My War Memoirs/Chapter 4
IV
(a) Masaryk’s Messages to our Politicians
15
In the second half of March Professor Masaryk asked me in one of his messages to come to Switzerland. He said that there must be a closer agreement between Prague and abroad, and that messages and reports in cipher were inadequate as a means of communication. I therefore took advantage of the Easter holidays and started off for Switzerland. This time I had great difficulties in getting a passport. I was rather favoured through being in touch with Counsellor Olič and by the fact that I was living in his house. I told the authorities that the reasons for my journey were of a scholastic character.
At the same time I had begun to lecture at the University on the philosophy of war. In Naše Doba I reviewed a whole batch of war books, both native and foreign, and Viktor Dyk, the editor of Lumír, published in that periodical in essay form one of my university lectures in which I had quite openly declared that our nation must engage in a revolution. This escaped the notice of the police, so when the Chief Commissioner of Police sent for me to ask the reasons for my journey, I told him that I had an academic interest in these questions, and he gave me a passport with his own hands.
I spent about a week with Professor Masaryk at Geneva and overstayed my leave. On my return I apologized to Dr. Řežábek, the head of the Commercial Academy, for arriving after the commencement of the term, and I told him quite frankly what the reason was. Dr. Řežábek had previously surmised what I was about and heard with the utmost satisfaction what was going on abroad and what Professor Masaryk was doing.
In many respects this second visit to Switzerland was of greater political importance both to Professor Masaryk and to us in Prague. It was on this journey that I first had a personal meeting with Dr. Sychrava. We first of all went carefully into the question of organizing our connections and our courier service, and we again considered the financial side of our meeting.
Professor Masaryk gave me precise estimates of his requirements and indicated what plans, notably as regards organization, propaganda, and publicity, he wished to carry out by the end of the year, and approximately how much money he would require for them.
In connection with this, Professor Masaryk described to me the position of our colonists and the trouble which even then their affairs caused him. He also mentioned the directives which he had traced for their activities and finally referred to the publications he intended to start. He wanted to begin by issuing a Czech newspaper for our people abroad which would be edited by Dr. Sychrava. His next concern was to found and publish a political paper in French for the Allied public. For the latter project, he had already come to an agreement with Professor Denis, who had undertaken to edit the new review and to supervise all the work connected with it. When I reached Geneva the preliminary arrangements were so advanced that it was possible to start publishing the paper as a fort-nightly on the 1st of May under the title of La Nation Tchèque.
As I had a large supply of information derived from the Viennese documents which Machar had passed on to me, I prepared articles and reports on our affairs at home for the early numbers, and Denis at once printed them in the first and second issues.
Systematic and regular contributions from Prague to La Nation Tchèque were then secured, chiefly by means of couriers. I used to obtain articles from a number of writers in Prague (Professor Kaloušek, for example, discussed our economic situation and the financial problems of Austria-Hungary), while at the same time I myself wrote articles and sent them to Geneva. I mention this to show that, on the whole, Sychrava’s organization at Geneva and ours at Prague worked well.
A further important question which Professor Masaryk had submitted to me at Prague for discussion was that of his open opposition to Austria-Hungary. At that time Professor Masaryk was already rather impatient about this matter. He wanted new helpers, journalists, and politicians, to come to him from Prague, but none came. He wanted to come out into the open as soon as possible, particularly at the time of the Austro-Hungarian reverses in Serbia and on the Eastern Front, but the people at home asked him to wait because there was a fear of persecution by the Austrian Government. He was thus compelled to bide his time while political and military events ensued in rapid succession. Seeing how little was known about our cause in the Allied countries, he could not help fearing that we were losing valuable time. It would not be possible to start a real movement for independence until open action had been taken by our responsible political representatives. In the meanwhile, there were disputes among the members of our colonies abroad, and there was a lack of leaders, particularly for managing affairs in Russia.
Professor Masaryk therefore asked me to emphasize in Prague how urgent it was to take public action at all costs. Nobody would give us something for nothing, and it would be a great political error to rely only on the Allies and especially on Russia. He also again urged the necessity of sending journalists and other political helpers abroad. To this he added his fears with regard to Russia and a rather strong criticism of the Allied policy, which was either ignorant of the German plans for Central Europe or else was making very inadequate preparations to deal with them. He drew special attention to the fact that Italy’s entrance into the war was under consideration and that concessions were being negotiated for her to the detriment of the Jugoslavs, who were not united among themselves. At the same time he gave me messages from the Jugoslavs residing abroad and also his own messages for the Jugoslavs in our country, especially for Deputy Lukinić and Dr. Lorković. The latter came to Prague shortly afterwards to see me and other persons, and he then received the message.
