National Geographic Magazine/Volume 16/Number 5/A Chapter from Japanese History
It affords me great pleasure to have this opportunity of addressing a gathering of such distinguished gentlemen. It gives me special pleasure to do so tonight, because this very day, the 21st of February, 1905, is the fiftieth anniversary of the exchange of the ratifications of the first treaty between Japan and the United States—the first treaty that Japan had ever concluded with any nation of the West.
THE DIPLOMACY OF COMMODORE PERRY
You should be proud of the wonderful skill in diplomacy displayed by your first envoy to Japan, our honored Commodore Perry, and the brilliant success which was achieved by him in inducing a nation, which had so long cherished the policy of seclusion and exclusion, to enter into treaty relations with the powers of the world, the accomplishment of which was brought about without the shedding of a drop of blood or even the happening of a single incident which could now revive any unpleasant memories. I am often led to reason, rightly or wrongly, that when an act of a man is founded on truth and kindness there is no need of the help of language to communicate it to others.
The conduct of the first American envoy to Japan, as well as those who followed him, was singularly marked with truth and kindness, and it is gratifying, indeed, to know that the annals of the five decades of international relations between Japan and the United States are clean records of friendliness and cordiality. In this connection it is pertinent to quote from the writer of a little volume called "Agitated Japan," who commenced his work with the following words:
"Without the least taint of flattery it may be safely asserted that Japan is indebted to no other country so much as to the United States. This indebtedness began on her first trial of that international intercourse which she has kept up ever since, and will doubtlessly continue as long as the world shall last. It is an undeniable fact that the honor of having opened the hitherto secluded Empire of Japan to foreign intercourse, commercial and otherwise, rests with the United States."
THE JAPANESE APPRECIATION OF WHAT PERRY DID
On July 14, 1901, a monument was erected in memory of our revered Commodore Perry at the spot where he held his first conference with the Japanese authorities. It bears an inscription composed by Marquis Ito, the most prominent of our living statesmen, recognizing in appropriate terms the services of that gallant sailor and shrewd diplomatist. On the occasion of the dedication of the monument the chairman of the committee in charge said in his address: "It was at this spot that the modern civilization of our Empire had its beginning. . . . When Commodore Perry set his foot on this shore the Japanese Empire was enshrouded in the fogs of a seclusion of nearly three hundred years. . . . This monument is erected to preserve in stone our determination never to forget the friendship of the United States that sent Commodore Perry to induce us in a peaceful way to have intercourse with foreign powers."
Such is the memory that the Japanese of today cherish. Indeed, the more we study the magnitude of the transformation that Japan has undergone since the advent of Perry, the higher becomes our appreciation of his work and the part played by the United States in regard to Japan. If the country had been forced open by any means but peaceful, nobody knows where that little Empire would stand today. Were it not for the policy the United States patiently and firmly pursued toward the upbuilding of new Japan, it is impossible to realize what progress she would have made. I am happy to acknowledge frankly our sense of indebtedness to you, and I am proud to say that your kind assistance was not in vain. In fact, these remarks might not have been quite pertinent to the subject chosen for the speech of this evening, but this very day being the fiftieth anniversary of such a memorable event in the history of the international relations of the two countries, it would not have been proper had I not paid my feeble tribute to the noble deeds of your countrymen.
THE RESTORATION
The subject of my speech for this evening is "A chapter from the Japanese history," and the chapter I refer to is the one which deals with the history of the restoration consummated in the year 1868. It is impossible, however, to treat the subject thoroughly and comprehensively within the limit of time which, in my judgment, would be endurable to my audience. I shall therefore confine what I have to say to the main course of events which resulted in the so-called "restoration."
The term "restoration" in the modern history of Japan means the reinstating of the political powers to the de jure sovereign of Japan, the Mikado, which had been taken away from him for a period of 682 years (1186-1868) and which had been wielded by the de facto sovereign, the shogun or the military government. The history of Japan dates back 2,565 years, exclusive of the ages of gods, when our first Emperor, Jimmu, laid the foundations of the Empire, and our august ruler of today is the 121st of the Emperors descended from the direct and unbroken line of the Imperial family. Even prior to 1186 the powers of the Mikados had, in a large measure, passed into the hands of the Fujira family, but at that period Yoritomo, a military man of great ability, founded the shogunate or military government for the first time in Japanese history, whereby he prac- tically usurped the political powers of the Mikado and substituted his rule for that of the legitimate sovereign. It was an incidental consequence of one of the phases of human history. In Japan, as in other feudal countries, there had been an alternate tendency toward strong and weak central governments. In order to maintain peace and order and to preserve the nation as a compact unit against a strong tendency toward decentralization which was then prevailing, Yoritomo had fought a series of bloody battles with local chieftains and magnates, and finally succeeded in establishing a vigorously centralized military government over the whole Empire and by the side of that of Mikado. This was the beginning of the dual government in Japan which so much perplexed the westerners at the beginning of the foreign intercourse.
