Oregon Historical Quarterly/Volume 13/Number 3
THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
Copyright, 1912. by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
THE TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS
By Rev. J. Neilson Barry, Baker, Oregon
Two famishing white men were eagerly searching among the debris of a deserted Indian camping ground for some morsel of food that may have been left behind, and were vainly endeavoring to swallow some dry fish bones which they had pounded between stones. The men were utterly destitute, as treacherous Indians had robbed them of everything, including all their clothing, and they were now starving in a trackless wilderness after having journeyed an entire year since they had left the last frontier habitation of a white man.
One of these two men was Ramsay Crooks, a partner of John Jacob Astor in the Pacific Fur Company. He had left St. Louis with the overland expedition to Astoria, but had become so enfeebled from hunger and privations that he had been unable to keep up with the main party, so, with five others equally debilitated, he had been painfully struggling through the snow along their route, under such vicissitudes of sufferings that four of his companions had been unable to continue the journey, and now, with one comrade, he was on the verge of perishing from destitution.
It is an illustration of the wonderful development of civilization in the West that in later years through transcontinental trains, with Pullmans and dining cars, ran along the very route on which this man so nearly lost his life, while his son, Col. William Crooks, was the assistant to the president of that railroad.
228 J. NEILSON BARRY A traveler on the observation car of a through Pullman train who sees the pine-clad mountains, and the sagebrush plains, with the wonderful transformation which is taking place wher- ever civilization has gained a foothold, must naturally feel an interest in the story of the first travelers through this region, so charmingly told by Washington Irving in "Astoria," which was written in part at the home of Ramsay Crooks in St. Louis. The attempt in 1811 of an American corporation, the Pacific Fur Company, to establish Astoria as a trading post at the mouth of the Columbia River in Oregon, was of far-reaching consequences, as it became one basis for the claim to the Ore- gon country as part of the territory of the United States. . The overland expedition to Astoria under Wilson Price Hunt did much to increase the knowledge of what had been an un- explored wilderness, and contributed to the ultimate discovery of that natural highway between the Mississippi and the Pacific, which became the route of the trappers, and in later years "The Old Oregon Trail" of the emigrants, and is now used by the trunk line of a transcontinental railway system. The chief natural features along the route of the Astorians have remained unaltered, although irrigation has produced an almost miraculous change in parts of the desolate wilderness, such as that around "Caldron Linn," now Milner, Idaho, which has become like an immense garden. A network of railroads now covers what was formerly a trackless wild, while through- out the region, where no foot of white man had ever trodden, are now scattered a steadily increasing multitude of towns and cities, with all the adjuncts of modern civilization that they imply. It was the view from the Pullman car that first caused the writer of this article to desire to learn the stories that must lie behind the outward scenes, and later the fertile Baker valley at the foot of the beautiful Elkhorn range was recognized as the "fine level valley" and "chain of woody mountains" men- tioned in "Astoria." The thought that here had actually trodden the footsteps of the half famished, but resolute, band of explorers, aroused the TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 229 desire to identify other portions of their trail, and so for several years every fact that might throw light upon the subject was eagerly sought. Through the courtesy of Gen. H. M. Chit- tenden in lending manuscript notes used in the preparation of his most valuable work, the "American Fur Trade of the Far West," and with much assistance from Mr. T. C. Elliott, of Walla Walla, Wash., and from very many others, the entire route has been approximately ascertained. The first stage of the journey was along well known water- ways. Mr. Hunt and Mr. McKenzie started from Montreal, Canada, in July, 1810, and went by way of the Ottawa River and Georgian Bay to Mackinaw, Mich., where they obtained recruits for the expedition. Crossing Lake Michigan, they went by Green Bay across Wisconsin, by the Fox and Wiscon- sin Rivers, to the Mississippi, down which they sailed to St. Louis, Mo., where they arrived September 3rd,, 1810 (Chap- ter 13). Having obtained recruits, they left St. Louis October 21st, and ascended the Missouri River to near the present site of St. Joseph, Mo., where the expedition went into winter quar- ters, while Mr. Hunt returned to St. Louis. (Chapter 14.) Mr. Hunt, with additional recruits, left St. Louis March 12th, 1811, and having passed St. Charles, Mo., saw the famous hunter, Daniel Boone, at La Charette, near Marthasville, War- ren County, Missouri. At Fort Osage, near Sibley, Mo., he was met by a detachment of the expedition under Ramsay Crooks, who was destined, upon his return journey from As- toria, to taste bread at this place for the first time in nearly a year. (Chapter 15.) Having rejoined the expedition near St. Joseph, Mo., Mr. Hunt started April 21st and, following the route of Lewis and Clark, ascended the Missouri, passing the mouth of the Platte River and the present site of Omaha, little knowing how much time and suffering would have been saved if he had abandoned the river at that point and struck westward across the country. Continuing up the Missouri, they passed the hill, on the Ne- braska side of the river, a short distance below Sioux City, 230 J. NPILSON BARRY Iowa, where Blackbird, the noted chief, was buried; his skull is now in the National Museum at Washington, D. C. (Chap- ter 16.) The Niobrara River, Nebraska, then called the Quicourt, was passed on May 24th, and near Chamberlain, S. D., Mr. Hunt held a parley with the Indians. (Chapter 18.) On June 2nd a massacre by Indians was narrowly averted near Cul de Sac Island, and the next day the Astorians were overtaken near Dorion Island by Manuel Lisa, of the Missouri Fur Company, who had left St. Louis after Mr. Hunt had as- cended the Missouri some two hundred and forty miles, and who for two months had been making a strenuous race of eleven hundred and fifty miles in order to have the protection of the Astorians while passing this dangerous part of the river. (Chapter 19.) On June llth Mr. Hunt camped near Ashby Island, and the next day arrived at the Arickara village, some eight or ten miles above the mouth of Grand River, S. D., then called Big River, thirteen hundred and forty-three miles from St. Louis. (Chap- ter 20.) The second stage of the journey was by horseback across a difficult part of the country, as they abandoned the route of Lewis and Clark up the Missouri River for fear of the Black- foot Indians. The expedition, consisting of sixty-four persons, left the Arickara village July 18th, and, having followed the present course of the Chicago, Milwaukee & Puget Sound Rail- way for a short distance, they turned toward the southwest, passing through Corson, Perkins and Harding Counties, S. D. (Chapters 23, 24 and 25.) On August 13th Mr. Hunt altered his course to the west- ward, and entering what is now Montana, reached the Little Missouri River near the present site of Ericson, Custer County, Montana. ( Chapter 25. ) Having crossed the Little Missouri, Mr. Hunt attempted to continue westward, but was prevented by the Powder River Mountains, which were formerly included under the general designation, Black Hills. Turning to the southwest, he passed TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 231 near the present site of Alzada, Custer County, Montana, into what is now Crook County, Wyoming 1 , where on August 17th he caught sight of Cloud Peak of the Big Horn range. (Chap- ter 26.) Following the ridge between the watershed of the Powder River and the Belle Fourche fork of the Cheyenne in Crook County, Wyoming, they probably crossed the present line of the Burlington & Missouri River Railway in the neighborhood of Gillette. On August 24th they reached the Powder River near the mouth of Pumpkin Creek, Johnson County, Wyoming. This valley was a "hunter's paradise," and was later a favorite wintering place for trappers on account of the abundance of game. Continuing onward along Powder River and Nine- Mile Creek, they camped near the present site of Mayoworth, Johnson County, Wyoming, at the foot of the peak known as the Horn. (Chapter 27.) Although much uneasiness had been felt in regard to Rose, their renegade interpreter, he performed a very valuable ser- vice in showing to them the Indian trail across the Big Horn range, by the middle fork of Powder River and Beaver Creek, which is still used as a highway. ( Chapter 28. ) Having crossed the Big Horn Mountains, they descended Little Canyon Creek and encamped September 6th near the present town of Redbank, Big Horn County, Wyoming. Cross- ing the divide to the valley of Badwater Creek, Fremont County, Wyoming, they followed that stream to its junction with Wind River, which they ascended, passing the site of Riverton on the Wyoming & Northwestern Railway. They continued up Wind River past the fork near Circle, Fremont County, Wy- oming, and near Union turned off on the beaten Indian trail, which is now a public highway, and crossed Union Pass, from the summit of which they saw the Tetons. Keeping to the southwest, they reached Green River (Spanish River), which they followed a short distance, camping September 17th oppo- site Gros Ventre Peak, near Kendall, Uinta County, Wyoming, going from there to the north fork of Beaver Creek, where they spent five days. (Chapter 29.) 232 J. NEILSON BARRY Crossing a divide, they reached Hoback's River, named from John Hoback, one of the hunters with the Astorians. This they followed to its junction with the Snake River, a short dis- tance above the Grand Canyon. (Chapter 30.) Having detached Carson and three other hunters on Septem- ber 28th, they forded the Snake and were led by Indian guides along the trail, which is now a public highway, across the Teton Pass into Pierre's Hole, the valley of the Teton River, Fremont County, Idaho. On October 8th they arrived at the deserted post called Henry's Fort, which consisted of the first buildings intended for permanent occupancy that had been erected by white men within the Oregon country, and seem to have been .a short distance below St. Anthony, Idaho, on the north, or Henry, fork of the Snake River. (Chapter 31.) Here they began the third stage of their journey in canoes, which they had constructed, since they most unfortunately abandoned their horses under the impression that they were near Astoria and could navigate the Snake River. Having de- tached Mr. Miller and four hunters, they embarked at Fort Henry October 19th and the same day passed the mouth of the south fork of the Snake River, which they termed Mad River. On October 21st they portaged around Idaho Falls, the Blackfoot Mountains being on their left, and on the 24th reached American Falls, which are said to have been so named at a later day by the Canadians with the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, because a party of American trappers, descending the river, came unexpectedly to the cataract and were swept over and perished. The Oregon Short Line Railway now crosses the river at this point. On October 28th the Astorians met disaster at Caldron Linn, the present site of the dam of the Twin Falls irrigation system at Milner, Idaho. (Chapter 32.) Further navigation of the Snake River being impossible, the surplus goods were placed in caches on the north side of the river, opposite Milner, and the expedition divided into sev- eral detachments and began on foot the fourth stage of their j ourney . ( Chapter 33 .) TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 233 The exploring parties under John Reed and Robert Mc- Lellan having united, they followed along the north or right bank of the Snake River to the canyon below Weiser, Idaho, where they were overtaken by the detachment under Donald McKenzie. The Snake River from this point to near Lewiston, Idaho, flows through a region of precipitous mountains, in- cluding the almost impassable range called the Seven Devils. Even to the present time no wagon road has been constructed across this difficult country, which is aptly described as being "on edge." The gorge, through which the Snake River flows, being only surpassed by the Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone. In some way McKenzie and his ten companions succeeded in crossing this region in twenty-one days, and possibly ascended Captain John Creek and crossed a shoulder of Craig's Moun- tain to the headwaters of Sweetwater Creek, near Waha, Nez Perce County, Idaho, where they found wild horses grazing. Making their way to the Clearwater, near Lapwai, they reached the Snake River near Lewiston, Idaho, being again on the route of Lewis and Clark, which they followed, descending the Snake through Washington to the Columbia,, and down that river to Astoria, where they arrived January 18th, 1812. (Chapter 38.) The main body of the expedition left at "Caldron Linn," Milner, Idaho, consisted chiefly of Canadians, as most of the American hunters had been detached, which contributed to their subsequent suffering from scarcity of provisions. Having divided into two parties, they set out November 9th. The group on the north side of the Snake River under Wilson Price Hunt followed along the river through Lincoln and Elmo re Coun- ties, Idaho, and camped November 18th in Ada County, oppo- site the present site of Grand View, and south of Cinder Cone, or Kuna Butte, which is a well known landmark in that vi- cinity. The "rimrock" in that vicinity is now still destitute of sagebrush. Leaving the river, they followed an Indian trail across a section destitute of water until the recent introduction of irrigation. Crossing the route of the present Oregon Short Line Railroad near Orchard station, they reached the Boise 234 J. NEILSON BARRY River a short distance below the present city of Boise. It was on this river that Reed, Dorion and others were subse- quently massacred by Indians, of which an account is given in Chapter 51, and the river was in consequence called Reed's River in the early days. Although the Astorians suffered greatly for lack of water on their way from the Snake to the Boise River, yet it was fortunate that they took this route, as it enabled them to procure some horses, without which many would probably have subsequently per- ished in the Snake River canyon. Following the Boise River along the route, in later days, of the "Old Oregon Trail," toward Malheur Butte, subsequently a well known landmark, they reached the Snake near where Fort Boise stood in after years. Turning northward, they followed along the present route of the Oregon Short Line down along the Snake, crossing the Payette and Weiser Rivers near the present towns with those same names. Little realizing that there was a nat- ural route used by the Indians between this point and the Co- lumbia, they continued down the Snake and entered the canyon November 27th. Traveling then became excessively arduous, but they still continued onward until December 5th, when they had probably reached near the present line dividing Washington and Adams Counties, Idaho. (Chapter 34.) The detachment under Ramsay Crooks left "Caldron Linn," Milner, Idaho, November 9th and, following along the left or south side of the Snake River, through Twin Falls and Owyhee Counties, Idaho, they entered what is now Malheur County, Oregon. Continuing northward along the Snake River, they passed near where Huntington, Baker County, is now situated, and then followed along the present line of the Northwestern Railroad to probably a short distance beyond Homestead, Baker County, Oregon, where they were forced to turn back and re- trace their steps. While ascending back up the river they came, December 6th, to a point opposite to where Mr. Hunt was on the Idaho side. When he had learned through Mr. Crooks of the impassable nature of the canyon, his party also turned back and retraced their steps southward up the river. (Chap- ter 35.) TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 235 The two companies of half famished travelers struggled along on opposite sides of the Snake until they emerged into the open country. Mr. Hunt, on the Idaho side, found an Indian camp, near where Weiser now stands, where he for- tunately was able to obtain an Indian guide to lead him along the natural highway across the Blue Mountains to the Colum- bia, a route first used by the Indians and later forming part of the old Oregon Trail, and now traversed by the main line of the Oregon- Washington Railway. Having constructed a canoe of horse-skin, Mr. Hunt's party crossed to the Oregon side of the river, probably in the vicinity of Olds Ferry, Idaho. (Chapter 36.) Leaving the Snake River December 24th, they passed the present site of Huntington, Ore., and ascended Burnt River, which is called Woodville Creek in Chapter 44. The Canadian Carriere gave out and had to be placed on a horse, probably near Durkee, Baker County, Oregon. On December 28th they reached Powder River and encamped near Baker. A promi- nent peak of the "chain of woody mountains/' the beautiful Elkhorn Range, has been recently named Hunt Mountain in honor of the leader of this expedition. Continuing northward along Baker Valley, the party camped near the present site of the village of North Powder, Union County, where the Dorion baby was born. This was the first child with the blood of the white race in its veins to be born on the "Old Oregon Trail." Following the Powder River along the line of the Oregon- Washington Railroad to where the river enters the canyon, above Thief Valley, they turned off among the hills toward Telocaset, Union County, when La Bonte gave out, and was placed upon a horse, while Mr. Hunt shouldered his pack. This was one of the eight white men with this expedition who subse- quently became permanent settlers in Oregon. Having reached the now famous Grand Ronde Valley, the party camped near the present site of Union, near Hot Lake, which is described in Chapter 44. 236 J. NEILSON BARRY It is still possible to almost locate the spot from which the Indians pointed out the gap, near La Grande, through which they must pass, where it becomes visible, around a point of a hill, from the road between Union and Cove. Crossing the Grand Ronde Valley, they passed near the present site of La Grande, and ascended along Tillakum Creek to the summit of the Blue Mountains, near Kamela. The following day, January 7th, the little Dorion baby ended its brief life of arduous traveling, and its unmarked grave is probably somewhere near Duncan Station, and near where, on a later occasion, Madame Dorian hid her other two children, while she crawled on her hands and knees, from hunger and exhaustion, to seek for food and succor. The old Indian trail, which the travelers undoubtedly were following, reaches the Umatilla River near Thorn Hollow Sta- tion, and it was near here that poor Carriere disappeared for- ever. Following down along the Umatilla River, the explorers passed the site of Pendleton, and later turned from the river and struck across country to the Columbia, which they reached between Wallula, Wash., and Umatilla, Ore. They were then once more on the route of Lewis and Clark, for the first time since leaving the Arickara village in South Dakota six months before. Crossing to the north side of the Columbia, into what is now Washington, they followed down the river along the present route of the Spokane, Portland & Seattle Railway, to the noted Indian village of Wishram, which still exists near the station unfortunately named Spedis, since the ancient name, so well known in history, would be most appropriate now for that station, which is at the head of the Long Narrows, or Celilo Rapids, which extend from this point to The Dalles, Ore. The United States Government is now constructing locks at this part of the Columbia, an undertaking which is said to be exceeded in cost only by the Panama Canal. (Chapter37.) Having procured canoes, the party embarked from opposite The Dalles, Ore., and descended the Columbia through the great gorge which cleaves the Cascade Range. Portaging TRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 237 around the rapids at Cascade Locks, where Indian tradition says that the "Bridge of the Gods" formerly spanned the river, they descended the Columbia to Astoria, where they arrived February 15 ; 1812, nearly a month later than the detachment under Mr. McKenzie. (Chapter 38.) Mr. Ramsay Crooks and John Day, the Kentucky hunter, who were mentioned at the opening of this paper, had been left behind by Mr. Hunt, since they, with four Canadians, had become too exhausted from hunger and privation to con- tinue with the main expedition. These six having gotten to- gether near Weiser, Idaho, started in January, 1812, to follow the tracks left in the snow by Mr. Hunt's party and, ascend- ing Burnt River, crossed the divide into Baker Valley, where, like Mr. Hunt, they were disappointed at not finding any Indian encampment, since they were greatly in need of provisions. For some reason Indians appear not to have encamped in Baker Valley, possibly from some superstition. The Powder River is shown on the Lewis and Clark map as "Port-pel-lah," with the North Powder tributary as "Ta-kin-pa," which were names evidently learned from the Nez Perce Indians near Lewiston, Idaho. Captain Fremont mentions meeting an Indian in this valley October 15th, 1843, but his lodge was "in the mountain to the left" (Hunt Mountain). The late Hon. A. H. Brown, once the State Treasurer of Oregon, who was one of the first settlers in the Baker Valley, learned from the Indians that the valley was called by them "The Peace Valley," as there was a tradition that no battle had ever been fought here. The fact that the valley was originally caused by an earthquake, and since the city of Baker has been built an earthquake has oc- curred, it is possible that some superstition may have arisen in this connection. Not finding an Indian encampment, three of the Canadians turned back to the Snake River, while the other three travelers continued along the trail of Mr. Hunt's party until they reached the Grand Ronde Valley, where there was no snow. There, about the, last of March, Dubreuill, the Canadian, became ex- hausted and was left with a lodge of Shoshones. 238 J. NEILSON BARRY Mr. Crooks and John Day, with the aid of information gained from the Indians, managed to cross the Blue Mountains, and followed the Umatilla River to the Columbia, near Umatilla, where Chief Yeck-a-tap-am befriended them. From here they followed along the route of the present Oregon-Washington Railway to the mouth of the river, which has ever since been called the John Day, where they were treacherously robbed and stripped by some Indians, after which they managed to make their way back to Chief Yeck-a-tap-am near Umatilla, whose kindness to them was afterwards rewarded by a scarlet suit, like the household of King Lemuel. The party under Mr. Robert Stuart, which was returning from the Okanogan in Washington, fortunately picked them up and carried them to Astoria, where they arrived May llth, 1812, nearly two months later than the second group of the overland expedition. (Chapter 41.) While Mr. Hunt was at the junction of Hobach River and the south fork of the Snake, in what is now Uinta County, Wyoming, Carson and three other hunters were detached Sep- tember 28th, 1811 (Chapter 31). After a successful hunt they were attacked and robbed by Indians and one of the trappers was killed. Carson and his two companions made their way to the Boise Valley, Idaho, where they fell in with the four Canadians who had been with Mr. Crooks and John Day. These seven were picked up by John Reed, the clerk, while on his trip, during the summer of 1812, to visit the caches at "Caldron Linn," Milner, Idaho, and they accompanied him to the post Mr. McKenzie was attempting to establish on the "Shahaptan," probably the Clearwater River, Idaho (Chapter 52). When Mr. McKenzie abandoned that post, they went with him to As- toria, where this fourth and last group of the overland expedi- tion arrived January 15th, 1813, almost a year later than the first party to reach the goal of their long journey, and nearly two years and three months after the main expedition had left St. Louis. (Chapter 53.) When we read of the experiences of these travelers a century ago, we can understand something of the development of civilTRAIL OF THE ASTORIANS 239 ization in the West, especially when we realize that now reg- ular trains carry passengers from St. Louis to Astoria in forty- two hours. The charge has been made that Washington Irving was ro- mancing when he wrote Astoria, yet from his detailed descrip- tions of natural features, it has now become possible to approx- imately identify the entire route, which lay through a formerly unknown wilderness, and in many places to almost be able to trace the footsteps of the overland expedition to Astoria.
I REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS
I am now in my seventy-ninth year,[1] and have been a pretty close observer of changes and events that have taken place during my own recollection. And, if anything, a closer observer of what my parents and grandparents told me when I was young, as I was always tought to confide in all they said.
There was one of my grandfathers I never saw. He was killed or wounded unto death in the Revolutionary War. My mother and grandmother often told me what a great, patriotic grandfather I had; of this I will have more to say hereafter. Of course, all sons of Revolutionary sires have a lasting grudge of King George the Third, and a more bitter grudge against the Tories.
I will first give a history of the Barlow side of the house, as handed down from my great-grandfather Barlow. But I have no exact dates. I only know they came from Scotland long before the Revolution and settled in old Virginia. They always claimed that we had Bruce and Wallace blood in our veins.
In those days the crown appointed all the magistrates, who domineered over the people as they saw best. They did not consider the common people had any right that they were bound to respect.
One day great-grandfather Barlow was going to mill with a heavy load of grain on a sled, snow about a foot deep outside of the traveled track. The royal magistrate, with a fine cutter, prancing steeds and jingling bells, came, dashing up in front of the old farmer. With a wave of his hand to turn out of the beaten track, which grandfather failed to recognize, the result was disastrous. The magistrate, cutter and all went over into the gutter. The old gent stopped his big team to assist his royal highness in getting out of his self-made unpleasantness. But instead of thanking the old gent for his kindness, he sprang to his feet, drew his sword and went for the old man. But just as he got in reach, the butt of the old gent's blacksnake gave him a clip on the lug of the ear which dropped him in the beautiful snow over a foot deep. That and the blacksnake, or both together, seemed to cool the young officer off. So he got up and begged the old gent's pardon. Grandfather helped him get the rig all straightened out, and told him he had got him so he thought he could take care of himself, and each one went his own way. To grandfather's surprise, that was the last he ever heard of the affair.
My own grandfather, William Barlow, for whom I was named, followed Daniel Boone to Kentucky, and had to contend with numerous tribes of Indians. Kentucky was not claimed by any particular tribe of Indians, but held as mutual hunting ground by all the surrounding tribes. The climate and blue grass production of the soil made it a great resort and home for all the carnivorous and herbaceous wild animals of the forest that were found east of the Mississippi River. Among these were bear, panther and wolves, buffalo, elk and deer, besides all the little fry, such as foxes, coons, oppossums, hogs, hedgehogs, squirrels, rabbits and wild turkeys, in unlimited quantities.
So all the first settlers had to do was to get in a little patch of corn for bread. This was pounded in a mortar, burnt out in a big stump, with a big wooden pestle. This pestle swung from a natural spring pole, by bending down a young hickory tree and tying a rawhide made of buffalo skin to the top of the little hickory sapling that was stout enough to raise the big pestle above the mortar so the corn would roll to the center of the big stump whenever the pestle went up. Thus one could have a bushel of cornmeal in a very short time. Of course, it had to be sifted through a rawhide deerskin sieve, that was made at home and equally as good as the best wire ones that we use today.
Grandfather said the way they protected themselves from the numerous tribes of Indians, who made desperate efforts to keep the whites off their happy hunting ground, was by building their log houses in straight rows right opposite each other, with a porthole or lookout on one side of the door, that could be closed up at night and opened up in the day to give light in the house. All the inmates had to observe a certain rule of rising in the morning at a stated hour, or as soon as they could see across the street, about sixty feet wide. Thus they could see if there were any redmen at their neighbors' doors. The only way the wild Indians could hope to cope with Kentucky rifles was by placing a watch at the door of each house with a tomahawk in hand to strike down the inmate as soon as he opened the door. But before the door opened each watcher, almost at the same time, fell dead at the door he was watching. There was no truce to bury the dead, but the Kentucky braves gave the red braves a decent burial all in one grave. One such occurrence as this was the last time the noble redman of the forest ever tried that plan.
Of course, the bow and arrow was no match for the Kentucky rifle, many of which the frontiersmen made themselves. My grandfather was a gunsmith and made as good accurate shooting guns as are made in this day and age of the world.
Kentucky now began to settle up in earnest, mostly from Virginia and Tennessee. Cornwallis had surrendered and Tories had to hunt their holes. Peace and quiet now reigned throughout the land. Kentucky was filling up rapidly with the F. F. Vs.
My grandfather soon met and married a Miss Sarah Kimbrough, of Welsh descent. Her father moved from Virginia with all his household, including a large family of negroes, many cattle and horses, and an even half-bushel of Spanish- milled dollars, the only real land office money we had at that time that amounted to anything. This silver is now considered unsound, dishonest, corrupt fifty-cent dollars. Rag money is good enough for the common people now. I only mention this to show what a wonderful change has taken place since I was a man grown.
In 1812 war again broke out between the United States and Great Britain. I had two uncles who were old enough to shoulder a rifle. One of them made his own gun, he being a gunsmith himself. In fact, both of them were fine mechanics at anything in the iron or steel line. Both of them were strongly solicited not to enter the ranks, but to enter the armory corps as mechanics, to repair and keep guns in order. Uncle Jim said that would suit him better than to be set up as a target for redcoats' muskets, but Uncle John said he volunteered to shoot redcoats and he was going to do that or he would go home. So each one got his wishes granted.
But Uncle Jim made the most money, had the easiest time and saw the most fun. He was a great hand to tell jokes and anecdotes, particularly on the Irish. He used to tell one with a great deal of eclat about a couple of Irish soldiers when they were lying at barracks. They called him master armorer, as he was head mechanic at the armory. The Irish boys came rushing in one evening both out of breath.
"Master armorer, master armorer, me and my comrade here has got a wager of a dollar apiece and a quart of whiskey."
"Well, what is it, my boys?"
"Well, my friend and comrade here bets me a dollar that he can drink this quart of whiskey all at one time and live till morning. Now, if he is here in the morning a live man, you give him the two dollars. But if he is not here at six o'clock in the morning the money is mine. Is that stated right, comrade?"
"Just right, just right, and I'll get the money,, whiskey and all, and divil a bit will I give ye."
Next morning a little after six o'clock the head spokesman came bounding in.
"Master armorer, give me the money."
"Is your comrade dead?"
"Och, and he is as straight (and stiff, too) as a shingle. Darn fool, I told him so, but he said it was just like finding the two dollars and getting the whiskey besides."
Uncle John's regiment had gone to New Orleans 244 WILLIAM BARLOW Where Pakenham had made his brags, if he and fight were lucky, He would have his gals in cotton bags, in spite of old Kentucky. But Jackson he was wide awake, and wasn't dazed at trifles, For well he knew what aim we take with our Kentucky rifles. Pakenham had at least three to our one of regular British soldiers. He came on with all the pomp and dash of a Welling- ton. Jackson said : "Hold your fire, my boys, until you can see the whites of their eyes." When the word was given all along the line to "make ready, take aim, fire," Uncle John said it seemed as though the whole British army went down at once. Jackson again commanded, "Keep cool, my boys, take your time, load your rifles well, so every ball will tell, then give them plenty of time to rally and close up the ranks. We are per- fectly safe ; no ball will go through these cotton bales." So the second charge was worse than the first. Then Pakenham made a third desperate effort at the head of his invincibles, as he called them. But the third time he went down with them with a Kentucky ball through his most vital parts. All was lost; nobody to rally them, and army de- moralized. We had lost nothing, comparatively speaking. We had killed more than our whole army numbered, Uncle John said. Jackson declined to follow them, and said : "Let them go ; we have no guns to sink their ships, but we can whip them on land as fast they come ashore." Uncle John told us that Pakenham was corked up in a cask of whiskey and shipped back to England, but when the vessel arrived in Liverpool the general was there, but the brandy was gone. On investigation, it was found that the cask had a spigot in it or gimlet hole with plug in it that could be drawn any time. The sailors evidently thought that anything that would preserve flesh would have the same effect on their stomachs. So that ended the war of 1812. In fact, this battle was fought long after peace was declared. Henry Clay, one of our peace commissioners at Ghent, won a thousand guineas from one of REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 245 the English peace commissioners on that battle. One of the English lords, after the treaty of peace was signed, said, "I will now bet a thousand guineas that New Orleans is in pos- session of Lord Pakenham." Henry Clay said, "Draw your check for that amount. Here is mine." Now I will go back and fetch up the mother's side of the house. My grandfather Lee was a thoroughbred Protestant Irishman. Had it not been for the great rivalry between the Catholics and Protestants, Ireland would have been an inde- pendent state long before our Revolutionary War. Great-grandfather Lee fought clear through the Flanders war, seven years for the crown, then rebelled and fought seven years against the crown. At the end, he and many others were overpowered and surrendered as prisoners of war. All the offi- cers of high rank had to lie in a dungeon one hundred feet under ground and live on half an allowance of bread and water for one year. All who lived the time out and could pay 500 pounds sterling to the crown could go free. Great-grandfather was one that lived the time out and was able to pay the fine. He called his two sons, William and Frank (William was my grandfather) to his bedside, as he was yet too feeble to be out. He said : "My sons, I am getting old and feeble ; I am broke down and almost broke up. I will have to stay here, but I want you both to go right to America. Some day that will be a free and independent country. It is too large and there are too many independent, free-thinking people there to be corralled by any of the King George tyrants. Scotch, Irish and English Liberals are getting over there as fast as they can, and they are just the material that will fight for freedom." So when the Declaration of Independence was declared Grandfather Lee was one of the first to volunteer for service during the war. He was lieutenant of a home-made battery in Charleston, South Carolina, and when the British fleet came into the harbor he was ordered to swab and test one of the new castings. Unfortunately it burst all to pieces and shattered one of grandfather's legs, so he, was disabled for the balance of the war. He got well enough, however, to raise a hearty and hardy 246 WILLIAM BARLOW family of sons and daughters. But about the time the family was all grown, the old veteran took sick and died, while his wife was hale and hearty. The boys and girls were young and stout, so they all thought while the family was all together they would emigrate to a newer, richer and healthier state. So they sold out and moved to the State of Kentucky. After remaining there two years, they concluded they would try a free state, so crossed over to Indiana, which had recently be- come a state. My father, Samuel Kimbrough Barlow, about the same time had left Ketnucky and gone over to Indiana to try his fortune in a free state. There he met, wooed and married one of the Lee girls, Miss Susannah Lee, who was my mother. A nobler woman never breathed the breath of life. She lived to raise her family and came to Oregon in 1845. She died on the place that I now live on and was almost worshipped by all who knew her. It was from her that I got my first idea of gold mines. She was born and raised in the State of South Carolina, and at that time such a thing as gold or silver mines were never heard of west of the Mississippi. But she would tell us children about the great gold mines of South Carolina. She said she knew a man there who had a gold mine on his own land and owned the negroes that worked it. Said his income was one dollar a min- ute ; that is, if the negroes came up to their task. This was to fill a goose quill an inch and a half long every day, and any over that was to be put in the darkey's sack. In case the darkey failed to have dust enough to fill the goose quill, any day, it was filled out of the negroe's surplus sack; but if the darkey had no dust in this sack to make up the deficiency, he was stripped to the bare back and the overseer was compelled to hit him a lick with the rawhide for every troy grain short. Now, I will take up my own father's life and what brought him to Oregon. In the first place, he was a great admirer of Henry Clay, more particularly on account of Clay's being a strong believer in the emancipation of the negroes. He thought he was the greatest natural statesman that ever lived, but I think REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 247 no more so than was Lincoln. They were both poor boys and had to struggle for a living. Clay was the son of a poor widow and went to mill with a sack on a mule's back, borrowed books and read by fire, not torchlight. Lincoln did the same thing, only he did not have to support a widowed mother. Clay was elected to Congress when a very young man and was speaker of the house almost all the time. He came very near getting beat by voting for the enormous salary of $1500 per year fof Congressmen instead of $5 per day, as they had been getting ; but the next election the Democrats brought that against him with powerful effect. This is the way he defended himself: Without trying to justify himself in the least, one of his most substantial friends was selected to notify him of his doom. This old appointee, with rifle in hand and tears in his eyes, ap- proached Clay with almost death silence. "Well, Henry, I have been appointed to notify you that we can't stand that $1500 salary." "John," he said, "please let me look at your gun. That looks like a good gun, or has been a good gun." "Yes, and it is just as good as it ever was." "Well, John, doesn't it sometimes flash in the pan ?" "Yes, but very seldom." "Well, what do you do with it then, John ?" "Oh, I just pick the flint and try it again." "Well, can't you pick the flint and try me again ?" "We will, we will !" sounded a hundred voices. Well, from that time on Henry Clay held Kentucky in the hollow of his hand. But like all or most all of our most bril- liant men, he never could be elected President of the United States. But when his last defeat by James K. Polk, of Ten- nessee, a man comparatively unknown, came to Clay, this was a little more than the old gent, my father, S. K. Barlow, could stand. He said he would leave the states that did not recognize their great statesman and go to Oregon. By the time Oregon became a state he expected he and Clay would both be dead. But Polk made a better president than the old gentleman thought he would. He was really elected as an Oregon man, 248 WILLIAM BARLOW and "54-40-or-fight" was what made him president. But he did not carry out his "54-40-or-fight," either. I voted for Clay, myself being 22 years old in 1844, though I never regretted Folk's election as Clay had never committed himself on the boundary question. Father always said, Clay would have had 54-40 and would not have had to fight either. Of course, Canada and British Columbia should belong to the United States by natural boundaries. I have always thought it strange, that we did not exact it at the close of the last war with Great Britain. In fact, we had virtually taken Canada. Had whipped England at Plattsburg and on Lake Erie and could have taken Quebec from the rear without any trouble. But the Briton had sued for peace and always were the shrewd- est diplomats. We never, never valued the North Pole as much as they did. But now with Alaska, we would have the whole North American continent except Mexico. This acquisition without Mexico would be worth to us more than all Asia and Africa put together ; in fact, we do not want those countries, all of them or any of them. Even the Sandwich Islands are detri- mental to us and we are going to have trouble about them some day. The delegates selected to our Congress will try to seat the old Kanaka squaw on the throne. Of course that will not be done. But just as we are now, we are the greatest and most powerful nation on the globe. But expansion was Spain's downfall and it will be the fate of England some day and who knows how it will affect America ? Now, I will commence back with father in 1836 at Bridge- port, Indiana, ten miles west of Indianapolis. My father was owner and proprietor of the little town situated in a densely timbered country. There were five boys and two girls of us, all growing up fast. We were making a good backwood's living, by making at home everything we ate, drank and wore. But to stay there and wear ourselves out in that white oak timber and on land not very productive, even when it was got in culti- vation, was more than the old folks thought they could stand. Hearing there was land already cleared in Illinois, the adjoin- ing state, and having a fair offer as they thought for their InREMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 249 diana farm, they accepted $1600.00 for the 160 acres less what had been sold off in town lots, probably about 25 or 30 acres. But now came the sticking point. This money was to be paid in land office script. Jackson had just vetoed the United States National Bank bill, the notes of which had always been land office money ; State Bank paper, Father would not look at. There was no gold in the country and very little silver. So they struck out for Indianapolis and had to give 5 per cent premium for Mexican silver dollars, which was best money we had then in the United States, and was land office money at that. So the old gent thought he would make a sale and sell off all his loose property. I recollect just how he wrote out the notice, and that has been sixty-five years ago. "Gentlemen, I will say to you, that I will sell at a vendue: "Horses, hogs, sheep and cattle, plows and hoes and chains that rattle, "And some fine honey bees, and things as good as these." The sale came off, which added a few hundred dollars more to our farm money, and had to take that in any kind of money that was in circulation. But before