Svatkovsky also spoke to me in serious and emphatic, terms. He asked me point-blank to tell Dr. Kramář again from him that the Russians were dissatisfied with us, that we must do something at home, that we must set about things in a more resolute manner, that Dr. Kramář ought to escape from Prague and go to Russia. Svatkovsky, like Professor Masaryk, was dubious about the conditions in Russia. He feared for the success of the offensive against Cracow, and in particular he saw that Petrograd was either completely ignorant of the Austro-Hungarian problem or else was disinclined to go more closely into it. He mentioned also the experiences of Dr. Scheiner, who, as early as February 1914, had visited Petrograd, where he had discussed with Sazanov and other leading politicians Russia’s attitude to the Czech question in case of war. Dr. Scheiner’s account of this showed that Russia took a very unfavourable view of our cause. This was now complicated by the disputes between the Allies and the Jugoslavs with regard to the unification of the latter. At that particular moment these disputes were at their height, and in Russia there was a decided tendency to favour the annexation of Dalmatia by Italy and the unification of the remaining orthodox Jugoslavs with Serbia, the rest of them to be handed over to a diminished Austria-Hungary.
Svatkovsky was in touch with the Poles, the Jugoslavs, the Italians, and us. He was also in touch with Russian and Allied official circles, and on various occasions he confirmed the truth of the above details which he now mentioned to me once more. In particular he told me that Italy would certainly enter the war in about six weeks’ time. I conveyed this valuable piece of news, which was to encourage all our people to further opposition and activity, to Prague and also to Vienna for Machar.
Professor Masaryk also gave me the text of his proposed manifesto with which he intended to inaugurate his struggle against Vienna and Budapest. He said that he wanted us to go through it at a meeting of the “Maffia,” and by the next courier we should let him have our approval of it or else propose any changes which we might think necessary. In this connection he emphasized the following points:
(a) At all costs our action must be taken openly and it must be of a revolutionary character. Otherwise we should not derive from the war any kind of political success for our national cause.
(b) He wanted to take action in agreement with the politicians at home, and only when they had given him their express consent. This was important because our movement abroad must under no circumstances be disavowed by the politicians at home.
(c) In no case did he ever want our responsible political circles to be misled into disavowing our action abroad. Silence would answer the purpose in such a case.(10) This was a demand which he repeated in all his messages and also verbally by the couriers. Later on we all emphasized it still more in all the messages we sent home in the years 1917 and 1918 when both at home and abroad an actual policy had been started.
(d) If Masaryk did not obtain the consent of the people at home, he would wait for some time, but in the end he would take action on his own account.
Finally, he asked me to let his friends know that at the end of April he was going to Paris and London. His purpose was to get into touch with Delcassé, Grey, and the Russian Ambassadors in Western Europe. He promised to send by courier a detailed account of the result of his journey.
16
These were the results of our discussion which I took back with me to Prague. I made a short stop at Zurich to meet Dr. Sychrava. He had left for Switzerland in September 1914 with the express intention of furthering our political aims, after conferring with his friends in radical Progressive circles. I knew Dr. Sychrava from my schooldays and we had met also at the beginning of the war. Through Svatkovsky and Masaryk we had begun to work together between Switzerland and Prague in January 1915.
The success of our work was due largely to Dr. Sychrava. It was he who for a long time managed our underground connection with Prague, and throughout the war he directed our foreign paper, the Československá Samostatnost. A considerable part of the work in connection with our general propaganda also devolved upon him, and he also helped to organize our movement. He was one of the first who, to his own detriment, threw himself into the struggle. Everything he did revealed his integrity, his devotion to our cause, his unselfishness and his modesty. He was one of those few people who were well acquainted with the conditions at home, with a sound political instinct and a well-balanced judgment. In short, he was one of those who realized that the decisive hour in our national history had come and were able at such a juncture to eschew all compromise throughout consistent in their policy.
It was with him that I arranged all the details relating to the further organization of our courier service and the general technique of our secret activities. At his apartment in the Kreutzstrasse at Zurich I made all arrangements for my last return journey. I slipped my notes into the heels of my boots and sewed others into my clothes with the ones which had already been sewn into my coat-collar at Geneva by Olga Masaryk. I then bought a number of books on the war and started off for home.
At that time journeys to and from foreign countries involved considerable risks. The first thorough examination took place at Buchs and the second at Feldkirch. Besides that, however, all along the Tyrolese line military and police patrols were continually passing through the railway carriages and examining the travellers. I simply left matters to chance.
