Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest Times to A.D. 697/Book XVII

 

N I H O N G I.

BOOK XVII.

THE EMPEROR WOHODO.

(KEIDAI^[1] TENNŌ.)

The Emperor Wohodo [otherwise called Hiko-futo no Mikoto] was the son of Prince Hiko-nushi-bito, a descendant in the fifth generation of the Emperor Homuda. His mother's name was Furuhime. She was a descendant in the seventh generation of the Emperor Ikume. The Emperor's father, hearing at his country-house at Miwo, in the district of Takashima, in the province of Ohomi, of the extreme and resplendent beauty of Furuhime's countenance, sent a messenger to Sakanawi in Mikuni to ask for her in marriage. He took her to him as his consort, and she eventually gave birth to the Emperor.

The Prince, the Emperor's father, died while the Emperor was yet a child. Furuhime thereupon made lament, saying:—"I am now far removed from my native place: how could I (XVII. 2.) bring him up (here)? I will return to my parents at Takamuku [Takamuku is a village in Echizen], and there respectfully bring up the Emperor."

When the Emperor attained to manhood, he loved the people, and was courteous to men of worth. He was of a generous disposition.

The Emperor Wohatsuse died in the 8th year of his reign, in Winter, the 12th month, 8th day, at the age of fifty-seven. He had never had any children, either sons or daughters, and there was no one to succeed him.

On the 21st day, the Ohomuraji, Ohotomo no Kanamura, counselled, saying:—"At this moment there is no successor whatever to the throne.^[2] Where shall the Empire bestow its allegiance? From ancient times even until now this has been a cause of disaster. Now there is in the district of Kuhada, in the province of Tamba, Prince Yamato-hiko, a descendant in the fifth generation of the Emperor Tarashi-nakatsu-hiko. Let us make the experiment of preparing an armed force to surround his carriage as a guard, and sending to meet him, establish him as our sovereign." The Oho-omi and Ohomuraji all assented, and sent to meet him in the manner proposed. Upon this, Prince Yamato-hiko, viewing from a distance the troops which were sent to meet him, was alarmed and changed countenance. Accordingly he took refuge in a mountain-valley, and no one could learn whither he had gone.

A.D. 507. 1st year, Spring, 1st month, 4th day. The Ohomuraji, Ohotomo no Kanamura, again counselled, saying:—"Prince Wohodo is of an affectionate and dutiful disposition. He is a (XVII. 3.) fit person to take over the Celestial succession. Let us, therefore, courteously offer it to him, and thus continue the prosperity of the Imperial institution." Mononobe no Arakahi no Ohomuraji, with Kose no Wobito no Oho-omi and others, all said:—"On a careful review of the branch descendants, there is no other worthy person but Prince Wohodo."

6th day. Omi and Muraji were sent to Mikuni with emblems of rank, and provided with a palanquin of state to fetch him. The troops to form his guard arrived suddenly in (XVII. 4.) awe-inspiring array, clearing the way before him. Upon this, the Emperor Wohodo remained calm and self-possessed,^[3] seated on a chair, with his retainers in order by him, just as if he already occupied the Imperial throne. The envoys, therefore, bearing the emblems of rank, with respect and reverence bowed their hearts, and committed to him the Imperial authority, asking permission to devote to him their loyal service. In the Emperor's mind, however, doubts still remained, and for a good while he did not consent. Just then he chanced to learn that Arako, Kahachi no Mŭmakahi no Obito had sent a messenger secretly to inform him minutely of the real intentions of the Oho-omi and Ohomuraji in sending to escort him. After a delay of two days and three nights, he at length set out. Then he exclaimed, admiringly:—"Well done, Mŭmakahi no Obito! Had it not been for the information given by thy messenger, I ran a great risk of being made a laughing-stock to the Empire. The proverbial saying, 'Be not a respecter of rank, but value the heart,' was doubtless meant for men like Arako." When he came to the throne, he treated Arako with special favour.

12th day. The Emperor arrived at the Palace of Kusuba.

2nd month, 4th day. The Ohomuraji, Ohotomo no Kanamura, went on his knees, and, with repeated obeisances, presented (XVII. 5.) the Mirror, the Sword, and the Imperial Signet. The Emperor Wohodo declined them, saying:—"It is no light matter to be a father to the people and to rule the State. I, the unworthy one, am deficient in ability, and do not deserve to be thought fit for it. I pray thee, alter thy purpose, and select some wise person, for I, the unworthy one, do not dare to accept." Ohotomo no Ohomuraji, bowing down to the ground, persisted in his request. Then the Emperor Wohodo, facing the west, declined three times, and facing the south,^[4] declined twice. Ohotomo no Ohomuraji and the rest all said:—"In the humble judgment of thy servants, the Great Prince is excellently fitted to be a father to the people and to rule the State. On behalf of the ancestral temples and the temples of the Earth and of Grain, thy servants' judgment dares not be hasty. Availing ourselves of the general desire, we pray that thou wilt graciously be pleased to grant thy acceptance." The Emperor Wohodo said:—"Ye Oho-omi and Ohomuraji, and all ye high officials! Since you all urge me, the unworthy one, I, the unworthy one, do not presume to oppose you." So he accepted the Imperial Signet.^[5]

On this day he assumed the Imperial dignity. Ohotomo, Kanamura no Ohomuraji was appointed Ohomuraji, Kose no Wobito no Oho-omi was made Oho-omi, and Mononobe no Arakahi no Ohomuraji was made Ohomuraji, all being confirmed in their previous offices. Thereupon the Oho-omi and Ohomuraji each entered on their respective offices and ranks.

10th day. Ohotomo no Ohomuraji petitioned the Emperor, saying:—"Thy servant has been informed that it was a principle of government with former sovereigns that without the confirmation of an heir to the throne, it is impossible to give security to heaven and earth. Without the intimacy of the (XVII. 6.) side-courts, it is impossible to continue the calices.^[6] For this reason, the Emperor Shiraga, having no heir, sent thy servant's grandfather, Ohomuraji Muruya, to all the provinces to establish three kinds of Shiraga Be [These three kinds were, first, Shiraga Be no Toneri; second, Shiraga Be no Kashihade; third, Shiraga Be no Yugehi], by which his name might remain to after ages. Alas! was not this painful? I pray thee, therefore, to establish the Imperial Princess Tashiraka^[7] and take her to thee as Empress. Then send the officials charged with the worship of the Gods of Heaven and Earth to make reverent sacrifice to them, and ask of them an Imperial scion, who shall fully respond to the hopes of thy people." The Emperor said:—"Be it so."

