Northern Antiquities/Chapter 2

by Paul Henri Mallet

CHAPTER II.

Of the first Inhabitants of Denmark, and particularly of the Cimbri.

IT is useless to enquire at what period of time Denmark began to be inhabited. Such a research would doubtless lead us up to an age when all Europe was plunged in ignorance and barbarity. These two words include in them almost all we know of the history of the first ages. It is very probable, that the first Danes were like all the other Teutonic nations, a colony of Scythians, who spread themselves at different times over the countries which lay towards the west. The resemblance of name might induce us to believe that it was from among the Cimmerian Scythians (whom the ancients placed to the north of the Euxine sea) that the first colonies were sent into Denmark; and that from this people they inherited the name of Cimbri, which they bare so long before they assumed that of Danes^[1]. But this resemblance of name, which many historians produce as a solid proof, is liable to so many different explanations, that it is better to acknowledge once for all, that this subject is as incapable of certainty, as it is unworthy of research.

Whatever was the origin of the Cimbri, they for a long time before the birth of Christ inhabited the country, which received from them the name of the Cimbrica Chersonesus^[2], and probably comprehended Jutland, Sleswic, and Holstein, and perhaps some of the neighbouring provinces. The ancients considered this people as a branch of the Germans, and never distinguished the one from the other in the descriptions they have left us of the manners and customs of that nation. The historical monuments of the north give us still less information about them, and go no farther back than the arrival of Odin; the epoque of which, I am inclined to place, with the celebrated Torfæus, about 70 years before the birth of Christ. All that passed in Denmark before that period would be intirely unknown to us, if the famous expedition of the Cimbri into Italy had not drawn upon them the attention of a people who enjoyed the advantage of having historians. It is a single gleam, which for a moment throws light upon the ages of obscurity: short and transient as it is, let us nevertheless catch it, in order to discover, if possible, a feature or two of the character of this people.

The history of Rome^[3] informs us, that in the consulship of Caecilius Metellus and Papirius Carbo, about one hundred and eleven years before the Christian aera^[4], the republic was agitated by intestine divisions which already began to threaten it’s liberty, when the intrigues of the several factions were all at once suspended by the sudden news of an irruption of Barbarians. More than three hundred thousand men, known by the name of Cimbri and Teutones, who chiefly issued from the Cimbric Chersonese and the neighbouring islands, had forsaken their country to go in search of a more favourable climate, of plunder and glory. They attacked and subdued at once whatever people they found in their passage, and as they met with no resistance, resolved to push their conquests farther. The Gauls were overwhelmed with this torrent, whose course was for a long time marked by the most horrible desolation. Terror every where went before them, and when it was reported at Rome, that they were disposed to pass into Italy, the consternation there became general. The senate dispatched Papirius Carbo with an army to guard the passage of the Alps, deeming it a sufficient degree of good fortune, if they could but preserve Italy from these formidable guests. But, as they took a different rout, and stopped some time on the banks of the Danube, the Romans resumed courage, and condemning their former fears, sent in a menacing tone to the Cimbri, to bid them take care not to disturb the Norici their allies. At the same time, the Cimbri being informed that a Roman army approached them, and respecting the character of the Republic, sent ambassadors to the Consul Papirius, “to excuse themselves, forasmuch as having come from the remote parts of the north, they could not possibly know that the Norici were the allies of the Romans:” adding; “that they only knew it to be a received law among all nations, that the conqueror hath a right to whatever he can acquire: and that the Romans themselves had no other pretensions to most of the countries they had subdued, than what was founded on the sword. That they had however, a great veneration for the Roman people, on account of their virtue and bravery; in consideration of which, although they knew not what it was to fear, they consented to leave the Norici in peace, and to employ their valour in some other quarter, where they could do it without incurring the displeasure of the common-wealth.” Satisfied with so moderate an answer, the consul suffered them quietly to remove; but when the Cimbri were retired into Dalmatia, and expected nothing less than hostilities from the Romans: a party of these commanded by Carbo, surprised them by night, asleep and unarmed. These brave warriors full of indignation, flew to their arms, and defended themselves with so much intrepidity, that they wrested the victory out of their enemies hands, and forced them to seek their safety by flight. But although the Romans almost all escaped the vengeance of their enemies, this defeat was not the less fatal to the republic; for the splendour and reputation which it added to the arms of the Cimbri, drew on all sides under their banners such nations as were either impatient of the Roman yoke, or jealous of their incroachments: particularly the Tigurini and Ambrones, two people originally of Helvetia. With these new auxiliaries, they overwhelmed Gaul a second time, and advancing to the foot of the Pyrenees, endeavoured to establish themselves in Spain but meeting with a vigorous repulse from the Celtiberians, and tired of so many unprofitable invasions, they sent a new embassy to the Romans, to offer them their services, upon condition they would give them lands to cultivate. The Senate too prudent to enter into any kind of accommodation with such dangerous enemies, and already divided among themselves about the distribution of lands, returned a direct refusal to their demand. Upon which the Cimbri resolved to seize by force what they could not gain by intreaty, and immediately fell with so much fury upon the new consul Silanus, who had received orders to march against them, that they forced his intrenchments, pillaged his camp, and cut all his army in pieces. This victory was soon after followed by another, which their allies the Ambrones gained over Cassius Longinus at the mouth of the Rhone; and to compleat the misfortune, a third army of Romans more considerable than the two former, was soon after entirely defeated. Scaurus, who commanded it, was made prisoner, and afterwards put to death; his two fons were slain, and more than four-score thousand of the Romans and their allies were left dead in the field. Last of all, two other generals, the consul Manlius, and the proconsul Caepio, to whom had been intrusted a fourth army already half vanquished with fear, and who were disunited and jealous of each other, were attacked near the Rhone, each of them in his camp, and entirely defeated.