Beyond Arlberg one of these examinations took place in my compartment. I had several questionable books, and in order to hide this fact I had also bought German anti-Entente books as well as German and Austro-Hungarian propagandist literature. Having twice escaped detection and seeing that the decisive moment had again arrived, I decided to tempt fate for the third time. I made a parcel of all my books and on the top of it I put a copy of Simplicissimus and the Internationale Wochenschrift, together with a few German books. When the officials who were carrying out the inspection arrived and asked me what I had, I showed them the parcel and told them to look for themselves. One of the officials lifted up the copy of Simplicissimus, looked at the title of the two German books, examined one of them to see whether it contained any loose papers, and then passed on.
But I had no further desire thus to tempt fate. I therefore packed the books up, waited for a favourable moment, and put them into the next carriage into the lavatory with the railwaymen’s belongings. They remained there during the new examination which took place before Salzburg, and when we had entered Austria I took the bundle out again. These and similar moments, many of which fell to my lot during the war, strengthened my nerves and helped me to cultivate presence of mind.
I stayed for one day in Vienna as I wanted to inform Machar, the chief representative of the “Maffia” there, about the general situation, the entry of Italy into the war, and Masaryk’s views. I also had a message from Masaryk to deliver to Hlaváč, the correspondent of Čas in Vienna. Hlaváč did not agree with Masaryk’s revolutionary policy. From time to さ time he used to come to Prague, where I had met him at the office of Cas. He had told me what was going on in Vienna and had proved to his own satisfaction why Germany and Austria would win and why Masaryk and all of us in Prague were mistaken in our attitude.
Masaryk had asked me to visit Hlaváč in Vienna and give him some account of the motives of Masaryk’s action. I was also to obtain fresh information from the official circles there.
I carried out both these commissions. I spent a full three hours walking with Hlaváč round the Imperial Castle, explaining to him why every Czech worthy of the name must identify himself with the revolutionary movement. Nevertheless, I did not convince him. He had recently returned from Italy and refused to believe that it would enter the war against Austria-Hungary.
As soon as I reached Prague I visited Dr. Šámal and Dr. Scheiner and asked for a meeting of the “Maffia“to be arranged. I also paid a visit to Dr. Kramář and delivered to him the messages from Masaryk and Svatkovsky. He was very much startled by what Svatkovsky said and he agreed that our task must be approached more resolutely. The Russian reverses at Gorlice and in the Carpathians, which occurred a very short time after that, depressed him very much, but at the same time they strengthened his determination. He again agreed that our action must be taken openly and also that somebody must join Masaryk. On the other hand, he did not abandon his fundamental point of view and his opinion of events in general. He still believed in the victory of Russia and, in fact, he thought that it would come during the war when Vienna would apply to him to save Austria from a catastrophe.(11) I again realized how impossible it was to reconcile the two sets of ideas. Nevertheless, on this occasion Dr. Kramář’s views had been sufficiently shaken to make him wonder whether, after all, he ought not to go abroad. In view of the fact that I had discussed this matter with the other members of the “Maffia,” particularly with Dr. Rašín, from this moment onwards it became of urgent interest and was the chief subject to be considered at the very next meeting of the “Maffia” at which I gave a report on my journey to Switzerland.
Dr. Rašín approved of the plan by which Dr. Kramář was to proceed abroad. In fact, he discussed with Dr. Šámal, Dr. Scheiner, and myself what steps were to be taken to persuade Dr. Kramář to go, and to arrange for his departure. My impression is that Dr. Rašín had already surmised the danger which then threatened Dr. Kramář and himself, and that was one of the reasons why he wanted him to leave the country. What still remained to be settled, however, was how the property of Dr. Rašín and Dr. Kramář was to be protected and what form their departure was to take. That is to say, whether they were to go secretly or with the consent of the authorities. All these points were discussed at the meeting to which I have referred, when Dr. Kramář had already given his provisional consent. He then attempted to obtain a passport for abroad, but this was refused him.
At that meeting of the “Maffia” I gave a detailed account of my journey, and communicated all of Masaryk’s wishes. The question as to what steps should be taken was immediately gone into. Masaryk’s manifesto was read and accepted. Dr. Hajn was the only one who suggested a number of modifications and additions, more formal than fundamental in character, and I sent these suggestions to Masaryk who agreed to adopt them. We passed a resolution to the effect that Masaryk should take no action until he received express instructions from Prague, as the members of the “Maffia” were of the opinion that the proper moment must be chosen according to the progress of events at home, when the political circles concerned were adequately prepared. Possibly, also, when somebody else had been sent abroad.
It was accordingly decided that, in any case, somebody must soon join Masaryk. I believe that Dr. Scheiner came to this meeting with the proposal that Dürich[1] should be sent. For some time he had been discussing with him the question of joining our movement and Dürich had finally consented. Everybody agreed that Dürich should be entrusted with this mission because, apart from anything else, he was a member of the Agrarian Party and would therefore discuss the matter with Švehla, who was its chairman. This would mean that we should have the powerful Agrarian Party on our side. It was accordingly resolved that Dr. Kramář should discuss the political aspect of the matter with Dürich, and that all other arrangements with him should be made by Dr. Šámal and Dr. Scheiner. Dr. Kramář carried out these arrangements, but the instructions which he gave Dürich were in accordance with his own personal views of Russian affairs.