3rd month, 1st day. The Emperor made a decree, saying:—"The Gods of Heaven and Earth must not want a master of their worship; the universe must not fail of a Lord. Heaven produces the nation, and establishes it by means of a supreme ruler, whom it causes to superintend its supply of food, so that each man's life may be preserved. The Ohomuraji, grieving for Our childlessness, has displayed his loyalty towards the State, showing generation after generation a devoted fidelity. Is this simply for the sake of Our own reign?

Let the Imperial Princess Tashiraka be brought to meet me with all due ceremony."

5th day. The Imperial Princess Tashiraka was made Empress, and took the government of the interior (of the Palace). She eventually gave birth to a son, who became Ame-kuni-oshi-harani^[8]-hiro-niha no Mikoto.^[9] He was the rightful heir, but as he was young in year, he held the Empire after his two elder brothers [The two elder brothers were Hiro-kuni-oshi-take-kanahi (XVII. 7.) no Mikoto and Take-o-hiro-kuni-oshi-tate no Mikoto. See below.] had ruled it.

9th day. The Emperor made a decree, saying:—"We have heard that if men are of fit age and do not cultivate, the Empire may suffer famine; if women are of fit age and do not spin, the Empire may suffer cold. Therefore is it that the sovereigns cultivate with their own hands, so as to give encouragement to agriculture, while their consorts rear silk-worms themselves, so as to encourage the mulberry season. How, then, shall there be prosperity if all, from the functionaries down to the ten thousand families, neglect agriculture and spinning? Let the officials publish this to all the Empire, so that our sentiments may be made known."

14th day. The Emperor took to him eight concubines.

Some of the eight concubines whom he took to him were earlier, others later. When it is said that they were taken on this day (the 14th), it is meant that then for the first time they were lodged in the after palace, a lucky day having been selected by divination, in consequence of the accession to the Imperial Dignity. Thus the facts are glossed over. Other cases are to be understood similarly.

The senior concubine's name was Menoko [otherwise called Irohe], daughter of Kusaka, Wohari no Muraji. She gave birth to two children, both of whom possessed the Empire. The first was called the Imperial Prince Magari no Ohine,^[10] who became Oshi-kuni-oshi-take-kanahi no Mikoto.^[11] The second was called the Imperial Prince Hinokuma Takada, who became Take-wo-hiro-kuni-oshi-tate no Mikoto.^[12] The next concubine was Wakugohime, younger sister of Miho no Tsunowori no Kimi. She gave birth to the Imperial Prince Oho-iratsuko (XVII. 8.) and the Imperial Princess Idzumo. The next was called Hirohime, the daughter of Prince Ohomata of Sakata. She gave birth to three daughters, the eldest of whom was called the Imperial Princess Kanzaki, the middle one the Imperial Princess Mamuta, and the youngest the Imperial Princess Mŭmakuta. The next was Called Womi no Iratsume, daughter of Prince Mate of Okinaga. She was the mother of the Imperial Princess Sasage, who was in attendance on the shrine of the Great Deity of Ise. The next was Sekihime, daughter [some say younger sister] of Womochi, Mamuta no Muraji. She had three daughters, the eldest called the Imperial Princess Mamuta no Oho-iratsume, the middle one the Imperial Princess Shirazaka no Ikuhihime, and the youngest the Imperial Princess Wono no iratsume [otherwise called Nagashihime]. The next was Yamatohime, daughter of Katahi, Miwo no Kimi. She bore two sons and two daughters. The first was named the Imperial Princess Oho-iratsume,^[13] and the second the Imperial Prince Mariko. He was the ancestor of the Kimi of Mikuni. The third was called the Imperial Prince Mimi, and the fourth the Imperial Princess Akahime. The next was Hayehime, daughter of Kahachi, Wani no Omi. She bore one son and two daughters. The first was called the (XVII. 9.) Imperial Princess Wakayahime, the second the Imperial Princess Tsubura no Iratsume, and the third the Imperial Prince Atsu. The next was Hirohime, daughter of Prince Ne. She had two sons, the elder of whom was called the Imperial Prince Usagi. He was the ancestor of the Kimi of the Sake-makers. The younger was called the Imperial Prince Naka. He was the ancestor of the Kimi of Sakada.^[14]

This year was the year Hinoto I (24th) of the Cycle.

A.D. 508. 2nd year, Winter, 10th month, 3rd day. The Emperor Wohatsuse waka-sazaki was buried in the misasagi on the hill of Ihatsuki at Katawoka.

12th month. The people of Tamna^[15] in the midst of the Southern Sea first had communication with the Land of Pèkché.

A.D. 509. 3rd year, Spring, 2nd month. Envoys were sent to Pèkché.

The statement in the Pèkché "Original Record" that Lord Kuramachi came from Japan (Nippon) is unclear.

The subjects of Pèkché, who during three or four generations (XVII. 10.) had made their escape and were living as refugees in the villages of the Japanese domain of Imna, having lost their place in the register of population, were all removed to Pèkché and replaced on the registers.

A.D. 511. 5th year, Winter, 10th month. The capital was transferred to Tsutsuki in Yamashiro.

A.D. 512. 6th year, Summer, 4th month, 6th day. Oshiyama, Hodzumi no Omi, was sent on a mission to Pèkché with a present of 44 horses of the Land of Tsukushi.

Winter, 12th month. Pèkché sent an envoy with tribute. In a separate memorial Pèkché asked for four districts of the Land of Imna, viz. Upper Tari, Lower Tari, Syata, and Muro. Oshiyama, Hodzumi no Omi, Governor of the Land of Tari, made a representation to the Emperor, saying:—"These four districts border on Pèkché and are far separated from the Japanese Residency. Morning and evening they (i.e. Pèkché and Tari) exchange communications: their fowls and dogs cannot be kept apart. If they are now ceded to Pèkché and united to it so as to form one country, no better measure of conservation can be adopted. It is true, no doubt, that even if ceded and united to Pèkché there will still be a danger for future generations. Much more how many years could they be defended if they became foreign territory?"^[16]