The letters of credence which the President of the United States addressed to the Emperor of Japan were handed over by Commodore Perry to the shogun of the time, and when Townsend Harris, the first United States minister to Japan, was told by the shogun that the treaty required the approval of the Mikado he was astounded. Since the establishment of the first shogunate by Yoritomo, in 1186, down to the fall of the Tokugawa shogunate, in 1868, all real power, civil and military, had passed entirely from the hands of the Mikados, they themselves being allowed to retain only an outward semblance of authority. It was remarkable, however, that through the period of nearly seven centuries when the military government was in predominance no one ever disputed the legality of the Imperial authority. On the contrary, all the shoguns formally recognized that authority by obtaining the Imperial sanction for the appointment of each successor to the shogunate government, as well as in other matters.
It was in 1868 that this de jure sovereignty of Japan was restored to full authority after the nominal existence of seven centuries. The manner in which it was brought about is almost unique in the annals of mankind, but what made it more remarkable was the inauguration of a new policy so radically different from what had existed before in Japan, upon which the foundation of New Japan was firmly laid down.
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM OF JAPAN IN 1868
In order to realize the real magnitude of the dramatic period of Japanese history it is necessary to know something of the political regime that existed in Japan at the time of the restoration. Roughly speaking, Japan, under the Tokugawa government, had a feudal system with 276 daimios or feudal barons. These barons had their own respective dominions, and within them they wielded an autocratic power, without any restrictions outside of a certain sort of super- vision exercised by and a certain homage paid to the chief baron or shogun. The size of the dominions, the revenues and expenditures, the number of the vassals or retainers, called Samurai or military class, the barons possessed differed acaccording to the rank and influence they enjoyed at the time. Under the feudal system the people were divided into four classes, viz, Samurai, or military class, farmers, tradesmen, and merchants. Of these the Samurai was the privileged class, which was maintained at the public expense of each feudal lord, and it was in the hands of this class that the political activities of Japan found their home.
The feudatories, with the assistance of the retainers or Samurai (who numbered some 400,000 men, and, with their families, 2,000,000 people in the whole Empire), formed the bone and sinew of the nation at that time. While, in the latter part of theTokugawa government, education was diffused more widely among the farmers, tradesmen, and merchant classes and their social status gained some elevation, yet they remained the class of producers for the support of a government in which they had no voice.
In a word, Japan, under the feudal system, can be considered as having been divided into so many states with complete political autonomy within the respective domains of the feudatories as to legislative, administrative, judicial, and military affairs. Every institution was in its nature local and heterogeneous. There existed no single system of law or finance that was common to the nation.
WHAT THE VOLUNTARY SURRENDER OF PRIVILEGES BY THE SAMURAI MEANT
The restoration of the Imperial power meant the unification of the govern- mental powers, and the unification of the governmental powers meant the sur- render of the powers, rights, privileges, properties, and what-not possessed by the feudatories and Samurai, because, without a complete abdication by the feudal lords and vassals of their prerog- atives, a real unification of the govern- mental powers and the restoration of the Imperial authority was impossible. This meant to the feudal lords the sur- render of that exalted position which resembled that of an independent po- tentate, and taking rank not only among their former vassals, but even with the tradesmen and merchants, who, in their eyes, had no place in the political and social existence of Japan. This aban- donment of the high position involved the surrender of the landed property which had been inherited from time im- memorial. The surrender of the pre- rogatives and property by the feudal chiefs meant in the case of the Samurai, a class in whose hands the real political power of the nation rested, the loss of the very means of subsistence to the 2,000,000 of the cream of the population of the nation ; it meant the disposses- sion of their military employment, the privilege of wearing a sword, the mark of a gentleman, the cherished pride of this class ; it meant to them that they had to throw away all that distinguished this order from time immemorial and to step down into the company of the peas- ant or the merchant and to join the ranks of common bread-winners, whom they despised ; and what was the most mar- velous aspect of the situation was that this grand coup d'etat could be carried out only by the efforts of those who had to suffer the consequences of the change.
JAPAN IS TODAY MORE DEMOCRATIC THAN THE MOST DEMOCRATIC OF EUROPEAN NATIONS
And yet it was done. Japan of today is perhaps more democratic in its institutions than the most democratic of European nations. Although the descendants of the old Samurai still retain their ancient class name, it has only a historic value in the political and social life of Japan of today. The spirit of equality, liberty, and fraternity pervades the institutions of Japan.