As Dürich already had some experience of Slavonic affairs and could speak Russian and French, we readily approved of him as being suitable for the mission proposed, especially if it involved work in Russia. He left Prague and went first to Vienna, from where, on May 9, 1915, he reached Zurich. Here he was awaited by Dr. Sychrava.
As far as I remember, it was during the discussions on Dürich’s mission and on our troops in Russia that the “Maffia” started its first debate on the Russian and Slavonic bearings of our policy.(12)
There was one detail in the discussion which caused me much concern. In the opinion of Dr. Kramář and, at that time, of Dr. Rašín, the future relations of our State to Russia would be so close that our soldiers would be able to perform their military service in some Russian garrison, while Russian soldiers would come to Bohemia for a similar purpose. I tried to imagine our troops joining the army in Siberia and I felt many misgivings. I therefore opposed the idea and, being the youngest member of the “Maffia” and a non-politician at that, I expressed my reservations in a very moderate and cautious manner. Finally, we agreed that at the moment there was no urgent necessity for the “Maffia” to discuss these points and that we should see later what could be done.
We left this meeting of the “Maffia” after having taken a number of decisions, all extremely important. We had agreed upon the wording of Masaryk’s proclamation; we had given our consent to his plan of taking open action at a date to be fixed; we had detailed Dürich for work abroad. We had also seriously considered the departure of Dr. Kramář and the question of sending journalists to co-operate with Masaryk. I at once transmitted the results of this meeting to Switzerland.
17
At that time I began to make a closer search for more political and journalistic helpers who would escape to Switzerland. I must admit that in this, just as in the money question, I met with a number of disappointments. I spent a long time looking for suitable persons. The men I wanted would have to speak at least French and possibly English; they would have to be sufficiently well versed in politics to be able to carry on propagandist and journalistic work; they would have to be sufficiently courageous to get across the frontier, illegally if necessary; and they would have to be prepared—especially at a time when we lacked money and I could make no promises to anyone in this respect—to lead the hard life of a political émigré who might never be able to return home.
To add to our difficulties it was no longer possible to obtain passports, and any attempt of leaving the country illegally meant running extreme risks. I therefore set about discovering ways of obtaining passports and in this I met with a certain amount of success. Hájek confided in some of his friends, notably F. Vodseďálek and Dr. Butter, who managed to obtain a number of empty passports from the local passport office. I also managed to buy old Austrian or foreign passports (chiefly Bulgarian) from various sources.
From this material I now began to manufacture new passports and to provide visas. Thus, in May 1915, I was able to arrange the departure of Plesinger, now our Minister in Copenhagen, whom I furnished with a pass and visa in the name of Božinov. He proceeded to Switzerland, where he began to work in our cause.
Shortly after the arrest of Dr. Kramář and Dr. Rašín I began to confer with the members of the “Maffia” on ways and means of assisting Dr. Borský to escape. I sent his photograph to Dr. Sychrava, as in Switzerland it would possibly be easier to obtain a passport. When Dr. Borský had to join the army and came home in the summer on leave, I offered him a passport which had just been made out in the name of Miroslav Šícha, a commercial traveller. I obtained the necessary military documents from the Prague magistrature. I ventured to fetch the Swiss visa from the Consulate myself and I obtained the German visa by removing it from the passport of the real Miroslav Šícha. Dr. Borský declined the passport because he did not think it safe enough. If he had been caught on the frontier he would at once have been shot as a deserter from the army. A few weeks later I put my own photograph into this passport and used it myself, escaping from Austria under the assumed identity of Miroslav Šícha, a traveller in optical instruments.
(b) An Agitated Meeting of the “Maffia.” The Arrest of Kramář, Scheiner, and Rašín
18
On April 15, 1915, Masaryk left for Paris and London. On May 1st the first number of La Nation Tchèque appeared, and about the same time more detailed news reached Switzerland with regard to our Russian enterprise, known as the “Družina,” (Brigade) and the general activities of our colonists in Russia. Masaryk had still not abandoned the plan of sending Dr. Scheiner to organize our troops in Russia. It was Fáček who brought this news to me from Dr. Sychrava, He arrived with a large trunk about May 17, 1915. This was the first consignment of the new variety. The trunk, which was an admirable piece of work with hollow sides, contained twenty numbers of La Nation Tchèque, four copies of Masaryk’s memorandum entitled Independent Bohemia, and a long report from Dr. Sychrava on the position of our troops in Russia. In particular, Dr. Sychrava mentioned that the organization of these troops was making progress, that Nikolay Nikolayevitch, the Commander-in-Chief, had sanctioned the formation of our army from among the prisoners of war, the number of men being about twenty thousand. He added that preparations were in full swing and that it was urgent for Dr. Scheiner to go there. I should mention, however, that these reports, in the form in which they reached Dr. Sychrava, were not in accordance with the actual state of affairs in Russia. As regards Dr. Scheiner, we had spent a considerable time in planning his escape. It had been arranged that he was to proceed to Holland on banking business, but this fell through because he was unable to obtain a passport.