Kanamura, Ohotomo no Ohomuraji, having thoroughly comprehended this report, adopted this policy and laid it before the Emperor. Accordingly Arakahi, Mononobe no Ohomuraji, was appointed Imperial envoy. Mononobe no Ohomuraji was on the point of leaving for the official inn at Naniha in order to make known the Emperor's commands to the Pèkché guests, when his wife expostulated with him, saying:—"Originally the Deities^[17] of Sumiyoshi bestowed on the Emperor Homuda while in the womb the gold and silver lands beyond the sea, namely Koryö, Pèkché, Silla, and Imna. Therefore did the Great Empress^[18] Okinaga-tarashihime no (XVII. 11.) Mikoto and the Oho-omi Takechi no Sukune first establish Government Houses^[19] in each of these countries and constitute them our screen territory beyond the sea. So that this has not come to pass without reason. If now we were to divide off (a part) and grant it to others, we should be acting contrary to the interests of our own land. How, in that case, during the long ages should reproach be sundered from men's mouths?" The Ohomuraji answered and said:—"Thy advice is reasonable, but I fear to disobey the Celestial command." His wife remonstrated with him earnestly, saying:—"Pretend that thou art ill, and do not make communication." The Ohomuraji was guided by this remonstrance, and therefore another envoy was appointed to make known the Imperial will. Presents were given, and an Imperial decree granting four districts of Imna in accordance with the petition. The Imperial Prince Ohine, owing to certain business, had not heard of the cession of territory. When it was too late he learnt that the decree had been issued. He was surprised and dissatisfied, and endeavoured to have it altered, saying:—"Since the days of the Emperor in the womb^[20] there has been established the land of our Government House. Shall we lightly yield to the request of a frontier land and grant it away without difficulty?" Accordingly he sent Hiwashi^[21] no Kishi to make a fresh intimation to the Pèkché guests. The Envoys, however, replied, saying:—"The Emperor, the father, has already, for considerations of expediency, consummated a grant by Imperial decree. How can the Imperial Prince, his son, act contrary to the Emperor's expressed will, and unauthorizedly make to us a different intimation? Surely he cannot be in earnest. But granting that it were true, which is the more painful—to be beaten with the large end of a staff or with the small one?" At length they took their departure. Upon this it was rumoured that Ohotomo no Ohomuraji and Oshiyama, Hodzumi no Omi, Governor of the Land of Tari, had received bribes from Pèkché.

A.D. 513. 7th year, Summer, 6th month. Pèkché sent General Chya-mi Mun-kwi and General Chyu-ri Cheung-ni along with Oshiyama, Hodzumi no Omi [the Pèkché "Original Record" says, "Commissioning Lord Oshiyama"], to bring as tribute a (XVII. 12.) scholar of the five classics named Tan Yang-ni. They separately addressed the Emperor, saying:—"The land of Pan-phi^[22] has seized thy servants' territory of I-mun.^[23] I humbly pray that the Celestial favour may decide that it be restored to its original jurisdiction."

Autumn, 8th month, 26th day. Syun-ta, the eldest son of the King of Pèkché, died.^[24]

9th month. The Imperial Prince Magari no Ohine in person^[25] betrothed to himself the Imperial Princess Kasuga. Thereupon all through the moonlit night they held sweet converse till the dawn came on them unawares. Of a sudden the grace of elegant style was embodied in his speech, and he broke into song, saying:—

In the eight-island land^[26]
Vainly a wife I sought
Until in Kasuga
(Of Spring weather)
Hearing that there was
A fair maiden,
Hearing that them was
A good maiden,
Pushing open
The spruce-fir plank door
(Of right-wood^[27] cleavage)
Hither have I come.
Taking it by the foot end
I laid hold of the hem^[28] (of her garment),
Taking it by the pillow-end
I laid hold of the hem (of her garment);
Then my beloved's^[29] arm
Was wound around me
And my arm too
Was wound round my beloved.
(XVII. 13.) Like a luxuriant vine,
Arm embraced and twined with arm;
As the armlet fits the elbow,^[30]
In sweet slumber we lay.
'Tis the bird of the courtyard,
The cock that is crowing:
'Tis the bird of the moor,
The pheasant that is clamouring.
Ere I have uttered
All my mind fully
The dawn has come. Oh my beloved one!

Then his consort replied in song, saying:—

Down the river of Hatsuse
(The secluded)
A bamboo comes floating—
Close-jointed, long-jointed;^[31]
The bottom part
Making into a lute,
The upper part
Making into a flute.
Blowing into it (the flute), playing on it (the lute),
Were I to ascend and stand
On the top of Mimoro,
And publish it^[32] there,
The very fishes
That pass under the water
Of the pond of Ihare
(The creeper-clad)^[33]
Would come to the surface and lament:
The august girdle of small pattern,^[34]
(XVII. 14.) Girded on
By our Great Lord
Who rules peacefully,
Hangs down in a knot—
Not a man is there whoever he may be
But would come up and lament.

Winter, 11th month, 5th day. General Chya-mi Mun-kwi of Pèkché, Mun-tök-chi of Silla, Sin-i-hyé and Pun-pha-wi-sa of Ara and Kwi-chön-hyé and Chyung-mun-chi of Pan-phi were sent for to attend Court in a body, and received communication of a gracious Imperial order, giving I-mun and Tè-sa to the Land of Pèkché.

In this month the Land of Pan-phi sent Cheup-chi with presents of rare and valuable objects, asking for the Land of I-mun. Eventually it was refused them.

12th month, 8th day. An Imperial decree was made, saying:—"We, having taken over the Celestial succession, have been watchful to preserve the Ancestral Temples, and have been wary and fearful. For a while the Empire has been at peace; within the seas there has been serenity and calm. Years of abundance have been frequent, redounding to the prosperity of the Land. Admirable! Maroko,^[35] thou hast made known our sentiments to the eight quarters. Magnificent! Magari no Ohine! thou hast cast a lustre on our authority amongst all countries. Japan^[36] is harmonious, and each man may do as he pleases in the Empire. Akitsu is glorified, and the Royal territory raised to high honour. Thou prizest nought but wisdom: in nothing dost thou take greater pleasure than in doing good. Depending on this, the sagely (XVII. 15.) influences undulate afar: leaning upon this, the profound virtue is permanently supported. Truly, such is thy virtue that thou art fit to occupy the Spring Palace,^[37] to aid Us in dispensing benevolence, and to assist Us by supplementing our deficiencies."