It is almost beyond human power to fully comprehend this most dramatic incident in history, which resulted in the surrender of fiefs to the Mikado. No annals of mankind record an incident which appears more inconsistent with the course that human experience would have predicted. Many explanations have been attempted. The weakened condition of the Tokugawa government, selfish motives of some ambitious southern Daimios, personal motives of various kinds, the inability of appreciating the real consequences of the change on the part of the Daimios and Samurai, are mentioned among the causes. I do not hesitate to say, however, that such a grand achievement in human history cannot be caused by such petty and selfish motives. It was solely and entirely due to the lofty spirit of patriotism and loyalty which found ready echo for action in the spirit of self-sacrifice nurtured for centuries under the rigid feudal system.
From the following words of Captain Brinkley, an eminent authority on Japanese history, you will get some idea of the spirit of self-sacrifice: "It had so long been the bushi's habit to associate great deeds with some form of self-immolation that he had learned to regard the latter as a kind of finger-post to the former. History shows that the romantic element occupies a prominent place in Japanese character, and that the educated classes can always be led into feverish pursuit of an idea which appeals to their sense of moral nobility. The atmosphere was full of loyalty and patriotism in 1869. The mood of the nation was exalted. Any one hesitating for plainly selfish reasons to follow a course apparently essential to the new order of things, and sanctioned by the example of the great southern clans, would have seemed to forfeit the right of calling himself a Samurai."
THE IMMEDIATE CAUSE OF THE SAMURAI'S SELF-SACRIFICE
Such was the spirit of the people of the time in whose hands rested the destiny of the Empire. But what was the immediate cause which called forth such a marvelous display of the extreme degree of self-sacrifice? It was the advent of black ships to the coast of Japan. It is true that the long peaceful reign of the Tokugawa government resulted in undermining its strength and power, which infused into some ambitious feudal barons the spirit of revolution. It is true that toward the end of that government the spirit of loyalty to the throne received an impetus from the advocates of the Imperial authority, but were it not for the appearance of the black ships of the various western nations along the coast of Japan and the pressure brought upon her by those powers Japan would never have seen the day of restoration.
Long before the formal opening of the country to the world at large a certain sort of intercourse was established with the Dutch, who had been permitted to reside at Deshima, a little island lying near Nagasaki. Through the Dutch settlers the glimpse of the West was being introduced into Japan in a certain measure. What overawed the people of Japan the most at the time were the black ships which moved about on the surface of the water as freely as would a wagon on land, emitting big volumes of black smoke and raising hideous noises. It was a marvel to them that these sailing ships with triangular sails could go against the head wind. Through the Dutch they heard of the greatness of England and France. The Russian fleet made occasional appearances in the northern islands, perpetrated havoc among the inhabitants, and left letters of threat. The following extract from Mr Aston's article on "Russian Descents on Japan" is interesting in this connection:
AN EARLY VISIT FROM RUSSIA
"From Ruitaka the Russians crossed over to Rushin, a small island near the entrance to Soya (Japanese) harbor. Here they found four junks, mostly laden with stores for the Soya garrison. These junks they rifled and burnt, carrying off, amongst other booty, a ten-pounder bronze cannon captured by Taikosama from the Koreans. The officers in charge of the junks reported to their government that they had been wrecked in the storm at Rushin. The Russians sent ashore the prisoners taken at Kushunkotan and Itorup. To one of them was entrusted a message to the Japanese authorities, which was taken down in Japanese and ran as follows:
"'To the Governor of Matsumaye:
"'The distance between Russia and Japan being but small, our Emperor sent his officers across the sea to request that trade between the two countries might be permitted. If due inquiry had been made and a treaty of commerce concluded, all would have been well, but although our officers went repeatedly to Nagasaki they were sent away without an answer. Then things took an unpleasant turn, and our Emperor commanded us to give you a specimen of his power in return for your refusing to listen to his first request. If you persist in refusing his offers, we will take all your northern territory from you, and if possible get an answer out of you in that way. The red men (Russians) can always come to Saghalien and Itorup and chase you about. If you comply with our wishes, we shall always be good friends with you. If not, we will come again with more ships and behave in the same way as we have done before this year.
"'Oroshiya (Russia).'"