The news from Dr. Sychrava, as well as the first printed documents relating to our revolutionary movement, deeply impressed me. I asked Dr. Šámal to summon a meeting of the “Maffia” at his house, and I arrived there with the whole collection of trophies on the evening of May 20, 1915. During my second journey to Switzerland I had also managed to smuggle Denis’s book, La Guerre, across the frontier, which I had then passed round among a number of people in Prague. I brought this also with me to the meeting to show the progress that was being made by our cause.
At this meeting, which was attended by Dr. Kramář, Dr. Rašín, Dr. Scheiner, Dr. Hajn, Dr. Šámal, and myself, I gave a report on recent events, submitted the original copy of Dr. Sychrava’s statement, and distributed several numbers of La Nation Tchèque. Dr. Kramář slipped his copy into his breast-pocket. We were cheerfully discussing the military events in Russia when suddenly Dr. Scheiner was called to the telephone. It was a message from the Sokols, if I remember rightly, to say that soldiers were making a search at Dr. Scheiner’s.
It was a critical moment. If the police knew where Dr. Scheiner was they would be able to catch us all at one swoop and seize our documents as well. Dr. Kramář, Dr. Rašín, and Hajn left hastily. Dr. Šámal quickly removed and destroyed the documents which I had brought with me, except Denis’s book, and then the three of us held a brief conference. I urged Dr. Scheiner to try to escape. Šámal quickly collected all the money he had in the house, and Scheiner, after a moment’s reflection, announced that he would get away.
We took leave of each other. I went for a short while into a café to calm my agitation. I telephoned to Dušek at the office of Čas and asked him whether he had any news. I arranged to meet him at nine o’clock the following morning in the Parliament Café as I wanted to tell him what had happened. I then went to have a peep at Dr. Scheiner’s. I walked up and down until one o’clock in the morning in Václav Square opposite his house and behind the lighted windows I saw vague forms moving from room to room. The soldiers were making a thorough search. When Scheiner reached home in the early hours of the morning he was arrested and taken to Vienna the the next day.
Kramář had looked in at the office of Národní Listy and then proceeded to his villa. Just as he was about to enter he was arrested. Among other things the copy of La Nation Tchèque, which I had given him a short time previously, was taken away from him and proved to be incriminating evidence against him.
When I met Dušek the next morning, as we had arranged, I told him what had happened at Šámal’s and then, much to my surprise, he told me what had happened to Kramář.
At first I felt sure that the whole of our conspiracy had been discovered and that we were all done for. I therefore at once made some rapid decisions. Before leaving the café I wrote to my family to say that I was leaving the country immediately. I indicated arrangements with regard to various family matters which my wife was to attend to. I then went to Hájek and gave him the letter, informing him what had happened, what my intentions were, and what he was to do to keep things going.
I then went to have a look at my house to see whether the soldiers or the police were there, or whether any conspicuous sign had been put in the windows, according to the arrangement with my wife. I spent a whole morning watching and waiting, but as I saw nothing suspicious I ventured to go in about midday. I quickly cleared the house of all dangerous papers and waited to see what would happen. I was reassured by the fact that there were no signs of the police, and this gave me breathing-space.
In this situation the chief thing was to find out at once how far the two arrests were connected with our activities. This could be ascertained either from the police or from Machar in Vienna, but in any case it must be done quickly. I arranged with Dušek for him to try to find something out from Dr. Klíma, with whom he was regularly in touch. From his conversation with Klíma, Dušek gathered that what had happened had no bearing on the “Maffia.” The whole thing soon became quite clear when we obtained news from Vienna, partly from political circles, partly from Heinold’s documents. Among the latter was a report to the Archduke Friedrich, which showed us that the arrest of Kramář and Scheiner had been carried out as the result of orders from the military authorities, and was not in any way connected with the doings of the “Maffia.”
From that time onwards I was in practically daily touch with Dr. Rašín. After the removal of Scheiner it was from him that I obtained most of my information, apart from what I received from my own private sources. I have the most pleasant memories of my dealings with him and of the work we did together in the “Maffia.” He was hard-working, courageous, undaunted, loyal, and devoted. We had no difficulty in agreeing as to the direction which Masaryk’s policy should take.