Such repeated losses filled Rome with grief and terror; and many began to despair even of the safety of the state. In this melancholy conjuncture, minds less firm than those of these spirited Republicans, would doubtless, have suggested the imprudent measure of granting to the conquerors conditions capable of softening them: they would have given them at once the lands they had required, or perhaps have purchased their friendship with a sum of money. This dangerous policy would probably have ruined Rome in this exigence, as it did some ages after. The Gauls, the Germans, and the Scythians, poor and greedy nations, who gasped after nothing but slaughter and booty, roving and warlike as well by inclination as necessity, would have harassed by continual inroads, a people which had let them see that they were at once richer and weaker than themselves. The prudent firmness of the Senate, and the valour of Marius saved Rome for this time from the danger under which it afterwards sunk. All the citizens now turned their eyes towards the conqueror of Jugurtha, as their last and only support. They decreed him consular honours for the fourth time, and associated with him Catulus Luctatius, a person scarcely inferior to him in military skill, and who far excelled him in all the other qualities, which make a great stateſman.

Marius having quickly discovered that the ill success of his predecessors was the effect of their imprudence, formed to himself a very different plan of conduct. In particular, he resolved not to join battle with the enemy, till their furious ardour was abated, and till his soldiers familiarized to the sight of them, should no longer consider themselves as conquered before they came to blows. Their former victories, their tallness of stature, rendered still more terrible by their dress, their ferocious air, their barbarous shouts, and unusual manner of fighting, had all contributed to strike the Romans with the greatest terror; and this terror was the first enemy he had to encounter; an enemy which time alone could subdue. With this view, Marius judged it necessary to encamp on the banks of the Rhone, in a situation naturally advantageous, where he laid in all forts of provisions in great abundance, that he might not be compelled to engage before he saw a convenient opportunity. This coolness of the general was regarded by those Barbarians, as a mark of cowardice. They resolved, therefore, to divide themselves into different bodies, and so penetrate into Italy. The Cimbri and Tigurini went to meet Catulus; the Ambrones and Teutones hoping to provoke the Romans to fight, came and encamped in a plain full in their front. But nothing could induce Marius to change his resolution.