About the time when Commodore Perry entered the waters of Japan, in March, 1853, and his return there, in February, 1854, the rumors of trouble between the Chinese and European powers were being constantly received through the Dutch by the statesmen of Japan with the greatest concern. The incessant and increasing visits of the black ships and the persistent demands of the various powers to open the country to the intercourse of the world deeply occupied the minds of the thinking population of Japan. They never had those awe-inspiring black ships on their side, nor had they any of those magical sailing ships which could steer their way against the head wind. They never heard before such a tremendous roaring of cannon as that sounded on those monster vessels. The years following the conclusion of the first international treaty of Japan, in 1854, are marked with the tremendous agitation over all the Empire, and the question of national defense was a matter of paramount importance.
The Tokugawa government, by the pressure so tactfully brought upon them and by the persuasion so skillfully administered by the American envoy, were finally compelled to accede to his demands, but public opinion was strongly opposed to the opening of the country. It is impossible to say whether those people who advocated the policy of exclusion really believed in its practicability or not, but it was a policy which had been followed during several centuries, and they cherished the quiet peace of seclusion. "Respect the throne and expel the barbarians" was the byword by which public opinion was guided. The pressure of public opinion and the difficulty of the situation compelled the Tokugawa government to openly recognize the authority of the Emperor and the Imperial court, around which now thronged the Samurai of the great and ambitious clans of Satsuma and Choshiu, and, further, to submit the treaty to the Emperor and refer the same to public discussion by the Daimios. It was an act which found no precedence in the history of the Tokugawa government. Both the Emperor and the Daimios vetoed the action of the Tokugawa government.
THE MARTYRDOM OF LORD II
Heavy as they felt the foreign pressure on one hand, the Tokugawa government could not ratify the American treaty on account of the strong internal opposition. There appeared a martyr in the person of Ii Kamon-no-Kami, who assumed the portfolio of the premier of the Tokugawa government at this critical moment, and who, in defiance of the Imperial order and the public opinion, ratified that American treaty. He was a real martyr, because soon after he fell by the hands of assassins, being regarded by the opposition as a traitor to the country. Whatever might have been the popular verdict upon his conduct at the time, it is clear now that he acted in that spirit, as is explained in the following poem of his own:
"As beats the ceaseless wave
On Omi's strand
So breaks my heart for my beloved land."
Agitation was intensified by this daring act of Lord Ii. A revolution followed, and the Tokugawa shogunate, which prospered during two centuries and a half, and under whose wise and peaceful administration the arts of peace made such advances as to have surprised the world, finally came to an end, and the present Emperor, Mutsuhito, was proclaimed on the 27th of March 1867, as the sole and absolute ruler of Japan. At the same time the feudal system, which was originated seven centuries ago, was blotted out from the pages of Japanese history by the voluntary surrender by the shogun and Daimios of all the rights, privileges, and properties descended from their illustrious ancestors or earned by their own distinguished exploits. This noble deed, which involved such an enormous sacrifice, was entirely due to the public spirit of the men who had been convinced by the turn of events that the only way of defending the country against the external aggression was to bring about the unification of the administration and centralization of power—a condition which was possible only on the absolute abolition of the regime then existent.
THE OATH OF ACCESSION
The Emperor, on his accession to the throne, proclaimed the following articles of oath, thus solemnly laying the foundation for the grand policy of new Japan:
"1. A broadly based deliberative assembly should be convened for the purpose of conducting state affairs in conformity with public opinion.
"2. High and low should unite their minds and vigorously carry out the grand affairs of the state.
"3. Civilians and military, as well as common people, should be allowed to freely carry out their minds' aspirations, and their spirit of progress should not be suffered to be hampered.
"4. Cast off the uncivilized customs of the past and let us found our principles on the laws of nature.
"5. Seek knowledge in the world and strengthen the foundation of the Empire.
"Desiring to introduce the reforms unparalleled in the history we, ahead of all our subjects, took the oath before the gods of heaven and earth and solemnly established the fundamental policy for the Empire and endeavor to lay the foundation for the way of promoting the happiness and prosperity of the people. You should likewise share the same principle and coöperate with us."
CHAOS FOR A TIME
The tasks attendant to the consummation of this grand revolution, which shook to the heart the political and social organizations of the country, taxed the wisdom, energy, forbearance, and self-sacrifice of the patriots of Japan in a manner almost unknown in the history of mankind. An anti-foreign, conservative, anarchistic, and destructive spirit pervaded all classes of the people. The Samurai of different Daimios severed their allegiance with their former lords in order to carry out their own conviction by the use of swords and violent means. Misunderstandings, jealousies, and intrigues were rampant, and assassinations were of common occurrence. In a word, the whole Empire was in a state of chaos. To tame these unruly elements, to infuse order and harmony among them, and to graft on them an order and regime entirely foreign to the soil, and to develop them to the condition in which they are now within the short space of the last 37 years is the grandest of the achievements that man has ever accomplished.