It was not long before Dr. Rašín quietly informed me that he was under the observation of the police and that he would be arrested shortly. One day, in the early part of July, I called on him as usual and towards noon accompanied him to the office of Národní Listy. He told me that he was expecting his arrest very soon and that perhaps it would take place on the very next day. Three days later, on July 12, 1915, he was arrested and taken to Vienna.
(c) My Escape
19
The first period of the activity of the “Maffia,” which was perhaps the most important as far as our movement abroad was concerned, may be regarded as culminating with the arrest of these three members. I had arranged with Rašín what was to be done after the arrest of Kramář and Scheiner, and we had previously decided by an agreement with Šámal and Scheiner how things were to proceed in the case of Scheiner’s arrest, which we were expecting. For this eventuality Scheiner had indicated that V. Štěpánek was to replace him as a representative of the Sokol organization. Šámal, therefore, at once took steps for Štěpánek to be informed so that he could take part in the further work of the “Maffia.”
After the arrest of Kramář and Scheiner we had several further important meetings of the “Maffia” at which I communicated the reports received from Geneva after Masaryk’s return from Paris and London in May 1915, together with his requests that somebody should join him and that he should receive permission to take open action.
Masaryk’s message, after his return from Paris and London, was worded in more emphatic terms than before. He said that it would be a mistake to wait for the Russians. They had no political plan, there was disorder and obvious treachery in their army, chaos in their administration, and they were completely indifferent to our cause. Count Benckendorff, the Russian Ambassador in London, whom Masaryk visited, had never seen a racial map of Austria-Hungary before Masaryk showed him one. Such was the ignorance of those in high places. It was clear that the war would be a long one, decisive action was necessary, and we must come out into the open. Masaryk further stated that he had discussed matters with the entourage of Delcassé and Grey and had handed them his memoranda, but that he had not spoken with the Ministers themselves.
On that occasion Dr. Sychrava gave me, in addition to Masaryk’s concise report, a very detailed account of Masaryk’s journey, and of what Masaryk had told him and Svatkovsky at Geneva. On the whole it was a great disappointment. The Allies were ill-informed about Austria-Hungary, they scarcely knew anything about us at all and therefore had no definite intention with regard to our cause. The policy of Russia was appalling, and the reports of what had been said by Izvolsky, Delcassé, Trumbić, and Vesnić about their plans with Dalmatia and the Catholic Jugoslavs made him despair. At that juncture I refrained from telling the “Maffia” the whole truth because I did not want to discourage the members from continuing their work.
In the meanwhile, Dürich had left for Switzerland, and I was making vain attempts to arrange for journalists to be sent abroad. At Masaryk’s urgent request I removed a number of books from his library, together with his notes on politics and other matters, partly in order to send them to him and partly to save them from being seized by the police whenever he might take action openly. I had them transferred to the cellar of my house where, however, after my escape they were discovered and confiscated. It was on this occasion that Dr. Alice Masaryk, with whose knowledge and assistance the protection of the books had been undertaken, was arrested.
After Dürich had gone, the “Maffia” dealt with the question of sending Soukup, Habrman, Borský, and Dyk abroad. None of them, however, managed to escape. In July and August 1915 Masaryk was extremely impatient because nothing had yet been settled about the arrival of further helpers or the definite consent to his open action. At a meeting of the “Maffia” in the second half of August it was decided that at least one of the above-mentioned persons should leave the country, but that open action should be delayed just a little longer until the necessary political preparations for this purpose had been completed at home. As I have said, however, nobody succeeded in getting away, and it was I myself who brought Masaryk the consent to his taking open action, when two weeks later I escaped to Switzerland. Rašín’s arrest occasioned us some anxious moments, for there were a number of symptoms which indicated that more arrests were going to be made. We again went through our belongings and removed or destroyed all documents, messages, keys to ciphers, lists of names, addresses, etc. From that time onwards I always used to return home from my walks and meetings very cautiously. I was always ready to get away should I discover, from the signs arranged with my wife, that the police had taken proceedings or that they were waiting for me in my house.
From the end of June warnings had arrived almost every day, and ever since we had managed to send my brother to America I realized the necessity either of escaping or of preparing for prison. I therefore made the last essential arrangements for maintaining connections with Prague. At the beginning of August the police in Prague and Vienna had received the first news of the arrival of Vojta Beneš in America and of his activity there. The gendarmerie were at once informed and I was placed directly under police supervision. On the same day that these police instructions were issued, a report on them was supplied to me by Sergeant Hájek, a brother of Jan Hájek, who had regularly taken part in our movement from the spring of 1915 and had brought me valuable political and police news. A few days later, through Sergeant Šulc, a brother-in-law of Vojta Beneš, I was able to have a glimpse at the gendarmerie instructions concerning myself.
