been patrolling the Mexican border, on the plea that the interests of the United States required their presence there; and on 21st June, 1916, they came into conflict with a detachment of Carranzista troops at Carrizal, about 90 miles south of the El Paso. The Americans lost about forty killed and seventeen taken prisoners, and it is said that they were decoyed into an ambush by a white flag. On the Mexican side, General Gomez was killed. Public opinion in America was wildly excited, and so many contradictory statements were made on either side that it is, indeed, difficult to get at anything like the truth. The situation was indeed a dangerous one, and war might have been precipitated at any moment. Much was made by the enemies of America of the fact that she was ready to go to war with Mexico but not with Germany, but the two questions were by no means on all fours, for, while it was obvious that America was desirous of acting pacifically towards Mexico, it was difficult for her to do so in the face of the policy of pinpricks which she had to put up with. Every day the citizens of the United States were agitated by the news of some new outrage upon their countrymen or upon American property. This situation, full of evil potentialities, was certainly being augmented and aggravated by the German agents in Mexico, who were said to have spent money with both hands in the hope of keeping the United States so busy on its own borders that it could not enter into the world war. The north of Mexico was said to be teeming with German officers who openly boasted of the thrashing they were going to inflict upon the "Gringoes." Mobilisation was resolved upon. The Mexican Provisional Government wholly denied that its intentions were bellicose, but, in spite of those denials, a note of a somewhat warlike character was dispatched to the United States Government. Mr. Lansing's reply to this note, if it is a little reminiscent of matters which must have been only too well within the knowledge of both the Mexican Government and his own, is still a clear exposition of the American standpoint. It instanced the many Mexican atrocities and outrages which American citizens had had to endure at Mexican hands, and it talks of the deep disappointment in America at the exhibition of Carranza's inability to check the atrocities occurring on the border. It announced deep surprise that the conduct of Villa should have been condoned by the de facto government, and it instanced the many breaches of faith on the part of Mexico. The Mexican Government wholly denied the statement made in many quarters that it was being in any way influenced by Germany; and, although this may be true as regards Mexican officialdom, it certainly is not so of the Mexican people at large, who are by no means prone to welcome foreigners of any kind to their bosoms. Though, however, there may be no definite evidence of the fact, the finger of suspicion points to the Carranzist Government as the protectors and comforters within its own borders of members of that world-wide organisation founded by German espionage, which looked towards Mexico as an unrivalled base for its operations.
How far the Mexican people are properly instructed regarding the great European conflict from which they are so distantly removed it would be difficult to say. Probably their countrymen who have sought an asylum in the United States have realised the true nature of the fight which civilisation is putting up against savagery, but that the great mass of Mexicans have any conception of the true state of affairs is very unlikely. In any case, the nearness and imminent importance of the struggle developing underneath their very eyes is probably sufficient to blunt their interest in or anxiety for the European civilisation.
As Mr. Lansing's Note is interesting, we quote some of its passages—
"The Government of the United States has viewed with deep concern and increasing disappointment the progress of the Revolution in Mexico. Continuous bloodshed and disorders have marked its progress. For three years the Mexican Republic has been torn with civil strife; the lives of Americans and other aliens have been sacrificed; vast properties developed by American capital, and enterprise have been destroyed and rendered non-productive; bandits have been permitted to roam at will through the territory contiguous to the United States and to seize, without punishment and without effective attempt at punishment, the property of Americans; while the lives of citizens of the United States, who ventured to remain in Mexican territory or to return there to protect their interests, have been taken, and in some cases barbarously taken, and the murderers have neither been apprehended nor brought to justice.
"It would be difficult to find in the annals of the history of Mexico conditions more deplorable than those which have existed there during these recent years of civil war." The note frankly states: "It would be tedious to recount instance after instance, outrage after outrage, atrocity after atrocity." It did mention, however, specific cases. Details of attacks on Brownsville, Red House Ferry, Progreso Post Office, and Las Peladas, "all occurring during last September," are cited.
"In these attacks," the Note continued, "Carranzista adherents, and even Carranza soldiers, took part in the looting, burning, and killing. Not only were these murders characterised by ruthless brutality, but uncivilised acts of mutilation were perpetrated. Notwithstanding representations to General Carranza and the promise of General Nafarette to prevent attacks along the international boundary, in the following month of October a passenger train was wrecked by bandits and several persons killed seven miles north of Brownsville, and an attack was made upon United States troops at the same place several days later. Since these attacks, leaders of the bandits well known to both the Mexican civil and military authorities, as well as to American officers, have been enjoying with impunity the liberty of the towns of Northern Mexico."
"So far has the indifference of the de facto Government to these atrocities gone, that some of these leaders, as I am advised, have received not only the protection of that Government, but encouragement and aid as well."