SOME OF THE PROMOTERS OF THE GREAT CHANGE
The men who conceived and achieved this unique revolution were chiefly Samurai of inferior grade, without official rank or social standing. The most prominent of them do not exceed 55 in number, and among them only 13 are aristocrats; but these latter played only a secondary part in the movement, with the exception of Sanjo and Iwakura. The other 42 men were all young Samurai. The average age of the 55 men did not exceed 30 years.
The four great clans of southern Japan—Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa, and Hizen—promoted the revolution, and the prominent persons of the present era came chiefly from the Samurai of these four clans, and more particularly from those of Satsuma and Choshiu. Many great statesmen of this period have already departed from this world, but such names as Saigo, Okubo, Kido, Iwakura, and Sanjo cannot justly be passed over without mention. Still alive and actively taking part in the affairs of state are Marquis Ito, who was one of the younger members among the promoters of the revolution and a statesman of the greatest constructive genius of the Meiji era, whose name is connected with nearly every great work in the history of new Japan, and whose legislative career is crowned by the drafting of the constitution; Marquis Yamagata, to whom the nation is indebted for the organization of the efficient army now fighting in Manchuria and to whom was entrusted the chief command of the Imperial army against China in 1894; Marquis Oyama, a most genial, loyal, and brave general and statesman, now leading the Imperial army in Manchuria; Count Inouye, a resourceful, undaunted, strong-willed statesman, who held the portfolio of foreign affairs for nearly ten years at the most troublous time of Japan's foreign relations; Count Matsugata, an eminent financier, whose name has covered the title page of the history of the gold-standard system of Japan; Count Okuma, now leader of the progressive party and a politician of the most subtle, versatile, and vigorous intellect; Count Itagaki, formerly leader of the liberal party and the most ardent advocate of the constitutional government. The careers of these men are full of incidents most entertaining and instructive, but I have no time to dwell upon them here.
HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR MUTSUHITO
It would be improper to close this speech without some allusion to our most beloved and revered sovereign, who was suddenly called to the actual duties of the head of the nation at the age of sixteen and at the most turbulent period in Japan's history. During the last thirty-seven years of his most marked and enlightened reign he has given the nation the enjoyment of all the best fruits of the civilization of the West, and, above all, has raised the country, in the face of the immense obstacles, from the position of an insignificant oriental state to that of a formidable unit in the comity of nations. Much need not be said about his public acts. Facts are too abundant and conspicuous to make explanation necessary.
His Majesty the Emperor Mutsuhito was born on the 3d of November, 1852, and ascended the throne in February, 1867. He is a person above the ordinary Japanese height, with large, wide-set eyes and broad forehead. He is robust in health, studious in habit, kind and sympathetic in sentiment, and strong and loyal in character. Out of the civil list, which is only $1,500,000 a year, he supports, borrowing the words of Captain Brinkley, "the whole of the princely families, including that of the Crown Prince; he accompanies all patents of nobility with handsome sums; he makes liberal allowances to cabinet ministers by way of supplement to their salaries; he pays the honoraria that goes with orders and medals; he gives large amounts to charitable purposes, many of which escape the public attention altogether, and he devotes considerable sums to the encouragement of art." The $65,000 which were given for the entertainment of the soldiers on the 11th of February last, the occasion of the anniversary of the foundation of the Empire by the first Emperor, Jimmu, came out of the Imperial purse. "His manner of life is simple and frugal, and it may be truly said that his record does not show one act unworthy of the reverence with which his subjects regard him." Indeed, the people of Japan love, honor, and respect His Majesty, who has so faithfully and assiduously fulfilled the oath which he took on his accession to the throne.
I have heard sometimes certain sarcastic remarks on the reports to the Emperor from the generals and admirals on the field, which generally end with the phrase "This glorious success is due to the virtue of your Majesty." To your ears this may sound strange. Foreigners may take it as a mere form of oriental flattery; but to our mind there is nothing more truthful and sincere. In Japan loyalty and patriotism are interchangeable terms. Were it not for the devotion of men and officers to "Our Lord and country," no admiral or general, however great a military genius he may be, could ever achieve the glorious successes which crowned their efforts during the present war.
The sentiment expressed in our national hymn that
"May our Lord's dominion last
Till a thousand years have passed
Twice four thousand times o'ertold.
Firm as changeless rock, earth-rooted,
Moss of ages uncomputed,"
truthfully reflects the hearts' wishes of the fifty millions of his most loyal subjects.
- ↑ An address delivered at Washington February 13, 1905.