he started with his family, he thought it best to go on alone on horseback and select a location. The Black Hawk War was over, and no fears were entertained in trav- eling through Illinois and Iowa ; but by two going together for company, it would make it more pleasant. So Uncle John Thompson, a good old Baptist preacher, said he would go along, if father would agree to take in Iowa, as he was very anxious to get out of the woods, and go where he said God had done the clearing. So they started early in the Spring to look at the cleared-land country, which they were delighted with. They said they could put in a hundred acres quicker and cheaper than they could put in ten acres in Indiana. They went clear up to Lake Michigan, where Chicago now stands. It was then an Indian trading post. A man there had jumped a quar- ter section of land and offered to sell his right to it for $400.00, and the improvements on the place were worth the money Father said, "I believe I will buy that place. Some day there will be a great town right here." 250 WILLIAM BARLOW "Nonsense," said Uncle John. "Do you think any man of common sense would live where it takes two men to hold his hat on?" Just then a big puff of wind from the Lake lifted my fath- er's hat high in the air. When he had recovered it, he said, "Well, John, I don't know but that you are about right. We will go south where there is more timber." They had already been down about Peoria, Fulton and Knox counties ; now they could go back that way and select a place to move the family. Father was well pleased without going any further. Uncle John said he did not care to go over into Iowa then, as he had not sold out and did not know when he could. So father selected Farmington for his rendezvous until he could look up vacant land with timber and prairie land joining. After being gone just six weeks he came back to Indiana. We were soon on the road, as we had our teams and wagons all ready ; three yokes of oxen to one wagon and a good span of horses to another. It was at this time that I first saw a friction match. Father went up to Indianapolis to buy a little outfit for the trip; the storekeeper said here is something you should have, as you are going to camp out all the way, and this box will beat your old flintsteel and punk a hundred times. They are something new, but they will all go and never miss fire. They are worth twenty-five cents a box and there are over a hundred in a box. They will start you a hundred fires and so much quicker. So father took them, as they only came to one coon skin anyway. In a few days we were on the road to Farmington, Illinois. We crossed the Illinois river at Peoria, twenty-five miles from Farmington. We moved into an old log house close to town that cost us nothing for the use of it ; bought a cow or two and we herded the horses and cow on the commons. Father struck out for the land office at Quincy to get field notes of certain townships where he might select the land that he wanted to buy. But he could not find any prairie and tim- ber land joining, but selected three 80-acre lots of smooth REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 251 prairie and one 80-acre lot of timber two miles off. We moved right on the place, made a sod house, hired a lot of men, all good choppers, and one good hewer. Paid seventy-five cents for the choppers each and one dollar for the hewer per day and board. In a few weeks, we had up a big hewed log house a story and a half high. We had two rooms twenty feet square with a twelve-foot entry between them. It was the finest house in the county and a good house when we left for Oregon in 1845. We broke, fenced and had more land in cultivation in one year than we could have had in Indiana in ten years with the same help. We remained on that place until March 30, 1845. Had been there nine years but only raised eight crops. But never got two good wheat crops during that time. Oats and corn were always good, but prices were poor, ten cents a bushel for oats and twelve and a half for corn, and that in store pay. Pork brought from a dollar and a half to two and a half a hundred pounds, but that always brought cash; cash money had to be paid for taxes. We came out about even every year, though we were never in debt. We were all about grown now ; had lost one brother, Eli, the brightest one of the family. We could sell out now and make fine outfit for Oregon. We could have laid out a thousand dollars for young cattle, which would have made us a fortune in Oregon, but the old gent thought he would better keep his money than take chances by the stock being run off by the Indians. March 30th, 1845, arrived. Well, now we are off for Ore- gon, the land of sundown. We had four wagons, four yoke of oxen to one wagon and three to each of the others. They were all young, well-broken cattle, and could trot like horses. With wagons loaded light, they could walk off twenty-five or thirty miles a day easy. People came from far and near to bid us a last farewell, as they said. We had enough for an army of well-drilled soldiers to undertake without helpless women and children. Our outfit had a good effect, for in '47 there were quite a number came from that neighborhood. The Grimes and Geers came first, as they said they would follow us soon. 252 WILLIAM BARLOW We rolled on without a hitch, crossed the Mississippi at Quincy, Illinois, and the Missouri river at Utica, Missouri. Went up on the south side all the way to Independence, where the grand start was to be made. There we lost one yoke of oxen, strayed or stolen, we never knew which, but they were the only animals we lost on the whole trip. Bought another yoke of oxen for twenty-two dollars and two or three cows for five dollars a head, to give milk on the road. We wanted father to buy one hundred cows, as he could have got them for five or six dollars apiece, and could get plenty of young men to drive them just for their board. Of course, we would have to furnish them each a horse or mule. Mules were better for the trip, but American mares were more profitable. When we got to Oregon father sold a young American mare, bought in Missouri, and which he had ridden nearly all the time, for $300.00 in Oregon City. I bought a nice yearling filly and traded her for a half a section of land on the Clacka- mas river, six miles from Oregon City. If we had bought American cows they would have been worth from $75.00 to $100.00 each in Oregon. But we did not do it; if we had it would have changed our whole lives. We would only have had to go up the valley on account of range and could have sold out the first year. But we got a hundred and fifty dollars for what oxen we had to sell. Of course, it was all in Oregon currency, which were orders on any of the stores in Oregon City, from Ermatinger to Abernethy. But these orders would bring flour and money, which we needed. Now, I will go back to Independence, Missouri, and fix for starting across the great American desert, as a great many thought it was. But now it is the richest part of the United States, and it has furnished the gold and silver to make the balance of the country blossom like a rose; and if they had not have demonetized silver it could have blossomed like a hundred roses. Of course, this demonetization set the country back at least a hundred years. For without gold and silver at the old parity of 16 to 1, we would have had no use for the worthless rag money which we can heap all together, and REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 253 touch a match to and in five minutes you would have nothing but an irredeemable and irrecoverable heap of ashes. But if you could put all the gold and silver together and melt it down it would be worth just as much as it ever was, less the mintage. Besides, it would give employment to millions of people, that would give us a better market for our produce than all Europe ever has given us. Whenever a man tells me that there is not just as sound metal and just as good metal in silver as there is in gold to make an honest dollar, I will tell you he is either a knave or a fool, and should be either in the penitentiary or the asylum, according to his intellect, for he is a dangerous man in either case. But you must excuse me for getting off the subject every once in a while, but I have to cross the streams whenever I come to them, and every stream develops something new. So when I wish, if anything looms up before me, I will have to disagree and investigate the new subject. But now we are at Independence again, five thousand strong or five thousand weak, if women and children could be con- sidered weak. At least, two-thirds of our company were women and children, and we had a thousand wagons at least. The first thing to do was to organize. We called a repre- sentative meeting, elected a big captain over all, and one little captain over every forty or fifty wagons, each company elected it's own captain and he appointed his lieutenants, etc. But it soon all became etc. and etc. The guard was kept up for some time, and we stopped and started when the captain ordered. He always went on to look out a camping ground, taking into consideration wood, water and grass. My father was captain of a company all the way. He very seldom had anybody with him, though he would sometimes be miles and miles ahead of his company. Sometimes he would meet or overtake big bands of Indians and would always stop and talk with them, and give them more or less tobacco. He must have, given away several hundred pounds of tobacco, which he had laid in for that purpose before he started. The Indians got to know him all along the route. 254 WILLIAM BARLOW He would go to their camps, call for their chief, get down off his horse, take off his saddle, and give his horse and lariat to the chief, who would send him out with some young boy to good grass. He would talk, smoke and eat with the chief, and his horse would be brought up in the morning looking fine. The boy always was given a plug of tobacco and the old chief several plugs. But if the old gent had sneaked off and tried to hide, the Indians would most likely have stolen his horse and maybe killed him. But this did not happen. After he got to The Dalles, father went on to Tygh Valley to look for a starting point for going through the Cascade mountains with his wagons. We had hired Steve Meek, brother of Joe Meek, to pilot the emigrants clear through to The Dalles, for one dollar a wagon and board. He said he knew every trail and camping ground from Fort Laramie to Vancouver, west of the Cascade mountains. But he proved himself to be a reckless humbug from start to finish. All he had in view was to get the money and a white woman for a wife before he got through. He got the wife and part of the money. He and his company then went on and made a stand at the mouth of the Malheur river, which empties into the Snake River, where, he said, he could make a cut-off that would take them to The Dalles before we could get to the Grand Ronde Valley. This route, he said, would give them plenty of wood, water and grass all the way, and there would be no Blue Mountain to cross, which he described as almost impassable. The result was the whole emigration had gone clear through the Dalles six weeks before this company was heard of. He had got lost and did not know where he was. He told those with him he would fetch them through all right and they were afraid to desert him or discharge him, for fear they would all perish. Finally, after they had all lost a portion of their stock, and a large number of the people had perished, they came in sight of the Deschutes river. But the perpen- dicular basaltic walls prevented them from reaching the water, so they had to follow down the river on top of the bluff for miles before they could get a drink of water to cool their REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 255 parched lips. One night, Meek took his wife and ponies and disappeared in the darkness ; he got across the Deschutes river at the mouth of Tygh creek, got dried salmon and other pro- visions from the Indians (for he was at home when he was with them) and struck out on the Mount Hood trail. That was what saved his life, as vengeance was sworn against him. I never knew what became of him, but I understood from his brother that Stephen Meek settled in Southern Oregon and Joe would have nothing to do with him. Now, I have got Steve Meek through and disposed of, I will go back to the big Kaw River, right among the Kaw In- dians, where Kansas City now stands. They were the first tribe of Indians on the route that we had to meet, and were a noble, fine-looking Indian, and they treated us fine. They were about to start on a buffalo hunt up the Big Platte River but they were in fearful dread of the Sioux Indians, for they claimed all the buffalo on the Big Platte River. But the Kaws disputed their right to all the buffalo, but if the two tribes happened to come together there was sure to be bloodshed, unless the Kaws could get back to their own hunting ground. But none of them molested us in the least. So we rolled on until we struck the North Platte River at Ash Hollow, where, according to arrangements at the start, we were all to go into camp and let the big chief, Captain Welch, take the lead. But there were four or five companies ahead of us, the Barlow company ; but when we got there there were no companies to be seen ; so from that time on each company was an independent company of its own, and the "Devil take the hindmost," was the saying. Grass was good and water plenty, but wood was not very plentiful. But we had a good substitute in the way of buffalo chips. We soon came in sight of vast herds of buffalo, and close by, as we thought. But when we started to go to them, we found they were from five to eight miles away. To further illustrate this illusion, when we came in sight of Chimney Rock, some of the young men took their guns, said they would go around by the rock and get on top of it, then overtake the 256 WILLIAM BARLOW teams before time to camp. It was then about ten o'clock. We moved on at a good rate for ox teams, and we just got opposite the rock at camping time. Some of the men who went on to it and went up on top did not get in that night. It was a least fifteen miles away. Buffalo from that time on were in unknown quantities. I am sure we could see five thousand head at once in lots of places, and wolves were very nearly as thick. Some of the boys made a terrible slaughter both among the buffalo and wolves. They just shot them down to see them fall, did not even skin them and the hides were worth from four to eight dollars each. Father called a meeting of his company, and admonished the boys in the kindest kind of words, not to kill any more than just enough for meat. For, he said, it was robbing the Indians of their natural food and might arouse the wrath of the great Sioux nation, whose country we were now crossing. He said, as long as we went straight through and did not kill too many of their buffalo, they would not molest us. Up to this time, we had not had a mishap. No sickness, but peace and kindness reigned supreme. Stock had actually improved all the time, but just now (and as I kept no diary I cannot give the date, but it was way up in June) we had quite a mishap. Somebody's untrained, worthless dog (something that should not have been allowed on the road) had gone over the bank of the Big Platte River to cool off. He stayed there until all the teams had passed. The loose stock was just com- ing up some distance behind, when the big dog made a bound from the water to the top of the bank and gave himself a big shake to throw the water out of his hair. Away went the cows, horses, bulls and all, with such a rattle and jam that it would almost raise the hair on a dead man's head. When the stampede started, the animals were half a mile behind the wagons, which was the distance they were allowed to keep. But on they came with renewed fury at every bound. The old Captain, who happened to be back with his company, took in the situation at a glance, clapped spurs to his noble mare and bounded along the line with a trumpet voice to those in REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 257 the wagons to halt and drop their wagon tongues. But it was too late for all to accomplish. Some of the hind teams were all ready on hearing the order. Our four family wagons and Games' two were ahead that day. James Barlow's big team was in the lead, but failed to stop when he said "whoa." So he dropped his lead ox in his tracks with the butt of his whip stock. J. M. Bacon's team was next. In this wagon, Mother Barlow rode, and it had to stop as it was jammed up against James' wagon. That gave mother time to jump out and run to the bank of the river about twenty yards off and jump down the bank, only a few feet high. I had been quick enough to get my team loose from the wagon, but J. L. Barlow and Games' two teams got under considerable headway, but for- tunately one of Games' oxen fell down, and that was more than the balance of the team could pull. This gave my sister, Mrs. Gaines, good time to get out with the baby, about a year old, and get down the bank of the river. She always said that that ox-broken neck saved her life, as she was just fixing to jump, and it might have been her neck instead of the ox's. It was her natural disposition to make the best of everything. The cleanup of this stampede were a few broken wagon tongues, a few smashed-up wagon wheels, one ox with a broken neck, another with a broken leg and two days' layover for repairs. Fortunately, no human being was even crippled. Some were slightly bruised, but at the end of the second day everybody was ready to move. Cattle were well refreshed and getting restless. We found the best plan was to make a drive every day. Cattle stayed togethed better and did not try to wander off. I have no recollection of our company's losing a single head on the way, though a few oxen got sore feet and had to be taken out and driven with the loose cattle for a few days. But that was on account of wagons' being too heavily loaded. We had one old deadbeat whom we called "Noey" and his wagon "Noey's Ark." He had one span of mares and one yoke of cows and both of them gave milk, which was the prin- cipal nourishment he had for half a dozen children, himself 258 WILLIAM BARLOW and wife. His wagon beds were built close out to the wheels, so it took about a half-acre of ground to turn on. The object was to make the bed large enough to hold all the worthless rubbish that he could not sell or give away before he started. He said the things might come in mighty good play when he got through. But he never would have gotten through if it had not been for my old mother. He did not belong to our company. We found him camped by himself, his company had gone off and left him several days before. Mother said, "We must not leave him there to be butchered by the Indians." But father did not think the Indians would molest him, as he had nothing that they would have. But if everybody went off and left him, he would starve or freeze to death when winter came on. So the old gent went to see him and told him he could join us, if he would let us overhaul his wagon and throw out every worthless article. His wife began to cry and said they would need everything when they got through. But the old gent said, "You will never get through with that load and old team." So they finally consented to be overhauled. The old gent called two or three of the best men of the company to come and overhaul the wagon; they took everything out that was in it, and a more worthless lot of trash was never seen. They put back what few necessaries