Nevertheless, these Barbarians insulted the Romans incessantly by every means they could devise: they advanced as far as the very intrenchments of their camp, to reproach and deride them; they challenged the officers and the general himself to single combat. The Roman soldiers were by degrees accustomed to look their enemies in the face, while the provocations they received every day, more and more whetted their resentment. Many of them even broke out into reproaches against Marius for appearing so much to distrust their courage; and this dexterous general to appease them, had recourse to a Syrian prophetess in his camp, who assured them that the Gods did not yet approve of their fighting.

At length, the patience of the Teutones was exhausted, and they endeavoured to force the Roman intrenchments; but here they were repulsed with loss: upon which, they resolved to abandon their camp, and attempt an irruption into Italy. They filed off for six days together in the presence of Marius's army, insulting his soldiers with the most provoking language, and asking them, if they had any message to send to their wives, whom they hoped soon to see. Marius heard all these bravados with his accustomed coolness; but when their whole army was passed by, he followed them as far as Aix in Provence, harassing their rear-guard without intermission. When he was arrived at this place, he halted, in order to let his soldiers enjoy what they had ardently desired so long, a pitched battle. They began with skirmishing on both sides, till the fight insensibly growing more serious, at length both armies made the most furious attacks. Thirty thousand Ambrones advanced first, marching in a kind of measure to the sound of their instruments. A body of Ligurians, supported by the Romans, repulsed them with great loss: but as they betook themselves to flight, their wives came forth to meet them with swords and hatchets in their hands, and bitterly reproaching them, and striking indiscriminately friend and foe, endeavoured to snatch with their naked hands the enemies weapons, maintaining an invincible firmness even till death. This first action raised the courage of the Romans, and was the prelude to a victory still more decisive.

After the greatest part of the Ambrones had perished in that day’s action, Marius caused his army to retire back to his camp, ordering them to keep strict watch, and to lye close without making any movement; as if they were affrighted at their own victory. On the other hand, in the camp of the Teutones were heard continual howlings, like to those of savage beasts; so hideous, that the Romans, and even their general himself could not help testifying their horror. They notwithstanding lay quiet that night, and the day following, being busily employed in preparing all things for a second engagement. Marius, on his part, took all necessary precautions; he placed in an ambuscade three thousand men commanded by Marcellus, with orders to attack the enemy in the rear, as soon as they should perceive the battle was begun. When both armies were come within fight of each other, Marius commanded his cavalry to dismount; but the Teutones hurried on by that blind impetuosity which distinguishes all barbarous nations, instead of waiting till the Romans were come down into the plain, attacked them on an eminence where they were advantageously posted. At the same instant, Marcellus appeared suddenly behind with his troops, and hemming them in, threw their ranks into disorder, so that they were quickly forced to fly. Then the victory declared itself entirely in favour of the Romans, and a most horrible carnage ensued. If we may take literally what some of the Roman historians have^[5] related, there perished more than a hundred thousand Teutones including the prisoners. Others content themselves with saying, that the number of the slain was incredible; that the inhabitants of Marseilles for a long time after, made inclosures for their gardens and vineyards with the bones; and that the earth thereabouts was so much fattened, that its increase of produce was prodigious. Marius loaded with glory, after a victory so illustrious in itself, and so important in its consequences, was a fifth time honoured with the consular fasces; but he would not triumph till he had secured the repose of Italy, by the entire defeat of all the Barbarians. The Cimbri, who had separated themselves from the Teutones, still threatened its safety. They had penetrated as far as the banks of the Adige; which Catulus Luctatius was not strong enough to prevent them from crossing. The progress they made still caused violent alarms in Rome; Marius was charged to raise a new army with the utmost speed, and to go and engage them. The Cimbri had halted near the Po, in hopes that the Teutones, of whose fate they were ignorant, would quickly join them. Wondering at the delay of these their associates, they sent to Marius a second time, to demand an allotment of land, sufficient to maintain themselves, and the Teutones their brethren. Marius answered them, that “their brethren already possessed more than they desired, and that they would not easily quit, what he had assigned them.” The Cimbri irritated by this raillery, instantly resolved to take ample vengeance.