After denouncing the conduct of Villa, the Note proceeded: "Subsequent events and correspondence have demonstrated to the satisfaction of this Government that General Carranza would not have entered into any agreement providing for an effective plan for the capture and destruction of Villa bands."
Mr. Lansing next takes up in detail General Carranza's last demands. Charges that the United States Government had not fully answered a previous communication are flatly denied. Several mis-statements, noticeably a quotation copied in the Carranza communication and purporting to show the United States Government had formally admitted the dispersion of the Villa band had been accomplished, are cited. Mention is made of the Mexican Government's proposal that the American troops be withdrawn on the ground that the Carranza forces were so disposed as to prevent outlawry and border raiding.
It was because of these proposals and General Scott's confidence that they would be carried out, says the Note, that he stated in his memorandum, following a conference with General Obregon, that American forces would be gradually withdrawn. It is to be noted that while the American Government was willing to agree to this plan, the Carranza Government refused to do so. General Carranza is reminded that even while the border conference sat at El Paso, and after the American conferees had been assured that Carranza troops were able to protect the border, an attack at Glenn Springs occurred. The Note continues—
"During the continuance of the El Paso conferences, General Scott, you assert, did not take into consideration the plan proposed by the Mexican Government for the protection of the frontier by the reciprocal distribution of troops along the boundary. This proposition was made by General Obregon a number of times, but each time conditioned upon the immediate withdrawal of American troops, and the Mexican conferees were invariably informed that immediate withdrawal could not take place; and, therefore, it was impossible to discuss the project on that basis."
The publication of Mr. Lansing's Note was regarded by the Mexican people in general as an ultimatum. It created no excitement and but little comment, and the Press adopted a tone of serene confidence and exalted patriotism, a good specimen of which was the leading article of El Democrata (a widely-circulated journal) of June, 1916, which voiced public opinion as follows—
"Whatever may be the outcome of this conflict, all the time more complicated because of bad faith, there will always remain the clear evidences that the President has not provoked or precipitated the situation; but, on the contrary, he employed all the conciliatory measures compatible with dignity to reach that situation which would most conform to justice and the interests of both Mexico and the United States. The punitive expedition into our territory no one could justify—taking into account the thousand subterfuges of the United States Government, not only that it has not at once withdrawn the troops; but, with the pretext of pursuing the foragers who attacked Great Bend, has sent a new force (which latter has been withdrawn) without previously advising the Mexican authorities, thus showing that they were deceiving, and not trying to comply with the mission of punishing the marauders.
"These aggressions, and others more flagrant, are inexplicable, taking into account the anti-interventionist protests of Mr. Wilson before Latin-America and particularly what he has said to the Mexican Chancellery. It is known that they have held back shipments of arms which our Government has bought, and the machinery for manufacturing war materials, and are protecting in Texas a nucleus of conspirators who are planning all kinds of hostile movements against Mexico. The time has arrived to show that this is not a co-operative movement to exterminate bandits, but a real invasion or menace of our national sovereignty. . . . In the event that they persist in maintaining the status quo indefinitely . . . the Mexican Army will be obliged to prevent their aggression by force, as they clearly have the right to do."
The editorial closes with the declaration that in the ultimate case, the whole nation will stand to the end with their chief. It cannot be doubted that a very large class of the Mexican people are satisfied that the sinister motives attributed to the American Government are only imaginary, if honestly asserted; and that there is nothing behind their entry upon Mexican territory more than has been clearly stated by the administration, namely, to punish the perpetrators of the crimes against the border citizens—therefore, public sentiment was not aroused by the somewhat belligerent note of Mr. Lansing.
On 28th June, the United States formulated its "irreducible minimum" of demand. It was stated that President Wilson would go to the limits of diplomacy in the efforts to avoid war with Mexico, actuated solely by a desire to save American lives.
The President felt that a way would appear to avoid actual war; and it was his confident hope that this avenue would be opened up through a satisfactory reply from General Carranza to the ultimatum sent to Mexico, for so Mr. Lansing's Note was regarded. Compliance with the President's demand would consist in the immediate release of the prisoners held in Mexico and the assurance that there is no intention on the part of the de facto Government to make war on the United States.
Señor Obregon, the Mexican War Minister, interviewed on 17th July, stated, that if United States troops were withdrawn from Mexican territory, that the Carranza Government would ensure that the border would be fully protected from bandit raids.
"Our proposals made at the Juarez-El Paso conference have not been withdrawn,” said General Obregon. "Our army not only is in a position to protect the border against further raids and incursions into American territory, but is in a position to subdue the bandits completely and pacify the country in a short time.
"It is our purpose to give protection and guarantees to everyone, and for this purpose we count on 80 per cent, of the male population to help to restore order. The whole country is now in sympathy with our cause, and we are doing our best to end internal troubles."