they had, such as bed clothes, wearing apparel and all the provisions they had, but that was very light. It lightened up his wagon more than half, so his old cows and mares could waddle along and keep up for awhile. But we could not stop the whole company to wait on him. We had got him across the Big Platte River and up to Fort Laramie, where he could get all the jerked buffalo meat he wanted for almost nothing. There were thousands of Indians coming in then from their big buffalo hunt with tons of jerked meat and hundreds of buffalo robes to trade for Indian goods at the Fort. So mother fitted Noey and his family out with quite a supply of provisions, such as bacon, flour, coffee, sugar and so forth. She told them they must take their time and try and get through. I don't know whether she told them she would pray for them, but I do know REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 259 she did pray for all the poor and needy, every night, and she certainly could not leave them out, because she knew their circumstances. Now, I have written this simple fact to illustrate what I have always said about the privations and starvations of the dear old emigrants. I will now say again, for myself and our company, that I never passed a more pleasant, cheerful and happy summer in my whole long life, and see no reason why the others cannot agree with this statement. We never had any sickness nor fear of any, more than we would have had in the oldest state in the Union, until we ran into the Cascade Mountains. Up to that time, we never had an obstacle in the way that we could not easily overcome. We forded every stream from the Big Kaw, where Kansas City now stands, to Oregon City, and we never doubled our teams to get over any hills or mountains that I can recollect. We never lost a horse, cow, nor ox on the entire trip. When we got to Fort Hall, on the Snake River, we laid by a day or two. Some of our company wanted to go to Cali- fornia and here was where the roads parted. But my father said he was going to drive his teams into the Willamette Valley. Superintendent Grant, of Fort Hall, the agent of the Hudson's Bay Company, was present, and remarked, "Well, we have been here many years and we never have taken a pack train over those mountains yet, but if you say you will take your wagons over the mountains, you will do it. The darned Yankees will go anywhere they say they will." So the next morning, a mutual and friendly division took place. About half the wagons took the California road and the remaining twenty wagons continued on the Oregon route. Our family com- pany, consisting of thirteen wagons, traveled down the Snake River on the south side and crossed it the first time at the Great American Falls ; thence over to Boise River to its mouth at Fort Boise. We then crossed Snake River again, the deepest river we had forded. We raised our wagon beds about one foot and got nothing wet. We then went down the Snake River to the mouth of the Malheur. There Steve Meek was 260 WILLIAM BARLOW waiting to get a crowd for his famous cut-off that would save more than half the distance to The Dalles, he thought. There the Geers, Moores and Sweets bid us boodbye and said they would wait for us at The Dalles. But we got to The Dalles six weeks before they did, besides they had lost two or three of their family. At this camp the old gent lost a fine Indian pony that he had bought to rest and recruit his fine American mare, and that was the only animal we lost from start to finish. Nothing transpired from there on to The Dalles that requires special notice, except the peculiar way we had to cross the Deschute. River. We had to drive out into the Columbia River and strike the sandbar made by the Deschutes River and circle around on that to reach the bank of the Columbia River below the mouth of the Deschutes. We were now nearing The Dalles, where decision had to be made about tackling the supposed impracticable mountains. It was early in the fall, somewhere close to October, and we had plenty of provisions to last us two months and our teams were in good condition, or would be by having a few days' rest on good grass. I knew the old captain was determined to go through the mountains. He said, "God never made a moun- tain that He had not made a place for a man to go over it or under it, if he could find the place," and, he said, "I am going to hunt for that place." But he further remarked he did not ask anyone but his own family to go with him, and wanted no one to go who knew what the word "can't" meant. So we drove out to Five-Mile Creek, where there was wood, water and plenty of good grass. He said we could stay there and look after the stock and the women could wash and clean up as much as they wished, until he got back from a little recon- noitre to look out for a starting point. He had his eye on a low sink in the mountains just south of Mt. Hood ever since we had crossed the Blue Mountains. Our company was now reduced down to thirteen wagons, all good teams, and were well provided with provisions and tools. But the old gent said REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 261 we will divide up so all should share alike who went with him. We had a young fat cow which he would kill and divide. In a few days the old gent got back from his preliminary survey and reported everything favorable as far as he went. He had been about sixty or seventy miles. By this time, W. H. Rector caught up with him and said he would go, too, if Cap- tain Barlow would let him. "Why, yes, you are just the man I am looking for; young, stout and resolute." Although his wife was a very weakly woman, she was anxious to make the venture. Well, in two or three days the start was made. All were stout and hearty, both old and young, except Mrs. Rector, and her lack of physical strength was somewhat made up by mental energy. Our teams were fresh and buoyant and walked right along. We made Tygh Creek the first day, it being twenty-five or thirty miles from our camp. Here we laid over one day to let the teams eat and rest, as we had a long steep hill to pull up and would have no water for about fifteen miles. A canyon had to be crossed that would require some pluck to cross it with a wagon. But when we had passed these barriers, we found plenty of wood, water and grass. The old gent said he would cross the canyon so our cattle could not get back. It was a deep bluff canyon and there was no other crossing for miles either way. Father had already examined the lo- cation on his first trip out, as a good point to start from. So the next morning the old gent said he would take Mr. Rector and go ahead, hunt and blaze out the best place to make the wagon road. The balance of us could follow up and cut out the road. We would leave a man or two in camp to look after the stock and attend to the wants of the women and children. There were about twelve of us who could do a man's work. Mother wanted me to stay, and Mrs. Rector wanted one of her sons to stay, the only one who was large enough to work. At this time we killed our heifer, so the men would have plenty of meat. Besides we had plenty of bacon and flour to 262 WILLIAM BARLOW last a month or over. The only thing we were deficient in was good tools. Of course, we Had saws and axes, but they were in bad condition, and we had only a small grindstone and a few worn-out files. But there was very little heavy timber to cut. The timber and brush on the east side of the Cascades is very different from that on the west side. Over a portion of the east side one can drive a team right through the timber. Days and weeks had now passed and we had no tidings yet of the pathfinders. We had made only one move of ten or twelve miles, in order to be closer to our workers who were cutting the road. The road was now cut out to the head or source of the Little Deschutes River close up to Mt. Hood. Some of the men had gone down to the river over a very long but not a very steep hill. But we concluded not to go down with our wagons until the blazers returned. For if we had to go back, we did not want to have to climb that hill. A day or two after this, just about dark, the keen crack of the old gent's rifle rang out with joyous hopes of glad tidings. In an instant, the boys sprang to their rifles and answered the salute with a half-dozen shots that made the woods ring for miles around. The air was light and the vibration was beau- tiful. Then the old pathfinder's rifle rang out again close at hand. "Tallows" were lit and men, women and children went with a rush to meet the stalwarts. I will pass over the meeting of the husbands and wives. The first thing the old gent said was, "Don't give us anything to eat. A little coffee is all we need now. It will be food and stimulant enough." Rector said, "You can speak for yourself, but I am going to eat some- thing. You would not let me eat those big snails and now I am going to eat whatever my wife will cook for me." But his wife was very cautious about what she gave him. Mother gave father only a little coffee and a very little bread. Then he smoked his pipe and that revived him very much. After a little more coffee, mother had a good feather bed for him and he went to bed and slept sound all night, and was almost as fresh as ever in the morning. REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 263 Up to that time, there had not been a word said about the trip, but next morning- all hands wanted to know the result of their preliminary journey. "We have found a good route to make a road," my father said. "Yes," Rector said, "the route we have blazed out is a good, practical route, and if Mrs. Rector were as stout and healthy as I am we would go through. But if anything should happen to her I would never forgive myself. We talked it over last night, and I think I will take my wagon and go back to The Dalles." Father said: "Mr. Rector, you are at perfect liberty to do as you please. If I had any fear of losing even any of my company on account of the road, I would not say go. But we can go on and in one day from right here we can reach within two or three miles of the summit. Then, if you think best, we can build a good house and cache everything in it. We will send the cattle over the trail. Some of the young men will be willing to stay and look after the goods for ten dollars a wagon and I will send back provisions to keep them all winter." William Berry said that was right to his hand. I said, "I would be another. Besides, I would go in and fetch the winter grub out myself. That is, if we had to, for we did not know but that we might get through. Now, when we arrived at the selected spot, it was already getting late in the season, away up in November. The days were short and snow was liable to cover us up at any time. So it was decided to build a house, send the stock over the Indian trail that went over Mt. Hood, high enough to be on perpetual snow. The Indians always made their trails over the highest ground they could find. Though the distance might be twice as far, they preferred the high land, as toma- hawks and scalping knives are poor tools to cut out logs and big trees. When they came to a big log that they could not go around or jump their ponies over, they would hack a notch in it just wide enough to let a pony squeeze through. The small264 WILLIAM BARLOW ness of these openings made it hard to get some of our big cattle through. Some of the emigrants had a number of head killed or crippled in this way. But our little band got through without a scratch. The bulk of all the cattle and horses went over the Mt. Hood trail that fall and some families rode over on oxen's and cows' backs. Old Mother Hood rode all way from The Dalles to Oregon City on a cow's back. But most of the families went down the Columbia River on the Hudson's Bay bateaus. They left their wagons at The Dalles and often found them cut up by the Indians and the spokes of the wheels used for whip handles. Some few got their wagons down that fall on rafts to the Cascades and then hauled them from there down with teams, or got them taken down and up to Portland on bateaus. This cost them about all each wagon was worth. To return to the summit. The bulk of the men were at work building the mountain cache. I took three of the young men and started over Mt. Hood with all the stock except the horses, which were left to carry out the women and children. I had a horse to ride as I was to go back as soon as I got the stock over Mt. Hood. This took only two days. Then I started back to camp, being gone just three days. The house was pretty well along, considering the tools, and the men who had to do the work. Albert P. Gaines and Wil- liam Berry were the principal workmen. Both could handle tools well, but the others were mere supernumeraries. The old gent was now almost worn out. Bacon was a good hand with a needle and thread, and he was kept busy fixing up clothing for the men. We had eleven or twelve wagons, and it required a large house to hold all the plunder and the three men that were going to stay all winter. But one of the men backed out, so I agreed to go below and come back with pro- visions and stay at least six months. About the first of De- cember, everything was packed away nice and snug. House as tight as a jug, all the cracks chinked up with moss, a good store of food and mountains of good dry wood. We had a few books, which would serve to while away the time. In fact, REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 265 enough of everything to make any lazy man feel happy. Up to this time there had been no snow at all. Berry went up to the top of the summit with us. We had left him provisions enough for one month, and with a good gun there were plenty of fine squirrels that he could kill. All went well with the emigrants until we started down on the Oregon side of the Cascades. We called it Oregon, as that was all the habitable part of Oregon then. Then the real simon-pure hard times commenced. There were huckleberry swamps to wallow through as best we could ; women and chil- dren had to be carried off of their horse's back to let the horse get out of the mire, if he could, and if he could not we had to pry him out. Of course, these, swamps were only in spots. The old gent expected to corduroy all these places before he took the wagons over them. But they were worse than he thought, as he had only crossed them on foot. But when we went to put horses on them, packed with heavy loads, they went down frequently. So we moved very slowly, only from three to five miles a day. It commenced snowing and that covered up the grass and our horses had to browse on the laurel. We were now at the top of Laurel Hill. We camped for the night and there was about twelve inches of snow on the ground. One of our best horses died from eating laurel. The old gent saved his harness and brought it up to camp. Mother said, "Poor, old Grey is dead, but I hope his meat is good, and we will not starve so long as we can eat horse meat." Mrs. Caplinger broke down at this and commenced crying right out. Mrs. Gaines, my oldest sister, said, "What is the matter ?" Mrs. Caplinger replied, "We are all going to freeze and starve to death right here." "Nonsense," said Mrs. Gaines, "we are right in the midst of plenty. Plenty of wood to make fires, plenty of horses to make meat, plenty of snow to make water, so when it comes to starving here is your old dog as fat as butter and he will last us a week." "Would you eat my old dog?" "Yes, if he were the last dog in the world," Mrs. Gaines concluded.
But alarm was in the air and fear prompted William Barlow and J. M. Bacon to push on to Foster's for more supplies. In the morning bright and early we started on ahead for the valley with a little coffee and four small biscuits as our share of the provisions. We took only a dull chopping ax and a pair of blankets as our outfit. We went down Laurel Hill like shot off of a shovel. In less than two hours we had to look back to see any snow. We soon struck the Big Sandy trail where thousands of cattle and horses had passed along. There was no trouble to follow the trail now; at this point the new Barlow road ended. The only trouble was in crossing the stream that ran like water from a floodgate, and the number of crossings were too numerous to keep any account of. The water was very nearly as cold as ice, but at most of the crossings we found drifts or boulders that we managed to cross on without getting wet. I carried the ax and coffee, Bacon carried the biscuit. But when we got down to the last crossing of the Big Sandy, it was getting late in the evening. The river was wide and still rising; there was no way to cross without swimming or cutting a tree down that stood on the bank about one hundred yards above the ford. There was a rock island right in the middle of the river, and I saw that all the water was running on our side of the stream. It was quite narrow from bank to rock, not over forty feet. I said to Bacon, "If we can get that tree down and lodged on the rock, unless it breaks it two it will make a good crossing." "Yes," he said, "but we have nothing but that old dull ax and I can't chop." I knew that without his telling me, for he was a sailor by trade. So I went at it, and in about an hour the tree fell, but broke in two and went sailing down the river. All I could say was, "Well, John, we will make a big fire under that cedar tree and make a pot of coffee and our four biscuits will make us a good meal. But in the morning I am going to cross that stream." John drew a long breath, then said, "Well, I am sorry and ashamed to tell you, but I lost those biscuits in the river, in jumping from one boulder to another. I tripped and fell and away went the bread, and you know no human being could catch them."
"Yes," I said, "I know it would be hard to catch anything after it was in a man's own bread basket." But I never really thought that John had really eaten them.
We made a big fire under a large cedar tree that would turn the rain as well as the best thatch roof that could be made, wrapped ourselves up in our blankets and lay down and slept as sound as we had ever on the road.
We had slept together all the way across the plains. In the morning, got up and made a good pot of coffee. After breakfast, as we called it, I went out and cut what I called a safety pole about ten feet long. I said, "Now, John, if I should slip and fall I am a goner, and you tell my mother that I lost my life in trying to save hers." She was the nearest and dearest and most helpless of any of the family.
But I made no blunder. I would place the pole firmly on the bottom among the boulders, then would brace against the pole and swing out as far as the pole would let me go on the other side; again I would brace myself against the strong current, lift my pole around on the other side, and place it again in the same manner until I reached the shore. We had no big guns or even firecrackers to celebrate the event, but the big cheers that John gave me from the other side and the consolation that I felt in being victorious over the raging river was enough.
Now we had only eight miles more before we met friends and help. So I bounded away like a mountain buck, and in three hours more I was at Foster's. James and John L. Barlow (Doc) were there herding the stock. I told them to mount the best horses they could get and hie away to Oregon City, get some men and eight or ten good horses and be back here at ten o'clock tomorrow morning. All of which they did in good shape. But I had prostrated myself by over-eating, and I thought I had been very cautious. However, I climbed up on one of the horses and started on a lope, and that seemed to help me very much.