They prepared immediately for battle, and their king or general, named Bojorix, approached the Roman camp with a small party of horse, to challenge Marius, and to agree with him on a day and place of action. Marius answered, that although it was not the custom of the Romans to consult their enemies on this subject, he would notwithstanding for once oblige them, and therefore appointed the next day but one, and the plain of Verceil for their meeting. At the time appointed, the two armies marched thither; the Romans ranged themselves in two wings: Catulus commanded a body of twenty thousand men, and Sylla was in the number of his officers. The Cimbri formed with their infantry an immense square batallion: their cavalry, consisting of fifteen thousand men, was magnificently mounted; each soldier bore upon his helmet the head of some savage beast, with its mouth gaping wide; an iron cuirass covered his body, and he carried a long halberd in his hand. The extreme heat of the weather was very favourable to the Romans. They had been careful to get the sun on their backs; while the Cimbri little accustomed to its violence, had it in their faces. Besides this, the dust hid from the eyes of the Romans the astonishing multitude of their enemies, so that they fought with the more confidence, and of course more courage. The Cimbri, exhausted and dispirited, were quickly routed. A precaution, which they had taken to prevent their being dispersed, only served to forward their ruin: they had linked the soldiers of the foremost ranks to one another with chains; in these they were entangled, and thereby exposed the more to the blows of the Romans. Such as could fly, met with new dangers in their camp; for their women who fat upon their chariots, clothed in black, received them as enemies, and massacred without distinction their fathers, brothers and husbands: they even carried their rage to such a height, as to dash out the brains of their children; and compleated the tragedy, by throwing themselves under their chariot wheels. After their example, their husbands in despair turned their arms against one another, and seemed to join with the Romans in promoting their own defeat. In the dreadful slaughter of that day, a hundred and twenty thousand are said to have perished; and if we except a few families of the Cimbri, which remained in their own country, and a small number who escaped, one may say, that this fierce and valiant nation was all mowed down at one single stroke. This last victory procured Marius the honours of a triumph, and the services he thereby rendered the commonwealth appeared so great, that he received the glorious title of third founder of Rome.

Thus have we given in a few words, what historians relate of the expedition of the Cimbri; it drew upon them for a moment, the attention of all Europe. But as literature, and the fine arts, can alone give lasting fame to a nation, and as we easily lose the remembrance of those evils we no longer fear, this torrent was no sooner withdrawn within its ancient bounds, but the Romans themselves lost sight of it, so that we scarcely find any farther mention of the Cimbri in any of their writers. Strabo only informs us, that they afterwards sought the friendship of Augustus, and sent for a present a vase, which they made use of in their sacrifices; and Tacitus tells us, in one word^[6], that the Cimbri had nothing left but a celebrated name, and a reputation as ancient as it was extensive.

Thus whatever figure this expedition made, we know but little the more of the nation which sent it forth. Nevertheless, what is related of their tall stature and ferocity deserves to be remarked, because if we may believe all the antient historians of the north, and even many among the moderns, Scandinavia was peopled only with giants in those remote ages, which precede the epoque of history. The Icelandic mythology, which I shall have more than once occasion to quote, relates very exactly all the engagements, which the giants had with those Scythians, whom Odin brought with him out of Asia.

They pretend that this monstrous race subsisted for a long time in the mountains and forests of Norway, where they continued even down to the ninth century; that they fled from the open day, and renounced all commerce with men, living only with those of their own species in the solitudes and cliffs of the rocks; that they fed on human flesh, and clothed themselves in the raw skins of wild beasts; that they were so skilled in magic, as to be able to fascinate the eyes of men, and prevent them from seeing the objects before them; yet were at the same time such religious observers of their word, that their fidelity hath passed into a proverb^[7]; that in process of time, they intermixed with the women of our species, and produced demi-giants, who approaching nearer and nearer to the human race, at length became mere men, like ourselves^[8]. If all these circumstances are compared and examined, we shall find no great difficulty in clearing up the truth. When Odin and his companions came to establish themselves in the north, there is no doubt but the Cimbri, or original inhabitants of the country, would stoutly dispute the possession of it with them. Afterwards when they were conquered and driven out, the remains of this barbarous nation would be apt to take refuge among the rocks and desarts, where their rough and savage way of living^[9] could not but increase their native ferocity. The fear of being discovered by the conquerors, reduced them to the necessity of seeking by night the only provisions that were left them; and as their tallness of stature, their cloathing of skins, and their savage air could not fail sometimes to make their conquerors tremble; that hatred which is always mixed with fear, may have given birth to the charge of their being canibals and magicians. Excess of fear fascinates and dazzles the sight more certainly than the sorceries of which they were accused: and their enemies may have encouraged this opinion partly through superstition, and partly to set off their own courage. The probity for which this people was so famous, proves pretty plainly that the picture was over-charged. In process of time, the subject of these ancient wars was forgotten; love performed the office of mediator between both people, their mutual shyness insensibly wore off, and as soon as they began to see one another more nearly, all these prodigies vanished away.