A.D. 514. 8th year, 1st month. The eldest Prince's Consort, the Imperial Princess Kasuga, was late in coming out one morning, and was not in her ordinary state. The eldest Prince's suspicions were aroused. He went into the Palace, and found his Consort lying on her couch weeping and sobbing. Her passion was such that she could not control it. The eldest Prince, thinking it strange, inquired of her, saying:—"What cause of grief hast thou, that thou sobbest and weepest this morning?" His Consort said:—"Thy handmaiden's sorrow hath no other cause but this. The heaven-soaring birds, in order lovingly to nurture their young, build nests on the treetops, so deep is their affection for them. The creeping things that crawl upon the ground, in order to guard their offspring, make holes in the ground, so careful is their guardianship of them. How then should mankind be wanting in foresight? The grief of childlessness having befallen the eldest Prince, thy handmaiden's name also becomes extinct." The Heir Apparent sympathized with her in her sorrow, and informed the Emperor, who made a decree, saying:—"Our son, Maroko!^[38] thy Consort's words are in profound accordance with reason. It is impossible that they should remain void, and without a consolatory response. Let her be granted the granary^[39] of Saho, to bear her name for ten thousand generations."

3rd month. Panphi built castles at Chă-thăn^[40] and Tè-sa, thus bringing itself in line with Manhyé. They also established (XVII. 16.) beacon-towers, as a defensive measure against Japan. Moreover, they built castles at Ni-nyöl-pi and Masupi, and so connected with Ma-chö-hyé and Chhyu-pu; they brought together troops and weapons, wherewith they harassed Silla, making booty of women and children, and fleecing the villages. Their violence increasing, scarce any inhabitants remained. Their deeds of outrage, profligacy, injury, oppression, and murder were too numerous to set down in detail.

A.D. 515.9th year, Spring, 2nd month, 4th day. General Mun-kwi, the Pèkché envoy, and his party asked leave to go away. By an Imperial decree Mononobe no Muraji [his personal name is not given] was attached to them, and they were allowed to go back.

The Pèkché "Original Record" says:—"Mononobe no chichi^[41] no Muraji."

In this month they came to the Island of Sa-to,^[42] where they learned by report that men of Pan-phi, with hate in their bosoms and venom in their mouths, were committing wanton outrage, trusting in brute force. Therefore Mononobe no Muraji, in command of a fleet of five hundred war-ships, made straight for the estuary of Tè-sa, and General Mun-kwi departed by way of Silla.

Summer, 4th month. Mononobe no Muraji remained at anchor in the estuary of Tè-sa.

6th day. The Pan-phi people raised an army and came to attack them. They stripped them of their clothing, plundered them of their property, and burnt all their tents.^[43] Mononobe no Muraji and his men were frightened, and took to flight, (XVII. 17.) saving their lives with difficulty. They anchored at Mun-mo-ra [the name of an island].

A.D. 516. 10th year, Summer, 5th month. Pèkché sent Mok-hiöp, of the former division,^[44] and the Pu-ma^[45] Kap-hè to entertain Mononobe no Muraji and his men at I-mun, and to escort them into that country. All the (Pèkché) officials brought forth clothing, axe-iron, and woven stuffs, assisting them by presents of their national products, which they piled up in the court. Kind visits of inquiry were made to them, and unusually abundant presents were bestowed on them.

Autumn, 9th month. Pèkché sent General Chyuri Cheuk-chhă,^[46] along with Mononobe no Muraji, to come and give thanks for the grant of the territory of I-mun. They also offered tribute of a scholar acquainted with the five classics, named Ko An-mu, of Han,^[47] and asked that he should be exchanged for Tan Yang-ni.^[48] He was exchanged in accordance with this request.

14th day. Pèkché sent General Chyang-mak-ko and two Japanese, named Shinato and Ahita, to accompany Anchyöng, the Koryö envoy, and his party, who came to our Court to cement amicable relations.

A.D. 518. 12th year, Spring, 3rd month, 9th day. The capital was removed to Otokuni.^[49]

A.D. 523. 17th year, Summer, 5th month. King Mu-nyöng of Pèkché died.^[50]

A.D. 524. 18th year, Spring, 1st month. The Pèkché Heir Apparent, Myöng,^[51] assumed the (Royal) dignity.

A.D. 526. (XVII. 18.) 20th year, Autumn, 9th month, 13th day. The capital was removed to Tamaho in Ihare.^[52] [In one book it says 7th year.]

A.D. 527. 21st year, Summer, 6th month, 3rd day. Afumi no Kena no Omi, in command of an army of 60,000 men, was about to proceed to Imna, in order to re-establish and unite to Imna South Kara and Tök-să-thăn, which had been conquered by Silla, when Ihawi, Tsukushi no Kuni no Miyakko, secretly plotted rebellion, so that there was a delay of several years. Fearing that the matter would be hard to accomplish, he was constantly watching a favourable opportunity. Silla, knowing this, secretly practised bribery with Ihawi, and encouraged him to oppose the passage of Kena no Omi's army. Hereupon Ihawi occupied the two provinces of Hi^[53] and Toyo,^[54] and would not allow the taxes to be paid. Abroad he intercepted the route by sea, and led astray the yearly tribute ships from the countries of Koryö, Pèkché, Silla, and Imna, while at home he blocked the way for Kena no Omi's army which was being sent to Imna. He lifted up his voice in abusive language, saying:—"Thou who hast now become an envoy wast formerly my companion. We rubbed shoulders and touched elbows; we ate the same food from the same vessels. How (XVII. 19.) canst thou lightly be made an envoy, and make me come freely and prostrate myself before thee?" He at length fought and would not receive him; he was haughty and self-conceited. For this reason Kena no Omi was prevented midways from proceeding on his journey, and was detained. The Emperor addressed Kanamura, Ohotomo no Ohomuraji, Arakahi, Mononobe no Ohomuraji, and Wobito, Kose no Oho-omi, saying:—"Ihawi of Tsukushi has rebelled, and has occupied the territory of the western wilds. Whom shall we now make general?" Ohotomo no Ohomuraji and the others all said:—"For uprightness, humane bravery, and acquaintance with military matters there is at present no one who goes out to the right of^[55] Arakahi." The Emperor said:—"Be it so."

Autumn, 8th month, 1st day. The Emperor made a decree, saying:—"Ah, Ohomuraji!^[56] here is this Ihawi who will not obey us. Do thou go and chastise him." The Ohomuraji, Mononobe no Arakahi, with repeated obeisances, said:—"Ah! Ihawi, that unprincipled knave of the western wilds, relies on the impediments of rivers, and does not appear at Court. He trusts to the steepness of the mountains, and stirs up disorder. He subverts virtue and acts contrary to principle; he is insolent and wise in his own conceit. From Michi no Omi^[57] in ancient times down to Muruya^[58] at present (there have been ministers who) have fought at the same time both for their Emperor and to rescue the people from misery. This is (XVII. 20.) simply owing to the help of Heaven, and thy servant has always been impressed with its importance. How should he fail reverently to smite them?"