It was high time to get away. I explained the situation to Šámal, Dušek, and other friends of mine who had been helping me in my work. Then I once more spoke to the remaining members of the “Maffia” with regard to Masaryk’s open action, as I wanted to take him a definite reply authorizing an open declaration of war on Austria. The consent to this was given, and Masaryk was left an entirely free hand in choosing the day for availing himself of it. Having made all arrangements with Šámal, Bělohrádek, and Hájek for continuing our work and keeping in touch with us abroad, I completed my final preparations to escape. On the advice of a number of friends I intended to make my way across Hungary, Transylvania, and Rumania to Russia. On the Rumanian frontier I was to be assisted by a certain Transylvanian priest, who was said to have already helped several of our people to escape.
At the end of August I left our summer quarters for Prague with the intention of making for Hungary. At the last moment, however, I changed my plan, as I regarded the journey by way of Rumania as unsafe. Having discovered that Dr. Amerling, an old fellow-student of mine, was the medical officer to the military garrison at Asch, I decided to go there and ask him to get me across the frontier under the protection of a military uniform. I did not want to submit my passport to the Austrian authorities as I feared detection and judged that it would be much less likely for a false Austrian passport to be discovered by the German authorities. This assumption proved to be correct.
I proceeded to Asch shortly before my final departure and arranged everything with Dr. Amerling. I selected a spot in the neighbourhood for crossing the frontier, fixed the day of my escape, and on that day, September 1, 1915, I arrived. Dr. Amerling carried out his promise and after some difficulty managed to get me across into Bavaria on the road to Hof, whence I took the train to Munich. From there I had an hour’s journey to the Lake of Constance in the early morning between September 2nd and 3rd. On my arrival there I at once had to undergo an examination by German soldiers, which lasted for several hours and caused me great anxiety. Finally, at about five o’clock in the morning, I was allowed to go on board the steamer, which left for Rohrschach in Switzerland, and at six o’clock in the morning on September 3rd I set foot on Swiss soil. From St. Gallen I sent my wife a pre-arranged telegram to let her know that I was saved. Towards seven o’clock in the evening I was at Geneva, where Masaryk was waiting for me.
I had slipped away from home with only a small handbag, which my wife had hidden under her cape when she had accompanied me to the railway station at our summer quarters. I had promised her that I would return within two years at the most, and I told her to be prepared for hard times, as she would be harassed, cross-examined, and perhaps even imprisoned by the police. I advised her what attitude she was to adopt and what answers she was to give. Should things become unbearable she was to repudiate me. We were ready for whatever might befall. Every great and righteous cause demands sacrifices and they must be made resolutely, without sentimentality. And every sacrifice thus made will cost one’s opponents very dear. Such were my feelings when I took my seat in the train bound for Cheb and bade farewell to those who were dear to me.
It was not long before my wife and the others who were implicated in the plot were arrested and imprisoned in Vienna, as we had expected. In accordance with the pre-arranged code, I learned this in Paris a few weeks later from an advertisement in the Národní Politika. It was not until January 1, 1919, however, when my wife came to Paris, that I heard about the details of the court proceedings and the imprisonment which, I may mention in passing, rendered valuable services to the propagation of our cause.
(d) Our Secret Communications with Prague
20
It was after nine o’clock in the evening when, amid a heavy downpour of rain, I met Masaryk in the restaurant Des Eaux Vives. After I had given him the first messages from Prague, he asked me: “Who is going to take your place in the “Maffia,” and who will look after the communication between Prague and Switzerland?” When I explained to him how I had left Prague at a moment’s notice after the arrest of the members of the “Maffia,” and indicated what Šámal, Dušek, Hájek, and the others would probably be able to do, Masaryk replied: “I don’t think that will be enough. In my opinion you will have to go back again to make more satisfactory arrangements about keeping in touch with us before you can leave once and for all.”
I said that I would go back if Masaryk wanted, but I added that my brother was in America, that his activities there were already known to the police, who were now after me, as I had ascertained from the gendarmerie reports, so that if I went back I should merely land myself in prison.
On the next day in the afternoon Masaryk came with a new plan: “I will go and settle down in London, you will remain in Paris, and Dr. Sychrava will continue to work in Switzerland.”
This plan was at once carried out. We summoned Dürich from Lucerne and I informed him about events in Bohemia. It was arranged that he should wait in Switzerland until the time was ripe for his journey to Russia. We then at once began to make preparations for moving to London and Paris.
About September 10th I visited Dr. Sychrava at Zurich to arrange for the maintenance of our communications with Prague. Accompanied by three other Czechs, Baráček, Plesinger-Božinov, and Kyjovský, who were then in Switzerland, we went for an excursion to Küssnacht, where we decided on all the measures which were to be adopted for this purpose.