We met our hungry emigrant party that evening just at dark. They had been making short moves every day. The The main thing now was to keep them from over-eating; they 268 WILLIAM BARLOW had had something to eat all the time, but their rations had been short and not choice either. The next day we arrived at Philip Foster's, where we laid over one day, rested and ate cautiously but heartily. The next day, December 25th, 1845, we arrived in Oregon City. A few of the party stayed at Foster's for rest. Albert Gaines afterward took up a claim there and stayed a year or two. It was Christmas night when we landed in Oregon City, just eight months and twenty-four days from Fulton County, Illinois. At this time, Oregon had a Provisional legislature of its own, and Governor Abernethy was governor. The old pathfinder went to the assembly and asked for a charter to build and make a wagon road over the Cascade Mountains south of Mt. Hood. The request was immediately granted. And it was not long before he accomplished what he said he could and would do. He never was a man that hunted after notoriety. He only wanted to benefit mankind in building this road and wherever he could. All he asked in the venture was to get his money back in doing it. To show that that was all he wanted, when he got all the cost of the road, or what he thought was all the cost, he threw open the road to the public. He had five or six hundred dollars in notes that he had taken for toll in lieu of cash. But to his surprise, he never got the half of it, though the parties said the first money they could get would go to him, but when they got out of reach they forgot all that. The worst thing he did do was throwing up the charter, and it was the worst thing for the emigrants that could have been done, for there is no road that will keep up itself, and it soon became al- most impassable. Poor jaded teams would mire down and emigrants lost sometimes more than three times what the toll would have been,, besides the delay and time lost. Soon after Foster and Young re-chartered the road and made some money on the investment, besides making it prove a great accommo- dation to emigrants. This road was kept in pretty fair condi- tion until the railroad was built down the Columbia River. Even now it seems to be the best route across the Cascade Mountains that has been found. REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 269 Samuel Kimbrough Barlow was born in Nicholas County, Kentucky, in the year 1795. He died at Canemah, Oregon, in 1867. If he were alive today (1904) he would be 105 years old, but he did live long enough to accomplish all he set out to do. Though he never got rich, he always had a competence. He was one of the most strictly conscientious honest men I ever knew and one of the most strictly temperate, though he never belonged to any temperance organization in his life. He used to say that if he found a drunken man lying on the road, he would get him up, take him home, feed him, give him a good bed to sleep on and breakfast in the morning. The next time he found him drunk he would roll him out of the road to keep the wagons from running over him. The third time, he would not move him out of danger in any way, for the, quicker he got crushed to death the better. I will now say in conclusion of this brief sketch of the old pioneer's life, that he was one of the most beneficial men to Oregon and the emigrants who came with wagon and team. He prepared the way so they could roll right in to the Willam- ette with all their effects of every kind. They thereby saved time and much risk of losing their lives in running the Cascade rapids, for all admit that that was a great hazard. Well-trained Hudson's Bay men did lose a great quantity of fur and quite a number of men. Old Dr. McLoughlin used to tell it in this way : "Dangerous place, dangerous place ! We have lost thou- sands and thousands of pounds of beads and many boats in running the Cascades." I said : "What becomes of the men, doctor ?" "Oh, well, they did not cost us any money." But the old doctor was good to his men and very sym- pathetic. He was a sturdy old Scotchman and a strict dis- ciplinarian. But as I am not writing a history of the doctor's life, I will say that this was just put in to show the hazard of going down the Columbia River at that time with women and children in rather frail boats; it also further proves the benefit to the people that the old gent's road had over all other routes, and that it was not made for selfish gain in any way, 270 WILLIAM BARLOW as he proved by throwing it open to the public as soon as he got his money back. It had cost about two thousand dollars and was sixty- five miles long. This ends the old pioneer's part of this history. Now I will go back seventy years and tell as briefly as pos- sible what I know of my own knowledge of the changes, habits and style of that period. I was born on the 26th day of Oc- tober, 1822, in Marion County, Indiana, twelve miles south- west of Indianapolis, on Little Whitelick River, right in the midst of a Quaker settlement. So my early training had to be of the strictest kind. I never saw a drunken man or heard an oath sworn or profane language of any kind until I was ten years old ; never heard the words "Yes, sir/' or "No, sir," but instead "Yes, man," or "No, man." If one would say "Madam" to a woman she would say, "Thou is mistaken, friend, I am neither mad nor dumb." Their ways were very peculiar ways, but I must say, they were very peculiar good ways. They had no use for lawyers, as all difficulties were settled by the Church. They had no use for drones, all had to work alike. A lazy man they disposed of. If they could not get rid of him any other way they would just hate him out of the hive. Bees kill their drones, but the Quakers were averse to taking blood under any circumstances, so they first turned their drone out of the church, and afterwards hated him out of the neighborhood. You might think strange that they let him into the church, but in that respect they are just like the Catholics, if the parents are Quakers their children are also Quakers so long as they conform to the rules of their religion. These rules were honesty, industry, strict morality and teetotal temperance. This is all the religion they had, and when summed up it is, "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you." Any slight deviation from any of the rules would turn them out of the church, or would have done it when I was a boy. I will now give their style of matrimony sixty years ago. No priest or preacher of any kind, judge or justice of the peace or any kind of law officer had anything to say about it. The REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 271 contracting parties simply married themselves and it took them just three months to do it. Their churches were all built with two departments, one for the women and one for the men, but arranged so they could be thrown into one room. The first month, each of the contracting parties rose in his or her own department where neither could hear what the other said. We will take the woman first. She rises and says: "My beloved sisters, John and myself have concluded to become man and wife; if there is no objection, and we do not change our minds within the time allotted for the ceremony." John Killom gets up in his department and repeats the same thing, only calling the girl's name instead of his own. The next monthly meeting they both get up in their respective depart- ments and state that they have had no cause or wish to change their minds and if nobody else has any objections, they will con- tinue in the good work for the time allotted. The third month the gentleman gets up and walks into the ladies' department and takes his seat beside his affianced, but she can have a bridesmaid and he can take a groom in with him if he likes. Then, at a signal from the ladies' department, the doors are thrown wide open and the two contracting parties with the groom and maid rise in their seats and declare themselves man and wife in the presence of the whole audience. Then congratulations and shaking of hands finish the cere- mony, and it is just as good and lawful and legal a marriage as ever was performed by any priest or magistrate in the United States. I am not sure whether they keep up this ancient custom or not. I see they have discarded the old broad brim hat and shad-belly coat, and eat with their hats off. They are shrewd and witty in business as the most accomplished broker you can find in any state, the only difference in their system of doing business and ours is in the modus operandi. Under their system of government one Superior Court and one term a year would be all Oregon or any state would ever need. I have only written this little history of what I call a model class of people to show the changes that have taken place since I was a boy seventy years ago. 272 WILLIAM BARLOW I will now take up the schools to show the difference between now and then. I am decidedly in favor of the new system, be- cause the poorest child in the country can get a better educa- tion now than the richest man's child could then, at least in the Western states. Such a thing as a school tax was never thought of and would have been unanimously hooted down if it had been thought of. Of course, there were no very poor people in the West in those days ; the poor people had to stay back East. All the men in the West owned their own farms, built their own schoolhouses, hired their own teachers and sent their children to school during the winter season. This gave them what they thought was a fair education. Reading, writing and ciphering were the main branches. Geography and a little English grammar were indulged in occasionally, providing the teacher could get that high up himself. He did not have to have a certificate, as there was no superintendent to examine him, and no school directors to hire him. If he were a new man, he would generally have a recommendation from where he taught before. The main things he had to have were nerve and muscle, as he was required to keep good order. The first thing he stocked up with was a good supply of good hickory gads. He might not have to use all of them, but he had obligated himself to keep good order, and most of the em- ployers said, "If you spare the rod, you'll spile the child." To think about a woman teacher in those days would have been perfectly preposterous. In fact, no woman would have thought of undertaking it. But now they handle all kinds of scholars much better than men and use no corporal punishment, or next to none. The man who wanted to teach school would find by going through the county where there was a log schoolhouse because there were no other kinds to be found. I never saw a frame schoolhouse in the country until I came to Oregon. These log houses in the Middle West, however, were comfort- able, large and well built logs smoothed down and closely chinked, and all had substantial puncheon floor. There was always a huge fireplace that would take in at least a six-foot back log. REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 273 I never saw a stove in a schoolhouse in that country. In fact, there was not one farmer in ten that had even a cooking stove. My father bought a cooking stove and a Franklin heating stove when we went to Illinois, to save wood and hauling, as we had to haul our firewood about three miles. The cookstove was a three-hole concern with the bakeoven in the middle. People came from miles around to see it. It cost $50.00. It would be worth now just nothing at all. But I must now finish up our school teacher business. He would come around with his subscriptions to see if he could make enough money to make him $15.00 or $18.00 per month and his board. He would board around with his scholars if required, but much preferred to be boarded at one place if the subscribers would agree to it. But many would not agree to that arrange- ment, as they said they had plenty of hog and hominy which did not cost them anything and they would just as soon board the teacher as not and save their three dollars a week, as that was the ordinary price of board then. Poultry and eggs were so low that it was considered a disgrace for a boy to be seen carrying them to market. These trifles belonged to the old ladies and the girls in the family, and they had to take some- thing out of the store in payment for their chicken and eggs. To show what contempt a high-minded boy had for carry- ing eggs to market, I will illustrate it by relating a circum- stance that took place in our neighborhood. An old lady wanted a quarter's worth of tea, as she was expecting some lady company, and it was customary on such occasions to draw a good cup of Young Hyson tea. So the old lady gathered up ten dozen eggs and they were worth three cents a dozen, that would more than pay for the tea, which was worth twenty- five cents a pound. But she must take, it all out in tea, and that amount would last them a whole year, as they only made tea on rare occasions. The boy protested all he could, said he would pay for the tea with his own money, but all to no use. His mother said the eggs did not cost any thing and would soon spoil and the money would keep any length of time. So 274 WILLIAM BARLOW off he went, but kept out of sight of everybody he saw on the road until he got to the store. He then set his basket down on a platform outside of the store and slipped in to see if there was anybody in the store that would laugh at him. Just then a man came running in and said that there was an old sow out- side with her head in someone's basket of eggs. The boy's first thought was that he would neither claim basket nor eggs. But his second thought was that he dare not go home without the basket, so he stepped to the door and saw that the eggs were all smashed to jelly. "Well," he said, "I guess that basket is mine, but the eggs seem to belong to that old sow." But he got the tea and threw a bright quarter down on the counter with pompous satisfaction and walked out. He washed the basket clean and went home joyous that he had escaped the disgrace of selling eggs. His mother praised him for a fine boy and he had saved his money besides. The boy thought that he had done well himself in satisfying his mother and himself and to get praise he did not deserve. But now the hen and the product of the hen bring more money to the farmer than all the wheat he sells, and there is not half as much hard labor about it. Besides, this is something that can be done and is done mostly by women and children and merely amusement and recreation for them. I think this is enough to illustrate the difference between then and now. As I have already crossed the plains or great American desert as it was called, scaled the Rocky Mountains, and helped build a road over the Cascade Mountains and landed on the Pacific Coast, I will now make one bound and light down in Oregon City again and commence to do business for myself in my own way. The first thing I did was to go back with provisions to the man I had left with the wagons and goods on or near the summit of the Cascade Mountains; this was Mr. William Berry, afterwards son-in-law of Stephen Coffin, one of the proprietors of the now great city of Portland, of which I will have a good word to say before I get through these memoirs. REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 275 I started across the Cascades with one man and three horses on January 1, 1846. They were loaded with sugar, coffee, flour and bacon enough to supply two of us until June. I had agreed to stay with Berry for company and to help guard the property cached away until the road could be made through for teams and wagons to pass through. The man who went with me was to return with the horses. It was thought by some that we could not cross the mountains with a load at that time of the year, but it was a groundhog case and had to be done. Though the snow was from three to five feet deep we could see the blazes on the trees which the old gent had marked, so there was no danger of getting lost. But our horses would occasionally break through the crust of snow that had formed about two feet below the surface by rain and then freezing. Then we would have to take our shovels and dig the horse out and get him on top again, but that only happened a few times. When night came we would tie our horses to a tree, feed them oats we had with us, make a fire and cook supper. Then we would dig a hole in the snow, wrap ourselves in our Hudson's Bay blankets and jump down in our snow houses and sleep sound and warm. We were only three days from Foster's to the Cascade cache, where we found Berry as happy as a clam at high water. The Indians had been to see him, brought him plenty of dried salmon and huckleberries. Besides, there was a man by name of Foster who had followed our trail in from the east side and wanted to winter with Berry. He had plenty of money and would pay for everything he used if we would let him stay. He did not want to go through the mountains any further, and he never did. In the spring he got up his horses that he had kept down on the creek on good grass all winter and went back to The Dalles. We accepted his proposition and sold him part of the grub that I had taken in for his winter supply. One morning Berry said, "Now, Barlow, if you want to go back to the valley I am perfectly willing to stay." I said, "All right," pretty gleefully, "and I will allow you all the income from the wagons and will keep out only the expense of this trip." To this he readily agreed. The 276 WILLIAM BARLOW next morning Eaton and myself started back. Eaton was the man's name that went with me over the mountains. We had a harder trip going back than we did going over heavily loaded. There came on a blinding snowstorm and our matches got wet so we had to resort to an old flintlock gun and that flashed in the pan several times ; but finally we got a fire started, set an old dead tree on fire that lit up the mountains in fine shape, so we could find our horses, as they had wandered off in the dark. We, never could have found them if we had failed to get a fire, and I really believe we would have frozen to death, as we had left our best blankets back with Berry. So much for that trip. In dead of winter we got back to Oregon City. The next thing to do was to find something to do, as I never could be idle. I bought a squatter's right to a section of land up on the Clackamas River.. It cost me a young American filly valued at $250.00. I went right on the place, hired a man, and went to work, preparing a place to plant out a peck of apple seeds that I had brought over the plains and packed out on horseback from our mountain cache whence I had just returned. And right here I will state that I let an independent fortune slip through my hands. I had started from Illinois with a complete assortment of the best grafted fruit trees that Illinois could produce, and they were all growing and doing well. I could have got them through in good shape, but I met a lot of men from Oregon who were good intelligent men. I think Jason Lee was one of them. I showed him my young trees that were in a box that weighed about 300 pounds, dirt and all. "What are you going to do with them when you get them there?" one said. "I am going into the nursery business/' I replied. "My dear sir," they said, "there is as good fruit in Oregon as anywhere in the world. There are old bearing orchards at Vancouver and in the French prairie, and you have the hardest part of the road ahead of you, besides you cannot get your REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 277 wagons to the Willamette Valley without taking them to pieces in order to load them on the bateaus going down the Columbia River." "Well, if that is the case, I might as well lighten up my load right here." So I dumped on the ground close up to Inde- pendence Rock, at least $50,000.00. For, as it turned out, the box with all its contents could have set right in the wagon until it reached Oregon City. Of course we never dreamed of crossing the Cascade Mountains then. As it was, the watch- man left with the wagons could and would have attended to them with perfect safety. But this opportunity was all gone now, so I turned my attention to preparing my apple seed for planting out in the spring. Good luck attended me, as almost every seed came up, and I had at least 15,000 young seedling apple trees that sold readily in the fall at fifteen cents apiece. When I say I lost $50,000.00, I mean just what I say. There were no grafted apple trees in the territory and I could have made a full monopoly of all the grafted apples and pears on the coast, as California had nothing but seedlings. Of course, you will once in a thousand times get a fine apple from the seed. In fact, that is the way all our fine apples and pears originate. But you might plant a bushel of seed all from the same tree and you would not get one apple of the same kind. But you can graft all the fine fruit into the seedling root and you will get just the kind of fruit that the graft is. Or even a bud put into seedling stock will have the same effect, but you must cut off the seedling stalk above the bud. To sub- stantiate what I have said about the value of the fruit scions or grafts that I dumped on the ground at Sweetwater close to the summit of the Rocky Mountains in 1845, I will just refer to Mr. Henderson Luelling, who crossed the plains in 1847, two years later than I did, with substantially the same kind of fruit trees that I had, and he supplied the country as fast as he could grow the trees at one dollar apiece for one-year-old trees. I paid him in 1853 $100.00 for one hundred grafted trees. I was talking with his son a few days ago about the profits to themselves and the benefits of their importation to the country, NOTE. On the above page, 7th line from the bottom, Mr. Barlow alludes to Henderson Luelling, and in the second line from the foot of the page speaks of "talking with his son." On the next page, second line from the top, Mr. Barlow refers to "Seth," in a way that indicates to the general reader that "Seth" was a son of Henderson Luelling. This is wrong. Seth Luelling, or "Lewelling," as he spelled his name late in life, was a brother of Henderson, and an uncle by marriage of William Meek and Henry W. Eddy, who were sons-in-law of Hender- son Luelling. George H. Himes, Assistant Secretary, Oregon Historical Society. 