The Emperor charged him, saying:—"The generalship of a good commander consists in dispensing kindness and exercising forbearance: he rules others with the leniency he shows to himself. In attack he is like the bursting forth of a river, in combat he resembles the rising of the storm." Again he charged him, saying:—"On a great commander depends the lives of the people and the existence of the State. Be earnest, and reverently execute the Celestial punishment." The Emperor took up the battle-axe^[59] in his own hands, and delivered it to the Ohomuraji, saying:—"We will control the country from Anato eastward; do thou hold sway over the land from Tsukushi westwards. Dispense rewards and punishments absolutely, and trouble not thyself to make frequent reference to Us."

A.D. 528. 22nd year, Winter, 11th month, 11th day. The Commander-in-chief Arakahi, Mononobe no Ohomuraji, taking personal command, engaged battle with the rebel leader, Ihawi, in the district of Miwi in Tsukushi. The flags and drums approached close to each other, the dust (from both armies) became mingled. The critical moment for the two armies arrived, and the position was such that ten thousand deaths seemed unavoidable. At length he slew Ihawi, and eventually subdued the frontier land.^[60]

(XVII. 21.) 12th month. Kuzu, Kimi of Tsukushi, fearing to be involved in his father's execution, offered to the Emperor the Granary^[61] of Kasuya, asking to be allowed to ransom his life.

A.D. 529. 23rd year, Spring, 3rd month. The King of Pèkché addressed Oshiyama, Hodzumi no Omi, Governor of Lower Tari, saying:—"Now our tribute envoys have always to avoid the headlands and expose themselves to the winds and waves. In consequence of this the goods they bear become wet and wholly spoiled and unsightly. I pray that thou wilt make the Port of Tasa in Kara the crossing route by which to send thy servant's tribute." Oshiyama no Omi made application to the Emperor accordingly.

This month Kasone, Mononobe no Ise no Muraji, Kishi no Okina,^[62] and others were sent to make over the Port to the King of Pèkché. Hereupon the King of Kara spoke to the Imperial Envoys, saying:—"This Port ever since the establishment of the (Japanese) Government House has been the port of passage for your servant's tribute. How can you without grave reason change this state of things and grant it to a neighbouring country, contrary to the original definitive enfeoffment of this territory?" The Imperial Envoy Kasone and his colleagues were accordingly unable to make the grant (XVII. 22.) openly. They retired to Ohoshima and sent a clerk specially, by whom the grant to Pu-yö^[63] was effected. Owing to this, Kara allied itself to Silla^[64] and bred hatred against Japan. The King of Kara married the King of Silla's daughter, who eventually had issue by him. When Silla first sent a daughter, 100 men were sent away with her as her escort. When they were received, they were dispersed throughout the districts of the country, and allowed to wear the Silla costume. But Arasăteung^[65] railed at their strange^[66] garments and sent messengers to return them secretly. Silla felt greatly insulted. He changed his mind and tried to get his daughter back, saying:—"Formerly, when I received thy marriage proposals, I sanctioned the alliance. But since matters are now so, I request that the Princess may be restored to me." Kwi-pu-ri Chika of Kara [unclear] answered and said:—"How can husband and wife be sundered again when they have once become united? Moreover there are children. What will become of them if they are abandoned?" In the end it came to pass that (Silla) captured the three castles of To-ka, Ko-phi, and Phona mura.^[67] He also took five castles on the northern frontier.

In this month Afumi no Kena no Omi was sent to Ara^[68] to urge Silla, in the Emperor's name, to re-establish Southern Kara^[69] and Tök-să-than. Pèkché sent the Lord-General Yun-kwi Ma-na, Kap-pè Ma-ro and others to Ara respectfully (XVII. 23.) to hear the Emperor's decree. Silla, fearing lest the Government which he had established in the frontier provinces should be destroyed, did not send a grandee. He only sent Pu-chi-na-ma-nyé and Hyé-na-ma-nyé to Ara respectfully to listen to the Imperial decree. Hereupon Ara built a new High-Hall, into which the Imperial Ambassador was led up, the ruler of the country ascending the staircase behind him. One or two of the local grandees had already ascended the Hall, but the Pèkché envoys, the Lord-General, and the others remained below. The consultations were repeated for many months^[70] in the Hall above, until the Lord-General and the others grew angry at having to remain in the Courtyard.

Summer, 4th month, 7th day. Kwi-neung-ma-ta^[71] Kanki, King of Imna,^[72] came to Court. [Kwi-neung-ma-ta was doubtless the Arasăteung.] He addressed Kanamura, Ohotomo no Ohomuraji, saying:—"The several frontier provinces beyond the sea, ever since the time of the Emperor in the womb, have had Interior Government Houses placed in them. My land has not been abandoned, but the territory has been enfeoffed to me, not without good reason. But now Silla, in defiance of this original definitive enfeoffment, has frequently crossed the borders and invaded us. I pray, therefore, that thou wilt represent this to the Emperor, so that he may come to the assistance of his servant's country." The Ohomuraji, Ohotomo, in accordance with his request, laid the matter before the Emperor.