I reported the latest events at home, especially the meetings of the “Maffia,” and I suggested what course our further work might take. The news that Dr. Soukup was taking part in our movement as a representative of the Social Democrats caused great satisfaction. It was suggested that we could now send couriers direct to Dr. Soukup, and Mme. Linhart was sent to Prague with a message for him. Unfortunately she was caught and this led to the arrest of a large number of persons, including Mme. Linhart herself, Hájek and his wife, Cyril Dušek, Miss Sychrava, Miss Olič, Dr. Alice Masaryk, and my wife. This was the first time our plans had been discovered since we had started our movement. (The second and last discovery occurred on October 21, 1918, when the authorities in Vienna had neither the time nor the opportunity to attend to persecutions.)
Bit by bit we learned about these wholesale arrests. We obtained the first news on November 19, 1915, in the form of vague newspaper reports sent by way of Switzerland in accordance with our pre-arranged code. I learned more about it on November 23rd during my visit to London when Masaryk received a letter from Dr. B. Štěpánek containing a detailed account of the whole affair. Dr. Štěpánek, whose letter had been sent from Amsterdam, informed us at the same time that he was returning to Holland at Christmas and that he would like to meet someone there for an interchange of news.
In giving an account of our secret communications I must avoid anticipating events. In order, however, not to have to return to the “Maffia,” I will at once give as much of its subsequent history as concerns myself, and falls within the scope of the present work.
The proposed meeting with Dr. Štěpánek took place on Christmas Day, 1915, at the Hôtel Krasnopolski, at Amsterdam. We spent the day together and exchanged views. For us who were living abroad this was of great value, as after the arrests in Prague our communications via Switzerland had to stop for some time, and my meeting with Dr. Štěpánek represented the opening of a new set of communications. These he promised to maintain by way of Holland, and indicated that I might expect further news either on the arrival of the Czech Quartet or during the visit of the author, Jaroslav Kvapil. The latter did actually bring us news on several occasions.
In the course of the year 1916 we had only occasional communications by way of Switzerland. They were never entirely suspended, but the dispatch of couriers from Switzerland gradually became more and more difficult, for on the one hand nearly all our people had become compromised by their anti-Austrian activities, and on the other hand the attention of the Austrian police was concentrated mainly upon Switzerland. Nevertheless, from time to time, we managed to obtain a courier who reached Dr. Šámal, Bělohrádek, or some other of our acquaintances.
21
From the end of 1916 a new phase began in the history of the “Maffia.” Our contact with Prague was maintained, as I have mentioned, by occasional communications via Switzerland, Holland, or America. The latter route, which was organized by Captain Voska, was particularly difficult and expensive, but we obtained important results from it.(13) As far as our work abroad was concerned, it was now restricted almost entirely to political messages, to reports on our progress, and on the prospects of our success, together with indications to our politicians as to what action we considered desirable at home. At the same time Šámal, Štěpánek, Hajšman, Jaroslav Kvapil, and others were sending us news of what was happening at home. A detailed account of this phase of the “Maffia” will perhaps be given by those who took part in it. Altogether, many interesting particulars of the whole activity of the “Maffia” still remains to be told.
The importance of the “Maffia” in our struggle for liberation may be summed up as follows:
1. It enabled us to establish our first revolutionary organization abroad, while systematically keeping in touch with the responsible politicians at home throughout the war. This, together with the fact that it helped us to obtain the permission of the responsible political circles in Prague for taking open action in due course and for continuing our work against Austria-Hungary, established our credentials with the Allies, and thus enabled us from the beginning of our movement until the end of the war to act on behalf of our political parties and our nation.
2. At critical moments it enabled us either to send our news home or to interpret authentically in the Allied countries, on the basis of news received from our friends in Prague, the trend of events at home. This gave us an opportunity of exerting a considerable influence upon the development of political affairs both at home and in the Allied countries.
3. From its very beginnings the “Maffia” sent abroad valuable reports on political, economic, and military affairs in Austria-Hungary, which often proved of service to the Allies in military operations, in political action, and in economic or financial measures. This served our cause by enabling us to gain the sympathies of various Allied official circles, and thus the “Maffia” had a great practical significance.
There has never been a revolution without espionage and conspiracy. It was a good thing that our revolution possessed this aspect also. And even if our “Maffia” was not perfect in every detail, it shows at any rate that the whole of our revolutionary movement was an effective improvisation emanating from the soul of the Czech people and directed by individuals who had contrived to be at their places in good time, ready at any moment to sacrifice everything.
- ↑ Josef Dürich (1847–1927), deputy of the Czech Agrarian Party. During the war he was active abroad, mainly in Russia.