278 WILLIAM BARLOW estimating it at a million dollars. I think their own profits ran up to hundreds of thousands, though Seth could not say how much money was made, as he was not in partnership with the old gentleman at that time. But Meek, his brother-in-law, was in with his father and built the Standard flour mill at Mil- waukie out of his profits of the nursery. I think the nursery was the foundation for Meek's and Eddy's large fortunes. I would have been two years in advance of them, and I knew all about the nursery business back in Illinois. Eddy and Meek, I think, were both sons-in-law of Mr. Luelling and were in- terested with him in all his successful business ventures. I only write this to substantiate what I lost by listening to men that I thought knew what they were talking about. But I thought then and believe now that they thought they were telling me the truth. Well, it is now the winter of '46, and it was as fine a winter as I have ever seen in Oregon. I hired a man and went on the place that I had traded for. We could work every day in our shirt-sleeves. If it rained at all it rained at night. Wages were very low. Could get a man for little more than his board. No money in the country, so had to tak.e his pay in truck and "turnover," as we called it. Most of the business was done by and through merchants of whom there were four in Oregon City, and they were rated about like the Irishman's whiskey. He said he had never seen any poor whiskey in his life, but he had seen some a great deal better than others and all would make drunk come. All the merchants floated more or less paper money, which was only redeemable at their own store, and you had to take just what they had to sell or take nothing. That was what made some a great deal better than others. Abernethy's was considered the poorest paper, though you could get flour and lumber at his mills,, gunflints and remnants at his store. Ermatinger, or the Hudson's Bay store, was gilt-edged. You could get all kinds of substantial goods at that store if you had their paper. The way this paper was floated was through the agency of Dr. McLoughlin. He had a large flour mill, three run of fine, French burrs and they^ REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 279 made as good flour there then as any mill does in Oregon today. He bought the bulk of all the wheat that was raised in Oregon at that time, paid the farmer or whoever had the wheat with paper on Ermatinger or the Hudson's Bay store. They in turn would pass it to the credit of the wheat man, then he would draw orders in favor of any person or persons to the full amount due him and those orders were good until they were taken in. It made no difference how many hands they had passed through or when it was presented, it would be put to your credit ; and you could draw on it a dollar at a time or take it all up then if you wished which they would really prefer. I just state this to show how business was done before there was any money in the country and the people got along just as well as they do now and in some respects better. For they could not run their hands into their pockets then and call up all hands to take a drink. They could get a bottle of good Hudson's Bay brandy and then call up all hands to drink it, but there was virtually no drinking done in Oregon. There is more whiskey and beer drunk now in Portland in ten minutes than was consumed in Oregon from 1845 to 1848. There was a man by the name of Dick McCary who started a large distillery in the woods down the river between Portland and Oregon City. It consisted of one big kettle and a few coils of some kind of piping. He made what was called Dick McCary's Best. It was made out of Sandwich Island black strap molasses and it "would make drunk come mighty quick," as the Irishman said. But it was soon found out by the Indians. So a posse of law-and-order men went down from Oregon City and pitched the whole thing into the river and would have pitched Dick in, too, but he was not to be found. There were rigid Oregon laws against selling any kind of intoxicating drinks to Indians, which of course was right, for at times they owned the country and outnumbered the whites two to one, and a drunken heathen is the worst heathen in the world. But after the government had organized a territorial govern- ment in Oregon, appointed a governor and supreme judge, plenty of whiskey soon followed the flag. But the Oregon law 280 WILLIAM BARLOW was very severe on persons selling whiskey to Indians and O. C. Pratt, first U. S Judge, was very strict in enforcing the law but lenient (?) in fines and punishments. The least fine was a thousand dollars for each offense or imprisonment for one year or both at the discretion of the court. Sidney W. Moss was keeping a hotel in Oregon City and of course kept all kinds of liquors to sell to white customers, but whether he ever sold any whiskey direct to Indians was always a question in my mind. But he was indicted and convicted under two indictments. The judge ousted one indictment as it was the first offense and just fined him $1,000.00 on the second indictment. He thought that would be a lesson for him and others and it was, too, for there were no more in- dictments. Moss promptly walked up to the clerk and paid the thousand dollars, demanded a receipt and started to walk out. The judge said, "Mr. Moss, I hope this will be a lesson not only to you but others," and was going on to make a long talk but Moss had his ire up and said, "Never mind, your honor, that is not interest on the Willamette water I have sold," and walked out. Now I will go back to the place that I bought on the Clacka- mas. I stayed there until May, '46, making rails and improving the place. The winter was the finest I have ever seen in Ore- gon, stock got rolling fat on range by the first of May. Old Uncle Arthur, who lived on the same prairie about one mile away, had new peas for Christmas dinner. I was invited to dine with his family, but did not go as I wished to take dinner with my mother that day in Oregon City. Uncle Arthur had come out in '44. Those peas were volunteer that had come up from the spring planting of '45. I have seen that several times since in Oregon and I think we could have had them last Christmas (1903) if they had been planted at the right time. In the summer of 1846 I went with my father to make the road back to the wagons. Everything was safe and in good or- der, household goods and all. Our teams soon arrived and we started with the first wagon over the mountain. I wanted to drive the lead team so I could say I had driven the team that REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 281 drew the first wagon over the Cascade Mountains. But I am not sure whether I did it or not. There was a rush and as Gaines, my brother-in-law, and we had six wagons in our family we all wanted to stay together and there might have been one wagon got over the summit first. Mr. Savage of Yamhill told me a few years ago that there was one wagon got ahead of me and he was with us all the time. That wagon was driven by Reuben Gant, now a resident of Philomath, Oregon. At any rate, we made the road and got all our wagons and household goods out in perfect order and then went back and helped finish the road clear across the mountains. We estab- lished a toll-gate about ten miles this side of Tygh Valley where there was fine bunch grass, wood, and water. Here all the emigrants laid over one or two days for recruit before starting through the mountains. I staid with my father until all emi- grants got through in the winter of '46. We then started out and made the trip clear through to Oregon City in two days. The old gent gave me $400.00 for my summer's work. I laid that out for a house and lot on Main street in Oregon City, the first real estate I had owned. The claim I had bought was only a squatter's right held by a record. By this time, emigrants were getting pretty thick around Oregon City. I soon had an offer of $600.00 for my right to the Clackamas place. I reserved all my young seedling apple trees, about 10,000 from one to two feet high, worth ten to fifteen cents apiece in anything you could get. I then went out to the big Molalla prairie and bought a section of land with no timber on it for $400.00. Now this was in the spring of '47. I hired rails made to fence in 100 acres and broke up fifty acres for wheat in the Fall. Of course, I did not do all the work myself. In fact, I did not do any of it. I had all I could do to cook and look after my stock. Hands were cheap and would work for little more than their board. Many were trying to get enough to get back "to the States" as we said then. But when gold was discovered in California, they changed their outfits and went in that direction. Three or four very 282 WILLIAM BARLOW fine young carpenters heard that I wanted a fine barn built and would trade horses for work. They came out to see me and I told them just what kind of a barn I wanted built. It was to be 74x40 feet 18 feet high, but they must take it from the stump. I would deliver everything on the ground, lumber and all, but they must make the shingles. The, lumber I would get sawed, as there was a sawmill started about a mile off. That suited them exactly. "Well how much wages are you going to want," I asked. They thought they ought to have one, dollar a day and board. "Well, if you can put up with bachelor cooking you can take the job," I said. They had some tools and I bought some more. I had to get a broadax and a chopping ax or two. They went right to work with a will. I saw they meant business right from the start. They drew a draft of the barn so they would know just how to get out the timber, to which they had to walk about a mile. It was Uncle Sam's timber and free for all. They thought they would better take their dinner with them. I had several fine cows and we made up all our bread with pure cream. So every morning they would start with a big pone of cream bread, a jug of milk, a pot of coffee and often Chinook salmon that needed no lard to cook it in. In those days, could get a salmon that weighed twenty or thirty pounds for ten or fifteen cents. I had also plenty of salt beef and pork. The men said they never lived better in their lives and that it beat city grub out of sight. So they finished the barn in time for me to store my crop of wheat in August. I fitted them out for the mines and they went off the best pleased set of fellows I ever saw. But I never heard of them afterwards. Pretty soon the emigrants began to pour in. This was now 1848. One evening, about the middle of September, I saw three or four emigrant wagons steering for the house. I went out to meet them. When lo ! and behold, up drove old Mathias Swiggle and all his family. He was our old neighbor right from Illinois. He hallooed so loudly you could hear him a half a mile away. He wanted to know if here was where old Samuel K. Barlow's son William lived. I told him it was. He said, REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 283 "Your father told me to come right here and stay all winter. Will has plenty of everything and I see for myself that you have got the best place in the county, for you came here three years ago when you could get pick and choice/' "But, Mr. Swiggle, I did not take up this place myself. I had to buy it to get it, and all it cost the man I bought it of was a dollar to get it recorded and a little expense in building that log cabin. I paid him $400.00 just to get off and I had it recorded just as he had it staked out. "Well, I knew you would have the best place if you did have to buy it," he said, after looking over the level prairie and my improvements. That was just what I wanted to hear him say, for I wanted to sell the place, and I knew he had the gold and plenty of it. As yet there was little gold coming from Cali- fornia. So I told him to unload everything in the big new barn and rest a while and I would show him plenty of land to take up for nothing. In a few days, we took a ride all round that part of the country. There was plenty of land but no clean, smooth prairie like mine. He said he was too old to grub out a farm but wanted a farm already made. One day he said, "Will, I don't suppose you would sell your squatter's right to this place at all?" "Never had anything in my life but what I would sell except my wife, and I have only had her for a few weeks and don't want to dispose of her for a while, at any rate." "Well, what will you take for the place all gold right down in your fist ?" "Well, for all gold right down, I will take two thousand dollars." "I won't give it, I won't give it." "Well, there is no harm done, Mr. Swiggle." "But," he added, "I will tell you just what I will give you. I have been talking with my old shell (he always called his wife and old shell), I will just give you $1600.00 in gold and pay you 50 cents per bushel for all the wheat in the barn and thrash it out myself. That will make you $2000.00." 284 WILLIAM BARLOW "Well, I will talk with my young 'shell'," I replied, "and let you know in the morning." I intended to take it, as I knew ready cash was the stuff for the times. Everybody was fixing for the mines next spring and they would pay anything to get money to pay their passage on the old brig Henry. So I sold and went right down to Oregon City and went into anything and everything. Double invested sometimes in one day. Among other things, I bought 7000 bushels of wheat at 50 cents a bushel delivered in Abernethy's mill on the island. I had it ground at the Island mill, put it in wooden barrels, stored it away and let it wait for development. I was satisfied that flour was bound to have a boom sooner or later. Oregonians were running off and leaving their families and people were pouring into California from all parts of the world. Flour had to come around the Horn to supply the demand in California. I had 600 barrels and Uncle Walter Pomeroy had about the same amount. We had it stored together in one of his buildings. I said to the old gent one day, "We would better look after our flour as wooden barrels need re-coopering occa- sionally." "Well, Billy, I will tell you what I have been thinking about. One of us had better own all that flour." I replied, "I have no money to buy your flour and I don't wish to sell at the price it is going at now." "We need no money in this deal, as I will take your note without interest for six months or I will give you mine on the same terms. Say what you will give or take, and I will take you up one way or the other." "Well," he said, "Put it at $7.00." "Draw up the note," I said, "And I will sign it as soon as we find out how many barrels there are of it." The next day we got a cooper and a man to help him over- haul it all ; my own and what I had bought of him. It all came out right. Besides he had about 50 barrels of middlings, that I gave him $4.00 a barrel for, making in all $4,400.00. In less REMINISCENCES OF SEVENTY YEARS 285 than thirty days, it went up to $9.00 a barrel in jobbing lots. So I sold off about 300 barrels and stopped jobbing it. Pretty soon it went up to $12.00 and I sold enough at that price to take up my note and had 800 barrels left. In thirty days there was no mail from California except when the old brig Henry would get back. So along in the fall, she came up to Astoria and it might take her a month to reach Portland. At this point the manuscript of William Barlow ended. Heard my father say, "Some one of the younger generation can now take up the history of the Barlow family, as it is known either by actual observation or by hearsay to many who can tell it better than I can." In regard to the above flour transaction, I have heard my father say that he took the remaining number of barrels to San Francisco on the brig Henry and cleared on the flour transaction $6,000.00. HISTORY OF THE FIRST BUSHEL OF AMERICAN BLACK WALNUTS EVER BROUGHT TO OREGON. I came to Oregon in 1845 and supposed we would find similar nut-bearing trees to those found all over the Atlantic and Middle West States. But when I arrived here, I found there were no nut-bearing trees of any kind, except some small hazel nuts, which were, of a very different kind from those which grew wild in Indiana. So I made up my mind that I would send back, the first good opportunity, and have a bushel of black and white, walnuts sent out. In 1858, Mr. John Dement, a good friend of mine, was going back by way of the Isthmus and he said he would send me a bushel by Adams Express. But remarked that it would cost considerable. I said, "Never mind the cost. I want to get them here by Winter, so I can prepare them for planting the next Spring." He did just as I told him, but had to pay in advance to San Francisco for expressage. But he had plenty of money of his own, besides he had some Indian war claims to collect for me. These he did not collect till later on. However, he hurried 286 WILLIAM BARLOW the walnuts on, so I would get them in time for Fall planting. They were forwarded to me at Oregon City and when all the charges came in, I was out just sixty-five dollars. I went down to town, brought the sack up and told my wife what they cost. She said, "Well, I declare, I could have got that many wal- nuts in Missouri for fifty cents." I said, "Well, we will crack a few of them anyway to see if they are good. If they grow, I will get my money back and several hundred per cent." She said, "One is enough to tell that and one is enough to lose." "No," I said, "We will have one apiece." They were both good and brought old Missouri and Illinois and Indiana right home to us. So I made a box, put sand and dirt in it, planted the nuts in the box and buried them all in the ground. I kept them moist all Winter and by Spring, they were all beginning to open. I then prepared the ground in fine shape and planted the nuts in rows. There were just 765 nuts of both kinds, but there were not over 100 butternuts out of that number. About 760 came up and such a growth I never saw before. I kept the ground well watered and well worked and the roots were larger and longer than the tops. A large portion of the roots went down three feet deep. Later in the Fall, I took them all up, set out about 100, gave away a great many to my particular friends and put the balance on the market at $1.50 each. I allowed a big com- mission to the nursery man who handled them, and the whole venture left me a net profit of $500.00. Besides I had my wal- nut avenue, 400 feet long, with a row of walnuts on each side. There is one tree that is over three and one-half feet in diame- ter six feet from the ground, and its branches spread out 80
feet in diameter or 240 feet in circumference. THE BARLOW ROAD
By Walter Bailey
Among the numerous obstacles overcome by the American frontiersmen in the monumental task of building a wagon road across the continent, the last and one of the greatest was the Cascade Mountains. Unlike the Appalachian and Rocky Mountain ranges, the Cascades presented., to the eager eyes of the road hunter, no natural pass. To those who would cross with wagons, two alternatives were presented; first, the narrow gorge through which the swift turbulent Columbia sweeps and second, the range of steep rocky mountain tops which join the white hooded peaks of the Cascades.