In this month an envoy was sent to escort Kwi-neung-ma-ta Kanki, and at the same time to convey to Afumi no Kena no Omi, who was resident in Imna, the instructions of the Emperor to investigate thoroughly the matter represented to him, and in a friendly way to dissipate their mutual suspicions. Hereupon Kena no Omi lodged at Kumanare^[73] [one book (XVII. 24.) says he lodged at Kusă-mura in Imna], whither he summoned together the kings of the two countries, Sills and Pèkché. Cha-ri-chi,^[74] King of Silla, sent Ku-chi-pu-nyé^[75] [one book says Ku-nyé-ni-să-chi and (?) U-na-să-ma-ri], and Pèkché the Eunsol^[76] Mi-teung-ni, to proceed to meet together at the place where Kena no Omi was. But the two kings did not attend in person. Kena no Omi was much incensed, and called the two envoys to an account for it, saying:—"It is the law of Heaven that the Small should wait upon the Great. [One book says:—'To the end of a great tree, you join a great tree; to the end of a small tree, you join a small tree.'] Why do the kings of the two countries send envoys in this disrespectful way instead of coming in person to the meeting and receiving the Emperor's commands? But now, even if your kings came themselves to hear the Imperial commands, I would not consent to deliver them, but would surely drive them away." Ku-chi-pu-nyé and the Eunsol Mi-teung-ni, with dread in their hearts, returned each to his own country to call his king. Accordingly, Silla sent another envoy, the Chief Minister, I-cheul-pu-nyé-chi Kanki, with a following of three thousand men, to come and ask leave to hear the Imperial commands. Kena no Omi, seeing from afar that he was being encompassed by several thousand armed men, left Kumanare and entered the castle of Kwi-cheul-kwi-ri^[77] in Imna. I-cheul-pu-nyé-chi Kanki took up his lodging on the plain of Tatara, (XVII. 25.) and, not daring to go back, waited for three months, requesting leave repeatedly to hear the Imperial message. But to the last its communication was not vouchsafed him. Some men under I-cheul-pu-nyé-chi's command were begging for food in the villages when they passed Mikari, Kahachi Mumakahi no Obito, a retainer of Kena no Omi. Mikari went in and hid behind somebody's gate, and, waiting till the beggars were passing, clenched his fists and struck at them from afar. The beggars, seeing this, said:—"We have waited patiently for three months in hopes of hearing the Emperor's will. But you still refuse to communicate it, and harass the envoys who have been sent to listen to the Imperial message. Hence, we see that your object is to befool and put to death the Chief Minister." So they reported to the Chief Minister all that they had seen, and he thereupon seized four villages, Keum-kwan,^[78] Hè-mu, A-ta, and Wi-tha [one book says Tatara, Sunara, A-ta, and Pi-chi were the four villages], took possession of all the people and their goods, and withdrew to his own country. Some said that it was the fault of Kena no Omi that these four villages, Tatara and the rest, were plundered.

Autumn, 9th month. The Oho-omi, Kose no Obito, died.

A.D. 530. 24th year, Spring, 2nd month, 1st day. The Emperor made an edict, saying:—"From the Emperor Ihare-hiko^[79] until King Mimaki,^[80] all (the sovereigns) put their trust in learned Ministers and enlightened assistants. Therefore Michi^[81] no Omi propounded the policy, and divine Japan^[82] flourished. Ohohiko enounced plans, and Inihe^[83] was exalted. Among those (XVII. 26.) Princes of succeeding generations who were successful in re-establishing what had fallen into decay, what one has there ever been who did not rely upon wise counsels? Now, coming down to the time when the Emperor Wohatsuse ruled the Empire, auspiciously receiving it over from the previous sages, there was long peace and prosperity, during which morals became gradually deteriorated, and there was no awakening, while the Government became gradually steeped in decay, and there was no reform. But he looked out for (proper) men, and each had advancement after his kind. If a man had great capacity, his shortcomings were not inquired into; if he had high abilities, his failures were not found fault with. It was for this reason that this Emperor was enabled to serve the ancestral shrines, and not to endanger the Temples of the Land and of Grain. Judging from this, could he have been wanting in enlightened assistants?

During the twenty-four years which have elapsed since we took over the Imperial office, the Empire has enjoyed prosperity, and there have been no anxieties at home or abroad. The veins of the earth have been fertile and the crops have reached maturity. Our secret fear is that the masses may in consequence of this acquire a habit, and that depending on it they may become proud. Therefore let men be made to practise honest thrift, and let the Great Morality be inculcated, so that a mighty progress may be diffused abroad. From of old it has been hard to appoint the right men to office. Now that this duty has devolved upon Ourselves, ought we not to be watchful?"

Autumn, 9th month. An envoy from Imna made representation (XVII. 27.) to the Emperor, saying:—"It is now two years since Kena no Omi proceeded to Kusamura, where he built a house and took up his residence.

The statement in one book that it was three years includes the year of going and coming.

But he is remiss in the discharge of his Governmental duties. Now there are frequent disputes between the people of Japan and the people of Imna respecting children,^[84] which are difficult to settle. None of these has ever been decided. Kena no Omi is fond of setting (the caldrons for) the ordeal by boiling water, and saying:—'Those who are in the right will not be scalded: those who are false will certainly be scalded.' Owing to this many persons have been scalded to death by plunging into the hot water. Moreover he has put to death Natari and Săpuri, Corean children of Kibi.

The children born of Japanese marriages with barbarian women were accounted Kara-ko.^[85]

He constantly harasses the people, and there is never any amicable solution of difficulties." Hereupon the Emperor, hearing of this conduct, sent a man to recall him. But he would not come. He took the trouble, however, to send Mikari, Kahachi no Mŭma-kahi no Obito up to the capital with a message for the Emperor, saying:—"If thy servant returned to the capital before carrying out the Imperial instructions, his toil of travel would come to nothing. How should he get over his mortification? He humbly beseeches Your Majesty to await the execution of the national instructions. He will then proceed to Court and confess his faults." After sending off this messenger, he further took counsel with himself, saying:—"That Mitsugi^[86] no Kishi is also an Imperial envoy. If he arrives back before me, and represents my offences to the Emperor as they really are, they will certainly be aggravated." So he sent Mitsugi no Kishi at the head of a force to guard the Castle of Isăchi mura. Hereupon the Arisăteung, seeing that a trivial matter was being made of great importance, would not apply himself to what was expected of him, but repeatedly urged his^[87] returning to Court. But he persisted in his refusal to let him return. By this all his conduct was understood, and (XVII. 28.) in their hearts a spirit of revolt was begotten. So he^[88] sent Kunyésăkwimo to Silla to ask for troops, and Nosukuri to Pèkché to ask for troops. Kena no Omi, hearing of the arrival of the Pèkché forces, went out against them and attacked Pè-phyöng. [Pè-phyöng is the name of a place—also called Ung-pi-kwi-pu-ri.^[89]] Half were killed or wounded. Pèkché accordingly seized Nosukuri, punished him with handcuffs, and put him in the cangue and chains. Then, along with Silla they laid siege to the castle, and demanded of the Arisăteung with imprecations that Kena no Omi should be produced. But Kena no Omi clung to his castle and made a vigorous defence. His strength was such that he could not be taken prisoner. Upon this the two countries measured out a suitable piece of ground, where they settled down for a month and built a castle. They then retired. This castle was called Kunyé mura. On their way home they captured the five fortified places of Teung-ni-ki-mura, Puna-mura, Mu-chă-ki-mura, A-pu-ra-mura, and Ku-chi-pha-ta-ki.^[90]

Winter, 10th month. Mitsugi no Kishi arrived from Imna and informed the Emperor of Kena no Omi's arrogant and perverse disposition. "He was inexperienced (he said) in the administration of government, and never brought about amicable solutions. He disturbed Kara. Moreover he followed his own impulses in a high-handed manner, while he at the same time put up with evils and did not prevent them." Therefore Medzurako was sent to recall him.