After all, I do not pretend to decide whether the first inhabitants of these countries were all of them, without any mixture, of Germanic origin, Cimbri and Teutones. For although to me this appears very probable with regard to Denmark, it cannot be denied that the Finns and Laplanders anciently possessed a much more considerable part of Scandinavia than they do at present. This was the opinion of Grotius and Leibnitz. According to them, these people were formerly spread over the southern parts of Norway and Sweden, whence in process of time, they have been driven out by new colonies of Scythians and Germans, and banished among the northern rocks; in like manner as the ancient inhabitants of Britain have been dispossessed by the Saxons of the greatest and most pleasant part of their island, and constrained to conceal themselves among the mountains in Wales, where to this day, they retain their language, and preserve some traces of their ancient manners. But whether the Finlanders were formerly the intire possessors of Scandinavia, or were only somewhat more numerous than they are at present, it is very certain that this nation hath been established there from the earliest ages, and hath always differed from the other inhabitants of the north, by features so strong and remarkable, that we must acknowledge their original to be as different from that of the others, as it is utterly unknown to us. The language of the Finns hath nothing in common with that of any neighbouring people, neither doth it resemble any dialect of the ancient ‘Gothic,’ Celtic or Sarmatian tongues, which were formerly the only ones that prevailed among the barbarous people of Europe. The learned, who have taken the pains to compare the great Finland bible printed at Abo, with a multitude of others, could never find the least resemblance between this and any other known language^[10]; so that after all their researches on this head, they have been obliged to propose mere conjectures, among which mankind are divided according to the particular light in which every one views the subject.

1. The historians of the north do not inform us when this name began to be in use. Among foreign writers, Procopius an author of the VIth century, is the first who appears to have made use of it. We shall see below, what we are to think of the etymologies which have been given of this name.
2. Or Cimbric Peninsula.
3. See Plutarch in Mario. — Oros. l. 5. — Vel. Patercul. l. 2. — T. Liv. epit. l. 68. — Flor. l. 3. c. 30.
4. Anno Urb. cond. 640.
5. See Plutarch's Life of Marius.
6. Parva nunc civitas, sed gloria ingens, veterisque famæ latè vestigia manent. Tacit. Germ. c. 37.
7. Trollorum Fides.
8. Torf. Hist. Norveg. Tom. I. Lib. 3. cap. 4 Arng. Jon. Crymogria. Lib. I. p. 44.
9. The Asiatics brought with them into the north, a degree of luxury and magnificence, which were before unknown there. The author of an old Islandic chronicle, intitled, Landnama-Saga, speaking of a certain person, says, “that he was so well clothed, that you would take him for one of the [Ases] Asiatics.” P. 3. cap. 10, p. 102. apud Sperling, in nov. liter. M. B. an. 1699. M. Jun. Hence proceeded their contempt for the ancient inhabitants of the country, who were worse clad and less civilized than themselves.
10. Stiernhelm, a learned Swede, thought he discovered in the Finland tongue, many Hungarian words, and still more Greek ones. (Vid. Præfat. in Evangel. Gothica 1671. 4to.) But what the author says above, may be notwithstanding true of the general structure of the language; and Stiernhelm was probably fanciful. T.