On the morning of 18th July, 1916, the Press of Mexico city surprised the people by announcing in big head-lines that the American forces had crossed the Testing the
People. the borders ten miles from Matamoras, and that, on request for instructions by the Constitutionalist commander there, he had been ordered by General Carranza to attack them. The city was somewhat uneasy during the day until 8 o'clock p.m., when the cathedral bells rang furiously, continuing for two hours, and leading to the conclusion that a victory had been obtained by the Mexican Army. Soon a manifestation of public enthusiasm was started at the national palace, and for an hour or more a procession paraded in the principal streets. It was composed of not more than fifty people, who shouted "Muerte los Gringos."
It was supposed that papers on the following day would contain some startling news, but there was absolutely nothing, excepting a few lines saying that the Mexican troops had met the Americans and driven them back across the border, and giving the Mexican loss as one officer killed and one soldier wounded.
It was an attempt to test the temper of the people, and the effort was kept up during the day, resulting in some processions marching to and fro in the outlying districts; but in the afternoon the students and workmen of the railroads formed and marched to the palace, offering their services to the First Chief in case of war, and were told by him that "We do not wish to provoke war, but if we are obliged to enter upon it we know how to comply with our duty." The manifestants, about a thousand in number, then marched through the principal streets.
In Pachuca there was some excitement and mal-treatment of Americans, but it was not very serious. Generally speaking, little feeling was manifested: much less than when Huerta made his effort to arouse the people against the Americans.
But it is pleasing to note that by the middle of August better counsels began to prevail. The great fundamental mistake made by the Americans was that they insisted on placing Carranza on the same level as they might have placed Villa or Zapata. Although they had thrown so much capital into the country, their lack of knowledge of it was colossal, and they insisted in keeping their troops within the Mexican borders. Carranza appointed a certain number of Mexican commissioners to an international conference, with the understanding that the United States should appoint a like number. The first point of discussion from the Mexican outlook was the removal of United States troops now in Mexico to the other side of the border. The best American thought, to its great credit, concurred in this view. Although America is so greedily capitalistic, her worst enemies cannot but admit that she has always possessed a certain number of men of a much more lofty and humane outlook than any other nation in the world. Her own great democratic principles have been forged by such men, who at moments of supreme importance have cowed the capitalistic crew into shame and impotence, and there is little doubt that on this occasion they came forward to wield the same beneficent influence that they and their kind have so often wielded before. These men are not to be regarded as mere pacificist cranks, for they have shown, when occasion offered, that, if they believe their enemy to be in the wrong, they can be the most stubborn of foes as well as the most steadfast of friends. They saw clearly that peace was already at hand in Mexico, and that the special and immediate need of the Republic was the confidence of its neighbour as well as of the world at large. By the good offices of these true humanitarians, we may believe, rather than by the more regular methods of trans-Atlantic diplomacy, the situation was saved.
Proof that such men are at work is found in the existence of an organisation formed at San Francisco for the purpose of arresting the intervention of the United States in Mexican affairs, and in taking steps that will assure the people of Mexico that neither the Government nor the people of the United States covet the territory of their Southern neighbour, or wish to dominate its affairs in any way. It is known as the Mexican Property Owners' Non-intervention League.
It is the plan of the organisers of the league to form branch clubs throughout the country for the purpose of carrying forward their programme of non-intervention, and of removing the causes of interracial and international friction, and replacing them with that measure of understanding which, they believe, is alone necessary to prevent any trouble between the two countries and to restore relations of abiding friendship.
In fact, the purpose of the organisation, according to its promoters, might be described as a campaign of education to show the American people that any hostility that Mexicans may feel to Americans has been caused by sinister or ignorant influences that have misrepresented the feeling of the great body of the American people towards Mexico. Certain classes of Americans, it is pointed out, have taken a kind of delight in expressing to the Mexicans a contempt for Mexican characteristics; and other classes of Americans with large financial interests in that country have apparently been forgetful of the interests and rights of the citizens of the country whose hospitality they were enjoying.
For the purpose of correcting the erroneous impressions that have thereby been created, and for the added purpose of acquainting Americans with the simplicity, loyalty, and other admirable qualities that are to be found in the great mass of the Mexican people, this organisation has been formed.
"We favour,” says the organisation's declaration of principles, "action by the United States that will tend towards the rehabilitation of Mexico on lines that shall be mutually agreed upon, and that every effort shall be taken for complete co-operation in assisting in this rehabilitation.
"It shall also be the object of this organisation to give publicity to the actual facts as to the conditions as they exist in Mexico, in order that the American public may be convinced that intervention by force would be no less than a crime, that such intervention has not been heretofore desirable, and certainly is not necessary at the present time."
A joint commission to consider international relations was appointed by the two countries, and at the time of writing (Oct., 1916) is still sitting. Such findings of importance as it has arrived at have not yet been made public, but that its labours will be crowned with success must be the earnest hope of all good men.