In this year, Kena no Omi, having received the summons, (XVII. 29.) proceeded as far as Tsushima, where he fell ill, and died. His funeral followed up the course of the river,^[91] and so entered Afumi.

His wife made a song, saying:—

To Hirakata
With the music of flutes he goes up—
The youth of Kena
Of Afumi,
With the music of flutes goes up.^[92]

When Medzurako first arrived in Imna his^[93] people who remained in that country sent a song, saying:—

The land of Kara,
How should it be called so?
Medzurako has come!
By the crossing of Iki—
Opposite and afar,
Medzurako has come!^[94]

A.D. 531. 25th year, Spring, 2nd month. The Emperor took very ill. 7th day. The Emperor died in the Tamaho Palace at Ihare, at the age of 82.^[95]

Winter, 12th month, 5th day. He was buried in the misasagi on the Awi plain.^[96]

A certain book says:—"The Emperor died in the 28th year of his reign, namely the year Kinoye Tora. The statement in the text that he died in the 25th year of his reign, viz. the year Kanoto I, is taken from a passage in the 'Original Record' of Pèkché. This passage runs as follows: 'In the year Kanoto I of the Cycle, the 3rd month, an army advanced to Ara and constructed the fortified place of Kwi-tök. In this month Koryö slew their king An. It is said, moreover, that the Emperor of Japan with the Prince Imperial died at the same time and were buried.' This was the authority on which the statement was made. The year Kanoto I corresponds to the 25th year of the reign. Later inquirers may ascertain which is correct."^[97]

Layout 2

1. Succeed-body.
2. It seems clear, from the fact that on this and a previous similar occasion adoption was not resorted to, that this practice had not yet been introduced from China.
3. Unlike the other prince, who ran away when he saw the troops approach.
4. The Imperial position.
5. Was this Signet the Signet given the Japanese Emperor by China ("Early Japanese History," p. 70)? Or is it merely a Chinese expression for the gem 玉, which was one of the three regalia?
6. The calyx is that which supports the flower. Hence it is put for an heir to the throne.
7. Daughter of the Emperor Ninken.
8. The "Kojiki" has haruki. Another rendering is hiraki.
9. The Emperor Kimmei.
10. Or Ohoye.
11. Ankan Tennō.
12. Senkwa Tennō.
13. Some give iratsuko for the Kana of this and similar names.
14. The "Kojiki" and "Kiujiki" present some trifling variations in the accounts of these concubines and children.
15. Tamna is the island now called Chéchu by the Coreans and known to us as Quelpaert. The statement here made is utterly improbable in itself, as Quelpaert is in sight of the Corean mainland. It is contradicted by the following passages of the "Tongkam."

    "King Munchiu of Pèkché, 2nd year (A.D. 476), Summer, 4th month. The land of Tamna presented tribute of their national productions to Pèkché. The king was rejoiced, and appointed the ambassadors Eunsol. Tamna is in the midst of the Southern Sea. In ancient times there were no inhabitants. Then there were three divine men who bubbled up from the earth. The eldest was called Nang-eul-la, the next was called Ko-eul-la, and the third Pu-eul-la. One day these three, having gone out to hunt by the sea-side, found a stone coffer. On opening it, they discovered three women, with cattle of various sorts and seeds of the five kinds of grain. They eventually shared between them, taking the women as wives. Then each betook himself to a well-watered fertile spot and selected by divination a residence. Nang-eul-la's dwelling was called First City, Ko-eul-la's Second City, and Pu-eul-la's Third City. Then they sowed the five grains and pastured the cattle, and prospered and multiplied from day to day. Tamna is also called Tam-mu-ra."—"Tongkam," IV. 31.

    "A.D. 498. The King of Pèkché, because Tamna did not pay tribute, set out himself on an expedition against it. He got as far as Muchinchiu, when the Tamna people heard of it and sent messengers to beg for pardon. So they were let off."—"Tongkam," V. 3.

    There is no mention of Tamna in the "Tongkam" under the year 508.