The stalwart pioneers who led the first wagon train of American home makers, from the valley of the Mississippi to the falls of the Willamette did not dare, because the season was late and their stock fagged, to try the mountain heights. With rafts and the few available boats, they descended the troubled stream, suffering severely en route from rapids and storms.[2]
The immigration of the next year followed the same route. The stock of both trains were driven over the rough mountain trails into the Willamette Valley.[3]
During the latter days of September, 1845, the third great company of Western immigrants arrived at The Dalles, then the terminus of the wagon road. The old mission station became a great frontier camp. Hundreds of prairie, wagons, large droves of stock and crowds of way-worn people lined the bleak shore of the Columbia.[4]
Their appearance showed the effects of their long overland journey. Part of their number had suffered severe hardship and nearly lost their lives in following an unreliable guide over a supposed "cut-off" through the dry wastes of Eastern Oregon.[5] Some of the travellers were becoming destitute, of pro288 WALTER BAILEY visions, and many had little or no money. Disease added its terrors to those of impending starvation. 5 Only two boats were running down to the Cascade rapids and transportation prices were high. But for the sending of relief parties from Oregon City and the kindly aid of the Hudson's Bay men, the immigrant camps at the old mission post must have become a scene of awful suffering. Among the last to arrive in this camp was the company commanded by Samuel K. Barlow. Captain Barlow did not like the situation at The Dalles and the prospect of exhausting his provisions by a long delay and his money for a dangerous passage down the river. 6 And Barlow, a true pioneer, pos- sessed that stern self reliance and restless ardor which causes a man, when he disapproves of the route of his fellows, to break a path of his own. At the early age of twenty he had left the home of his parents in Kentucky because his father was a slave holder and Samuel was bitterly opposed to human slavery. He had started west with the emigrants because his admired friend, Henry Clay, had been defeated for president and Barlow could not stay where he had fought a losing fight. True, to his principles,, Captain Barlow began looking for a new route into the Willamette valley. Two trails, he was told, had been opened across the mountains by stock drovers and horsemen. 7 One way was to swim the stock across the Colum- bia, skirt the mountains along the north bank and ferry back at Fort Vancouver. A second route was the old Indian trail south of Mount Hood, a path said to be steep and difficult. Captain Barlow determined to attempt the southern route with wagons. If there was already a trail it would probably be possible, he reasoned, to widen it into a wagon track. Says his son, William Barlow : 8 "After resting a few days and recruit- -m .! >! .:':': -.: '!.! :' .:.-;.--;"": "lir.-Jirj" [r; 5 Bancroft's Oregon, Vol. I, p. 516. 6 Evans' History of the Northwest Biography of S. K. Barlow. 7 Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 72. 8 Evans' History of the Northwest Biography of S. K. Barlow. THE BARLOW ROAD 289 ing his followers, teams and cattle, like a general refreshing his troops for a new fight, notice was given that the company's captain, S. K. Barlow, was going to cross the Cascade moun- tains with his family, wagons and plunder. An invitation was extended to any and all who felt disposed to join his expedi- tion ; but he wished none to follow him who had ever learned the adaptability of the word 'can't.' "9 Old mountain men who had trapped through every valley in the mountains, the missionaries who had lived for years in their shadows, and Hudson's Bay men, trained trailers of the wilder- sess, all declared the attempt to be folly especially so as it was late in the season and the cattle were somewhat jaded by two thousand miles of prairie and mountain. Captain Barlow, however, "declared his belief in the goodness and wisdom of an allwise Being and said 'He never made a mountain without making a way for man to go over it, if the latter exercised a proper amount of energy and perseverance.' When the start was made, on or about September 24th, 10 the party consisted of seven wagons and about nineteen persons including besides the family of Mr. Barlow, Messrs. Gaines, Rector, Gessner, Caplinger, William G. Buffum 11 and families, together with John Bown, Reuben Gant and William Berry. For forty miles the way led over rolling mountain land, cross- ing a branch of the Des Chutes. 12 At the end of this distance a halt was called for rest and repairs. Camp was pitched on Five-Mile Creek, where water and grass were plentiful. During the delay in the march Captain Barlow left for a reconnoitering trip. 1 ^ From the Blue Mountains a small gap had been ob- served south of Mt. Hood. Through this opening the leader hoped to build the future roadway. 9 Evans* History of the Northwest Biography of S. K. Barlow. 10 Palmer's Journal, p. 120. it Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 72, supplemented by information furnished by Geo. H. Himes. 12 Palmer's Journal, pp. 125-6. 13 Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 73. 290 WALTER BAILEY While Barlow was absent some horsemen arrived from The Dalles. 14 Their leader was Joel Palmer, who with Barlow had been aid in the company of Presley Welch, and who was after- wards the government Indian agent for Oregon. Having ar- rived at The Dalles after Barlow's departure, Palmer had deter- mined to follow and had induced about twenty-three wagons and nearly as many families to accompany him. After getting started he had gone ahead of the wagons to explore. He fol- lowed Barlow into the mountains but returned after several days reconnoitering without meeting him. After Barlow re- turned to camp, it was mutually agreed to join forces and push on with the road building. At this point it was decided to send a party with the loose cattle onto the settlements.^ Two families determined to go on with the drovers. This party was instructed to procure pro- visions and assistance and meet the roadbuilders. After dispatching a small party back to the Dalles for beef and wheat the main party now began the arduous task of cut- ting a road through the timber. The eastern side of the Cas- cades was not heavily timbered, however, and progress was rapid, though there is recorded some complaint about the in- compatibility of big trees, rusty tools and tender muscles. It being the dry season, fire was used effectively in clearing the mountain sides. When they came face to face, with the steep mountain sides several families gave up the enterprise and returned to The Dalles. 16 Palmer and Barlow were still determined to push on. On the morning of October llth 1 7 they set out ahead to find a way over the main dividing ridge. This lay further to the west than they had expected and their previous exploration had showed no sign of a western descent. In their absence the company continued the road building. 14 Palmer's Journal, p. 126. 15 Ibid., p. 128. 1 6 Evans. 17 Palmer's Journal, p. 131. THE BARLOW ROAD 291 After several days travel on foot in the heart of the range Barlow and Palmer found a passable route for wagons to the western descent. But their own journey was fraught with so much hardship and suffering on account of the snow that they were forced to conclude that the season was too late and the journey too long to risk being snowed in among the moun- tains. 18 It had previously been determined that, should the pass- age prove impossible, the wagons and impedimenta should be cached and the company should proceed with the stock over the mountains. Therefore, on the return of the leaders a rude house was construed about five miles east of the summit. In this were placed the perishables of the company. Three young men, William Barlow, John Bown, and William Berry volunteered to remain and guard the deposit, but it was found that scarcely any provisions could be left and Berry was left in solitude to keep a long winter's vigil amid the mountain storms. 1 ** Packing a few necessary articles upon the horses and oxen, only the weakest having saddle horses, the remainder of the company pushed on toward the outpost of the scattered Oregon settlements. 20 Even greater hardships were experienced on the western slope of the Cascades. On the very summit they encountered treacherous swamps ; there was no grass for the stock and they broused the poison laurel bushes ; provisions gave out entirely and the woods became so dense and the canyons so deep and precipitous that some despaired of ever reaching civilization. William Barlow relates how his sister, Mrs. Gaines tried to cheer her disheartened companions, saying, "Why we are in the midst of plenty plenty of snow, plenty of wood to melt it, plenty of horse meat, plenty of dog meat if the worst comes." 21 A packtrain with flour and other provisions from Oregon City came to their relief and all passed safely through to the Willamette, 1 8 Palmer'* Journal, p. 140; Brans. 19 Brans. ao Palmer'a Journal, p. 141. ai Quarterly Orcg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, 76. 292 WALTER BAILEY Captain Barlow, early in December, applied to the territorial legislature, then in session in Oregon City, for a charter to open a road across the Cascade mountains. 22 He was allowed to address the House on the subject and on December 16th, a charter was granted. As soon as the snow left the mountains in the spring, Barlow engaged a force of about forty men and opened the road from Foster's farm in the Clackamas valley to the camp where the wagons were left. 23 A subscription list was circulated among the Oregon settlers to help defray the expenses of this construction, but a writer in the Oregon Spectator of February 18, 1847, declares that he "has it from an authentic source that only thirty dollars was ever received." For two years following the construction, Captain Barlow personally collected the toll. In 1846 according to his report "one hundred and forty-five wagons, fifteen hundred and fifty- nine head of horses, mules and horned cattle, and one drove of sheep" passed through the toll gates. 2 * The Barlow road continued to be extensively used by immi- grants until the building of the railroad along the Columbia, and it is still in use. From 1848 to 1862 the road was leased by Barlow to various operators, among whom were Philip Foster and Joseph Young. 2 * These men did little except collect the tolls and the highway lapsed into an almost impassable condition. In October, 1862, 26 the Mount Hood Wagon Road Company, capitalized at twenty-five thousand dollars, was organized to take over and reconstruct the old road. This enterprise appears to have been a failure but in May, 1864, a new company called the Cascade Road and Bridge Company was incorporated. 22 Oregon Archives, 1853, p. 126. 23 Evans; Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 79. 24 Evans; Oregon Spectator, Oct. 29, 1846. 25 Evans; Quarterly Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 79. There is scanty material concerning the operation of the road during these years. It is probable that the California gold rush and the Indian troubles diverted men's attention from internal improvements. During one year at least the toll gates were unguarded. 26 Art. of Incorp. of the Mt. Hood Wagon Road Co., Clerk's office, Oregon City. 27 Art. of Incorp. of Cascade Road and Bridge Co., Clerk's office, Oregon City. THE BARLOW ROAD 293 This organization 2 ? incorporated by Joseph Young, Egbert Alcott, Stephen Coleman, Frederick Sievers and Francis Revenue, made extensive improvements in the route, building bridges and making corduroy roads across the swamps. In 1882 2b the road was deeded to the Mount Hood and Bar- low Road Company, organized by Richard Gerder, S. D. Cole- man, H. E. Cross, F. O. McCown, and J. T. Apperson. These men shortened and improved the route and constructed an important branch road. The Mount Hood and Barlow Road Company, now under different management, still operates the road. One of the first measures to come before the people of Oregon under the Initiative law was a proposal that the state purchase the Barlow road and abolish tolls. The measure was defeated by a small majority. Among the memorable occurrences in "crossing the plains" the passage over the Cascade mountains by the Mt. Hood route stands out most vividly in the memory of a large number of Oregon pioneers. The dangers, toil and hardship ; the beauties of the mountains and the pleasant surprises of the great dense forests; the laborious climb on the eastern slope and the steep descent of "Laurel Hill" on the west ; all combined to make an impression on the minds of the pioneers which later, served for many a fireside reminiscence. Autumn after autumn, from "forty-six" to "sixty-four" witnessed long lines of expectant homeseekers toiling through the rocky defiles and over the steep ridges. The diaries and letters written by the travellers express a strange mixture of happiness and sorrow, contentment and dejection, hope and despair, ectasy and misery.^ Says one, "Some men's hearts died within them and some of our women sat down by the roadside and cried, saying they had aban- doned all hope of ever reaching the promised land. I saw women with babies but a week old, toiling up the mountains in the burning sun, on foot, because our jaded teams were not able to haul them. We went down mountains so steep that we 28 Corporation deed on file in the Clerk's office, Oregon City. 29 Bancroft's Oregon, Vol. I, p. 561, note. i 294 WALTER BAILEY had to let our wagons down with ropes. My wife and I carried our children up muddy mountains in the Cascades, half a mile high and then carried the loading of our wagons up on our backs by piecemeal, as our cattle were so reduced that they were hardly able to haul up our empty wagon/' Of Laurel Hill an emigrant of 18533 complains : "The road on this hill is something terrible. It is worn down into the soil from five to seven feet, leaving steep banks on both sides, and so narrow that it is almost impossible to walk alongside of the cattle for any distance without leaning against the oxen. The emigrants cut down a small tree about ten inches in diameter and about forty feet long, and the more limbs it has on it the better. This tree they fasten to the rear axle with chains or ropes, top end foremost, making an excellent brake." On the other hand many make no mention of hardship but are enraptured and captivated by the charming blushes of the snowy peaks. From The Dalles at five in the morning one is* 1 "thrilled by the spectacle of Mount Hood's snowy pyramid standing out, clearly defined against the pale grey of dawn ; not white as at noonday, but pink, as the heart of a Sharon rose, from base to summit. A little later it has faded, and by the most lovely transitions of color and light, now looks golden, now pearly, and finally glistens whitely in the full glare of the risen sun." Even the prosaic Palmer finds room to exclaim among his practical observations : "I had never before beheld a sight so nobly grand."3 Curry, a newspaper editor,33 i n his new charge the Oregon Spectator, records at some length his impressions of the moun- tain road, " -The breath of the forest was laden with the scent of agreeable odors. What a feeling of freshness was dif- fused into our whole being as we enjoyed the pleasure of the pathless woods. In every glimpse we could catch of the open 30 Diary of E. W. Conyers, Transactions Oregon Pioneer Assn., 1905. 31 Overland Monthly, Vol. Ill, p. 304. 33 Palmer's Journal, p. 130. 33 Spectator, Oct. 20, 1846. The article is unsigned. It was written, howerer, by George L. Curry, the editor. THE BARLOW ROAD 295 day, there, above and beyond us were the towering heights, with their immense array of sky-piercing shafts. "Up, up to an altitude fearfully astounding the ascent is steep and difficult, but there are many such ridges of the mountains to be crossed before you can descend into the flour- ishing valley of the Willamette. Down, down into the deep, dark and silent ravines, and when you have reached the bottom of it, by precipitous descent, you may be able to form an idea of the great elevation which you had previously attained. The cross- ing of the Rocky mountains, the Bear River range and the "big hill" of the Brules, with the Blue Mountains, was insignificant in comparison to the Cascades. Here is no natural pass you breast the lofty hills and climb them there is no way around them, no avoiding them, and each succeeding one, you fancy is the dividing ridge of the range." The Barlow road was an important asset to both immigrants and settlers. It enabled the former to divide their trains and avoid the overcrowded condition on the Columbia ; it furnished the latter a means of communication and trade with the settlers east of the mountains. Large numbers of Willamette valley cattle were driven over it to be slaughtered in the mines and many a packer has paid toll at its gates. Judge Matthew P. Deady, 34 an esteemed citizen and noted jurist of Oregon, is reported to have said of this road: "The construction of the Barlow road contributed more towards the prosperity of the Willamette Valley and the future State of Oregon than any other achievement prior to the building of the railways in 1870." The general references consulted in the preparation of this paper are as follows : Palmer's Journal, published in Thwaites' Early Western Travels. Elwood Evans' History of the Northwest. Bancroft's History of Oregon. The Oregon Spectator, Vols. I and II. 34 Quoted in Quarterly of the Oreg. Hist. Soc., Vol. Ill, p. 79. The Oregon Archives, published in 1853.
Oregon Pioneer Transactions for 1889 and 1905.
Records in the office of the County Clerk of Clackamas County.
"The Story of the Barlow Road" in the Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. 3. John C. Calhoun
as
Secretary of War
1817-1825
By Frances Packard Young
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
A Thesis presented to the Department of History
LELAND STANFORD, JR.