16. The meaning is that Pèkché will be better able to prevent these provinces from falling into the hands of Silla than Japan. All Imna was conquered by Silla in A.D. 562. See below, XIX. 51.
17. See above, Vol. I. pp. 233–235, and "Satow's Handbook," p. 192.
18. The word used does not mean a reigning Empress.
19. Miyake.
20. Ōjin Tennō.
21. This name means sun-eagle. There is a god called Area no Hiwashi mentioned in the "Kogojiui."
22. The traditional Kana is Hahe. It is doubtful here which rendering to follow.
23. It seems to have been Japanese at this time. The "Seishiroku" says that in the reign of Mimaki-irihiko the Imna people asked Japan to annex I-mun, as the inhabitants were in constant strife with Silla. I-mun was a district on the north-east frontier of Imna.
24. The "Tongkam" says nothing of this.
25. i.e. without a middle-man. She was Ninken's daughter.
26. i.e. Japan. See above, Vol. I. p. 15.
27. Maki, lit. "right-wood," is here a mere honorific epithet applied to the wood of the Chamæcyparis obtusa, which has an even grain, adapting it well for making planks at a time when saws were unknown and the axe was used for that purpose.
28. Tsuma, "hem," also means "spouse."
29. Lit. younger sister, which was used much like our "my dear."
30. The interpretation of this line is very doubtful.
31. Close-jointed at the bottom, long-jointed at the top. At least so one commentator. There are other equally unsatisfactory explanations of this line.
32. Viz. the sadness of the coming of the dawn under the circumstances above described.
33. Iha means "rock." Therefore the epithet in parentheses.
34. This and the next four lines are introduced solely because tare, "to hang down," also means "who." I have endeavoured to imitate this by "knot" and "not." See above, Vol. I. p. 402.
    This poem amounts to this:—
    "If to the accompaniment of music I were to express the sadness of our parting, the very fishes would lament, and all men who heard me would lament."
35. Ankan Tennō.
36. "Japan" is probably an anachronism. The whole speech has every appearance of being an invention of later times.
37. The Palace of the Heir to the Throne.
38. I should like to find some authority for omitting "our son" and translating maro-ko thus. See above, Vol. I. p. 264, where maro ga chi is rendered "our father."
39. Miyake.
40. 子呑. See below, XVII. 18, where 巳呑 (Kwithăn) is probably this place, one of the two being a mistake.
41. i.e. "the father."
42. Sand-island.
43. Or rather screens of cloth to hide off an encampment.
44. See below, XXVII. 12.
45. Puma is possibly the modern Corean Puma, i.e. King's son-in-law, but it is perhaps more likely to be a man's name too, thus making three Chyön-pu, or officials of the former division.
46. Probably the person called Cheung ni above, XVII. 11, the difference being owing to a copyist's error.
47. The Chinese dynasty of that name. It seems here to form part of the name.
48. See above, XVII. 12.
49. In Yamashiro.
50. This agrees with the "Tongkam" date, even to the month.
51. His name was Myöngnye 明禮.
52. Back again to Yamato.
53. Now Hizen and Higo.
54. Buzen and Bungo.
55. i.e. excels. This is a Chinese phrase. The left is now the honourable side; at one time the right was so.
56. i.e. Arakahi.
57. See above, Vol. I. p. 117.
58. Muruya was Kanamura's father.
59. An emblem of authority.
60. According to the "Tsukushi Fudoki," the tomb of Ihawi was, at the time of writing, to be seen two ri to the south of Kami-tsuma no agata. "The height of the mound was seven rods (of ten feet, no doubt measured along the slope), and its circuit six rods (something wrong here). The ground belonging to the tomb was sixty rods from north to south, and forty from east to west. (This looks like a double mound.) On all four sides there are sixty stone men, with stone shields, arrayed against each other in order of battle. At the north-east corner there is a separate plot of ground, called the kitchen. In this there is one stone man, in a standing position, who is called 'the carver,' and in front of him a naked figure prostrate on the ground, called 'the thief.' On the side there are four stone pigs, called 'the plunder.' In that place, moreover, there are three stone horses, three stone halls, and two stone warehouses. The oldest inhabitants say that Ihawi had this place constructed in his lifetime."

    Some of these remains are still in existence, and I rather think that it is one of the stone figures which is now in the Uyeno Museum at Tokio.

61. Miyake.
62. Kishi was originally a Corean rank; Okina means old man.
63. Puyö or Fuyu is an ancient name of Pèkché. It is properly the name of a region north of Corea whence the Pèkché royal family derived their origin. Southern Puyö was adopted as the official name of Pèkché in A.D. 538, according to the "Tongkam," V. 14.
64. The "Tongkam" (A.D. 522) speaks of Silla giving a lady of royal blood (though not the king's daughter) in marriage to Kaya. The two kings had a friendly meeting in 527.
65. A note to the "Shukai" says that Arishito (or Arasăteung, according to the Corean pronunciation of the characters) was the King of Kara. No doubt some high official is intended. See Vol. I. p. 166.
66. Silla, according to the "Tongkam," first regulated official costume, no doubt on the Chinese model, in A.D. 520. It was apparently these garments that excited the reprobation of Kara.
67. Mura is apparently the same as the Japanese word mura, village. There is a Corean word muri, assemblage, which seems to be the same root. An old Chinese author says that the Silla word for castle or city is kien-mu-la. Kien, I imagine, is kheun, great, and mula is for mura. See below, XVII. 24.
68. One of the ten provinces of Imna, says the "Shukai" editor.
69. See above, p. 15.
70. The "Shukai" corrects this to "days."
71. The traditional Kana is Konomatta.
72. The "Shukai" has a note that Imna is Kara. The name given here is not that of the King of Kara at this time. He may have been only a prince.
73. Or Eung-chön, i.e. Bear-river. See Vol. I. pp. 232, 368.
74. The "Tongkam" calls the King of Silla at this time Pöp-hung. This is the posthumous name. His name in life was Wön-chong. Neither agrees with the name given here.
75. Ku-chi-pu-nyé. The Japanese pronunciation is Kuchi-fure.
76. The Eunchol were the third class of Pèkché dignitaries.
77. Koshikori is the traditional Kana pronunciation.
78. The present Keumhè, then capital of Kara.
79. Jimmu Tennō.
80. Sūjin Tennō. There seems no particular reason why one should be called a King 王, and the other an Emperor 帝.
81. Michi means "path," "moral principle." Vide Vol. I. p. 117.
82. Or Yamato.
83. i.e. Sūjin Tennō, says the "Tsū-shō" commentary.
84. The progeny of mixed unions.
85. i.e. Corean or Kara children.
86. Mitsugi means tribute or taxes. Kishi is a title, originally Corean.
87. Mitsugi no Kishi's.
88. The Arisăteung.
89. Perhaps the last three syllables are meant for the Corean word Ko-eul, a district, the Japanese kôri. The first syllable Ung means bear.
90. These names are written with Chinese characters, used phonetically in a way which conveys the idea that the author of the "Nihongi" considered them to be Corean words. But mura is unmistakably the Japanese word for village, and the names too are probably Japanese, viz. Toriki-mura, Funa-mura, Mushiki-mura, Abura-mura, and Kuchihataki.
91. The Uji River.
92. Hirakata is the name of a place in the province of Afumi or Ōmi. The word Wakugo, youth, has here a suffix i, which is now wholly obsolete. It is found, however, occasionally in the "Manyoshiu," and may be identical with the Corean suffix i, a sort of definite article.
    Funerals were accompanied by the music of flutes, as appears from other ancient notices.
93. i.e. Kena no Omi's.
94. Kara means "acrid, cruel, hard," as well as the country. In Medzurako there is an allusion to the adjective Medzurashiki, "strange, rare." The song expresses the satisfaction of the people of Kena no Omi's household in having Medzurako set over them instead of their own master.
95. The "Kojiki" has forty-three, no doubt wrongly.
96. In Settsu. This misasagi is visible from the railway, on the left as one goes from Osaka to Kioto.
97. The uncertainty about this date shows how imperfect the chronological records must have been even at this late period.

    There is this difficulty about making Keidai die in the 28th year of his reign. He was then 82, and his son died the following year, aged 70, which would make him born when his father was only 13. One chronological work suggests that there was an interregnum. But this is contrary to the positive statement in the "Nihongi."