UNIVERSITY
May, 1912
I. INTRODUCTION. Calhoun becomes Secretary of War in 1817 1 Calhoun's work as a Congressman 2 Favors a national tariff in 1810 3 Advocates internal improvements 4 Characterizations of Calhoun as a Congressman 5 Outline of work as Secretary of War 7 II. ADMINISTRATION AND REDUCTION OF THE ARMY. Centralization and Economy in the War Department 8 Lack of public revenue a cause for economy 9 Calhoun's argument against the reduction of the army 10 Argument by Mr. Williams, a member of Congress, in favor of reduction 11 Criticisms of Calhoun's report 12 Congressional action against military appropriations 13 Comparative annual expenses of the army 14 III. FORTIFICATIONS AND INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. Bonus Bill speech compared with report of 1819 15 Congressional opposition to the building of forts 16 Report on Fortifications 17 The Mix or Rip Rap Contract 18 IV. ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. Rapid settlement of the West . . 21 Change in system of Indian trade 21 Calhoun's report on this change 22 System of forts planned by Calhoun 23 Attitude of Congress toward Indian Appropriations 24 Plans for Indian colonization, West of the Mississippi 24 CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 299 V. THE CONFLICT ON THE FRONTIER. Cause of Seminole War 27 The U. S. army is ordered into Florida 28 Jackson takes Pensacola and St. Marks 30 His account of the capture of these forts 31 Calhoun condemns Jackson for this action 32 Jackson is protected by public opinion 33 Calhoun's War policy 33 Treaty for annexation of Florida 34 Action of Congress 34 VI. CALHOUN AS CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. Calhoun becomes a candidate in 1822 36 Party divisions 37 Compared with other candidates 37 Factions of the different candidates, in the Cabinet and House of Representatives 39 Relation between the attacks on Calhoun and his candidacy 40 Newspaper partisanship 41 Nomination of Calhoun 41 Calhoun's strength as candidate for President and then for Vice- President 42 Final Election . . 43 VII. JOHN C. CALHOUN. Calhoun's personality 44 Social position in Washington 45 Mental qualities 45 Characteristics as a public official 46 Criticisms of Calhoun 48 Calhoun's explanation of his own political views 48 Attitude on Slavery 50 1 INTRODUCTION It is generally agreed that the United States engaged in a struggle for economic independence in CONDITION its second war with England, and proved OF THE to the world that it wished to protect its UNITED STATES own citizens. From that time on, the nation slowly grew in power until in 1817 when James Monroe became President, the treasury was well filled and the people had a feeling of prosperity. 1 Monroe offered the position of Secretary of War to four different men, before he appointed John CALHOUN C. Calhoun to fill that place in the APPOINTED AS cabinet. The President invited Henry SECRETARY Clay to take the post, but Clay declined, OF WAR rather offended because he was not made Secretary of State. He next thought of Andrew Jackson, Governor Shelby of Tennessee and William Lowndes of South Carolina, but they all refused. Finally he selected Calhoun, who had justified his appointment by his efforts in Congress to further the material advance- ment of the United States. 2 A brief sketch of Calhoun's congressional career from 1811 to 1817 is necessary before considering CALHOUN'S his Secretaryship. Coming into Con- WORK AS A gress as a young man, when the United CONGRESSMAN States was on the verge of a war, Cal- houn's patriotic enthusiasm led him to support defensive measures. On December 12, 1811, he gave his reasons for favoring a war. i Schouler, History of the United States. II, 499. "Partly by internal taxes, but chiefly by those upon imports, Congress and this administration planned a permanent revenue, sufficient for meeting all current expenses and interest, and so to apply an annual surplus besides of $10,000,000 towards discharging the principal. When the year 1817 opened all was auspicious for instituting such a policy; most of the treasury notes had been cancelled; nearly the whole national debt was refunded; cash to the amount of $10,000,000 lay in the treasury] direct taxation could at once be dispensed with and various obnoxious items of internal revenue besides." z Hunt, G. John C. Calhoun, 43. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 301 "One principle necessary to make us a great people is to protect every citizen in the lawful pursuit of his business." 3 In a speech a year later, on December 4, 1812, he asserted that "It is the duty of every citizen to bear whatever the general interest may demand, and I, Sir, am proud in representing a people pre-eminent in the exercise of this virtue. Carolina makes no complaint against the difficulties of the times. If she feels embarassments, she turns her indignation not against her own Government, but again the common enemy. She makes no comparative estimate of her sufferings with other states. . . . High tariffs have no pernicious effects and are consistent with the genius of the people and the institutions of the country/' 4 Calhoun made this last statement to answer an argument put forth by Mr. Widgery from Massachusetts, a few days before, which he considered to be an expression of New Eng- land sectionalism. 5 The Committee of Commerce and Manufactures presented a tariff bill to the House in February, 1816. Two months later Calhoun declared in support of the ARGUMENT IN measure that it required commerce, agri- FAVOR OF culture and manufactures to produce NATIONAL wealth for a nation. The United States TARIFF States possessed agriculture and com- merce, what she needed was manufac- tures, and these could not exist without protection from European competition. His argument in detail was that, "Neither agriculture, manufactures, nor commerce, taken separately, is the cause of wealth; it flows from the three combined, and cannot exist without each. . . . Without commerce, industry would have no stimulus ; without manu- factures it (U. S.) would be without the means of production; 3 Calhoun, J. C. Works. II, x. 4 Calhoun, J. C. Works, II, 31. Annals of Congress, i2th Cong., 2nd Sess., Vol. 3, page 315. 5 Just before Calhoun's speech this representative spoke against the "Mer- chant's Bonds" Measure. 310. 302 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG and without agriculture neither of the others can subsist. When taken separately, entirely and permanently, they perish.'* As opposed to the sectional reasons for tariff, this argu- ment might be called tariff nationalism. Calhoun spoke in favor of national aid for internal im- provements, as earnestly as he did for NEED FOR tariff. Without adequate means of com- INTERNAL munication, no country could advance in IMPROVEMENTS national prosperity. The extent of terri- tory which the United States occupied exposed them "to the greatest of all calamities next to the loss of liberty and to that in its consequences disunion. We are great, and rapidly I was about to say fearfully growing. This is our pride and our danger; our weakness and our strength. Little does he deserve to be entrusted with the liber- ties of the people, who does not raise his mind to these truths." 7 In 1812 the nation had been hindered by not being able to move troops quickly from place to place. Was she to be caught like that again ? During his term in Congress, Calhoun served as chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations. 8 CHARACTERIZA- Elijah H. Mills, a Federalist, wrote of TIONS OF Calhoun in 1823 : CALHOUN AS A "He came into Congress very young CONGRESSMAN and took a decided part in favor of the late war, and of all the measures con- nected with it. He is ardent, persevering, industrious and temperate, of great activity and quickness of perception, and rapidity of utterance. . . . His private character is esti- mable and exemplary, and his devotion to his official duties is regular and severe." 9 Tcllhoun, J. C. Works, II, 163-6. 7 Calhoun, J. C. Works, II, 186. Speech on Bill to set aside bank dividends and bonus for internal improve- ments. 8 Hunt, G. John C. Calhoun, aa. Calhoun at first occupied second place on the committee, but when the chair- man, Gen. P. B. Porter, retired from Congress, Calhoun was made chairman, 9 Mass. Hist. Society Proceed. XIX, 37, 1881-2. Letters of Elijah H. Mills. After the first sentence the characterization belongs to the time when Calhoun was Secretary, but might well be applied to his Congressional career also. (Representative from Massachusetts in 1816.) CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 303 Another man described Calhoun's legislative career as, "Short, but uncommonly luminous; his love of novelty and his apparent solicitude to astonish were so great, that he has occasionally been known to go beyond even the dreams of political visionaries and to propose schemes which were in their nature impracticable or injurious, and which he seemed to offer merely for the purpose of displaying the affluence of his mind and the fertility of his ingenuity." 10 Babcock, in the "Rise of the American Nationality," has characterized Calhoun, when in Congress, as a "Young South- erner of good family, fine endowments, and fine education, he was an ardent nationalist, working for, arguing for and dream- ing of a great and powerful United States safely bound to- gether for its work in the world. He was ambitious, but could afford to wait for his promotions. . . . Through all the quiet energy of his work, and the luminous diction of his speeches runs a strain of passion and chivalrous sentiment. More clearly than anyone else of this time did Calhoun fulfill the prophetic function for the South, showing forth its best spirit and noblest impulses, as yet unwarped and uncorroded by slavery." 11 Mr. Nathan Appleton, a visitor in Washington about 1816, wrote "That he had been introduced to many distinguished men, among whom were Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun." 12 These two men worked together during this Congressional session, both believing in tariff and internal improvements, and not realizing as yet, their conflicting ambitions. 1 3 10 Am. Hist. Review, n, 510-2; 1905-6. F. 7. Turner, The South 1820-30. Taken from Letters from North America, by A. Hodgson, I, 81; 1824. 11 Babcock, Rise of American Nationality, Am. Nation Series, an. i a Mast. Hist. Society Proceed. V. a6i. i86o-a. Memoirs of Nathan Appleton. 13 William and Mary Quarterly, XVII; 143-4, * paper on the U. S. Congress and SOIM of Itt Celebrities, Colton, Henry Clay, I, 434-6, VI, 108. 1 304 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG When Calhoun became Secretary of War in 1817, it was his first interest to strengthen the army for OUTLINE OF the needs of an expanding boundary CALHOUN'S line. His Indian policy was the most WORK AS complete plan that had, up to 1818, been SECRETARY formulated to take care of the large un- OF WAR settled territory in the, western part of the United States. 14 In the events con- nected with the Seminole War and the Acquisition of Florida, he was conservative and patient, trying to avoid rather than make war. Toward the last of his Administration, he was nominated for President by the legislature of South Carolina, 15 but he consented to run for Vice-President when it seemed that he could not compete with Jackson. Clay and Calhoun were rivals in this Presidential Campaign, while in political ideas they were no longer united. Whether or not Calhoun gov- erned the War Department with the idea of gaining the sup- port of the people to this higher office, is a question. CHAPTER II ADMINISTRATION AND REDUCTION OF THE ARMY After administering the office of Secretary of War for some time, Calhoun stated his ideas concerning CENTRALIZATION a more efficient management of the De- IN THE WAR partment. He outlined his plans in let- DEPARTMENT ters to authorities who were connected with the control of the army. On Feb- ruary 5, 1818, Calhoun wrote to John Williams, Chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate, concerning the reorgani- zation of the medical staff of the army. His main object in taking this step was to introduce responsibility and centraliza- tion into its government and ultimately to reduce the cost of 14 Von Hoist, Calhoun. 45. Niles' Register, XV. Supplement, 25. 1 5 Letters of Calhoun, House of Representatives, Documents, Am. Hist. Assn. Vol. 115, page 216. 1899-1900. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 305 administration. He planned to accomplish this by placing some medical expert at the head, to whom all the surgeons should make quarterly reports. The same system was to be carried out in the Quartermaster's Division. 16 Several times Calhoun impressed upon the commanders of the, army the necessity for strict economy. ECONOMY IN March 15, 1820, he wrote to Andrew ADMINISTRATION Jackson: "Each head of appropriation has been reduced to its lowest amount, and it will require much economy and good management to meet the ordinary expenditure of the year. You will accord- ingly take no measure, in the present state of business which will much increase the expense of your division/' 17 These two letters illustrate Calhoun's plan of action through- out his entire administration. Every man in office must be responsible to the head of the department and in the perform- ance of his work, observe the most careful economy. This did not mean that Calhoun wished to reduce the military force as a means of lessening the expenses. To his mind it was far more economical to have a well prepared army in case of a crisis, than to waste time and money organizing one when the nation was thrust into war. The basis for the practice of economy in the War Depart- ment may be found in the efforts of Con- LACK OF PUBLIC gress from 1818 to 1823, to reduce the REVENUE CAUSE expenses of the Government. One ex- FOR ECONOMY planation for this policy was given by Mr. Butler of New Hampshire on March 14, 1820, when he asserted in a speech before the House, that the Treasury showed a decrease in revenue of fifty per cent, and that the exports of the United States for three years before 1820 were only one-half their usual amount. 18 16 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, Vol. 115, Am. Hist. Ass. Vol. II, 133-4- Calhoun did not take up the duties of Secretary of War until December 5, 1817. Hunt, John C. Calhoun, 43. 17 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, Vol. 115, Am. Hist. Ass. Vol. II, 171. 1 8 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1836. Turner, F. J. Rise of the New West, Am. Nation Series, 140, states that customs receipts fell between 1816 and 1821 from $36,000,000 to $13,000,000 and the revenue from public lands from $3,274,000 in 1819 to $1,635,000 in 1820. 306 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG The expense of a standing army was attacked first and a resolution passed by the House in April, CALHOUN'S 1818, asking the Secretary of War if ARGUMENT military appropriations could not be re- AGAINST duced. 18 Calhoun replied at the next REDUCTION session of Congress. 20 In this report he OF THE ARMY considered the army under four heads, number, organization, pay and emolu- ments. In 1818 the army was no larger than it was in 1802, considering the increase in population and territory between those years, and at the earlier date it was considered as small as public safety allowed. These facts made it impossible to reduce the number of soldiers. The officers' staff must not be made smaller, because, if war were declared, the lack of executive authority would cause great confusion. The great extent of territory over which the army was scattered had necessarily advanced the cost of transportation of men and supplies. Calhoun did not wish to decrease the pay of the men and officers, for the cost of living was much higher in 1818 than it had been in previous years. The only way to economize, which he suggested in this report, was to prevent waste in the handling of public property. In this connection Calhoun advised that public bids be made for supplying army rations, instead of having them bought through private con- tract, as had been done in the past. Notwithstanding Calhoun's protest against decreasing the number of soldiers, Mr. Williams of ARGUMENT North Carolina, introduced a resolution IN FAVOR OF in February, 1819, to reduce the standing REDUCTION army to six thousand. 21 In support of this resolution he asserted that an in- crease of territory and population did not necessitate a cor- responding increase in the army, that large towns and cities did not need the protection of arms or forts, and that it was extravagance to support a large staff of officers. 23 Register, XIV, 145. Annals of Congress, ith Cong, ist Sess., II, 1766. ao Niles' Register, XV, Supplement, 39. si Annals of Congress, III, 1155, and Sess., isth Cong. 22 Ibid, 1156-7. , CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 307 Mr. Simpkins of South Carolina, opposed Mr. Williams' resolution and reminded Congress of the MR. SIMPKINS unfortunate condition of the United SUPPORTS States in 1812 because of the lack of CALHOUN'S military forces. He declared that Cal- POLICY houn was justified in demanding a large army to protect the citizens of this na- tion. 23 In May of the next year, Henry Clay brought forth a similar resolution, 24 and finally Congress asked CALHOUN'S Calhoun to give his opinion on the reduc- PLAN FOR tion. 25 The Secretary of War had al- REDUCING THE ready realized the advisability of econ- NUMBER OF omy, as shown in his letter to Jackson SOLDIERS in March, 1820, which has been quoted above. Calhoun's reply in December, 1820, assumed that this change was inevitable and he resolved to manage it as wisely as possible. 26 He did not want Congress to abolish whole regiments, but only to decrease the number of soldiers in such divisions, in that way avoiding the possibility of having to train new bodies of men in case the army was suddenly increased for a war. It was easier to command some new recruits along with others already experienced in military tactics, than to use companies which were entirely ignorant of such things. Neither did he, want the number of officers reduced, for mere soldiers were easy to drill, but it took time to make a good officer. In the speeches which were made in favor of a reduction, this report was severely criticised. Mr. CRITICISM OF Williams again took the floor to oppose CALHOUN'S the recommendations of the Secretary of REPORT War and asserted that the standing army was dangerous to the liberties of the people, and that since it was a "necessary evil," they should 33 Ibid, 1155-6-7. 24 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong, ist Sess., II, 2233. 25 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong. 2nd Sess., Ill, 607. 26 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., Appendix, 1715. 308 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG have as little of it as possible. He combated Calhoun's argu- ment for a large staff of officers and the maintenance of a standing army, which was always prepared for immediate warfare. Because our population was double that of 1802, was no reason for an army twice as large. He knew that there were not as many as seventy-three forts to defend, as Calhoun had reported, and that it was not necessary to use the army to protect the frontier which the PASSAGE United States had recently acquired. 27 OF BILL The Bill to reduce the army to six thou- sand soldiers was passed on January 23, 1821, by a majority of 109-48. 28 The 16th and 17th Congresses hesitated to make even the necessary military appropriations for CONGRESSIONAL 1822 and '23, because Calhoun had over- ACTION AGAINST drawn the account for 1821, and they MILITARY feared that such an act was a dangerous APPROPRIATIONS usurpation of power. 29 Others were afraid that the United States Treasury could not meet all the demands, while a few accused him of needless extravagance. 30 Mr. Cannon, of Tennessee, attacked the appropriation for the support of the West Point Military ATTACK ON WEST Academy, and even made a motion that POINT MILITARY they consider abolishing it. He declared ACADEMY that it was a school where only the sons of rich men were taught military science. This would result in establishing an aristocracy in the United 27 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 767. 28 House of Representatives, Journal, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., 160. Vote on Bill to reduce army to 6coo. First figure is the negative vote from the State named. Second figure is the number of representatives from that State: Kentucky 3-12 Alabama i- i Illinois i- i Maryland 4- 9 Georgia 2- 6 Ohio i- 6 Pennsylvania 8-25 N. Carolina 1-14 New York 8-27 New Jersey 1-3 Massachusetts 4-23 Virginia 4-27 Louisiana i- i S. Carolina 4- 9 Tennessee i- 6 Delaware 1-2 Taken from House Journal, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., p. 161. Out of these rep- resentatives 28 were listed in some party and 14 of them belonged to the Demo- cratic party in 1818. Congressional Bibliography. 29 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Ses., Ill, 710. 30 Annals of Congress, i7th Cong., ist Sess., I, 1105. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 309 States and destroy the democratic government. He was not opposed to the teaching of military science, but he wanted such instruction given to the general mass of citizens. 31 The Secretary of War prepared a report in 1822 of the army expenses for the years 1818 to 1822, COMPARATIVE showing that the numbers of the army for ANNUAL those years had increased, but that the EXPENSES cost of maintenance for each man had OF THE ARMY decreased. 32 These expenses he divided into two parts, those which are fixed by law, such as officers' salaries, and those which can be changed at the will of the Secretary of War. The two divisions had become smaller, year by year, because the officers had kept strict account and had carefully preserved public property. 33 In 1823, he again claims that the accounts show remarkable econ- omy in the organization of the army, chiefly through the atten- tion which each officer had given to his department. 34 Besides the reports mentioned above, Calhoun prepared exact state- ments each year, showing how much money had been spent and for what it was used. 35 31 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1603-4. 32 House of Representatives, Journal, i7th Cong., ist Sess., 318. Niks' Register, XXII, 38-40. 33 Numbers in the army for 1818-1822: 1818, 8199 men; 1819, 8428; 1820, 9698; 1821, 8109; 1822, 6442. Expenditures for each person in the army: 1818, $451.57; 1819, $434.70; 1820, $315.88; 1821, $287.02; 1822, $299.46. Niles', XXII, 38-9-40. 34Niles' Register, XXIV, 263. 35 House of Representatives, Journal, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., 117; i7th Cong., ist Sess., 262. I CHAPTER III INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS AND FORTIFICATIONS On April 12, 1818, Calhoun was asked by Congress to give a report on the national construction of COMPARISON OF roads and canals. 36 The Secretary of War BONUS BILL considered such internal improvements SPEECH AND necessary both for military defense and REPORT OF 1818 the development of trade, but in reply in ON INTERNAL January, 1819, he made commercial rea- IMPROVEMENTS sons secondary, while in the speech he delivered on the Bonus Bill in February, 1817, he had advocated internal improvements, primarily to strengthen the nation commercially and politically, and only incidentally to serve as a means of defense in war. Calhoun worked out a system of inland transportation which would protect the northern, eastern and REPORT ON southern boundaries. Local roads not ex- ROADS AND tending beyond the boundaries of a state, CANALS were to be left to that state, but those JANUARY, 1819 going through a large section of the United States were to be built by the government. The most important work would be a highway along the eastern coast, over which troops could be marched when it was dangerous to transport them by sea. North of the Chesapeake Bay the coast is very accessible, making it expedient to build roads from all parts of the country to this section, so that it would be easy quickly to concentrate troops at any point. Calhoun suggested that other roads be built from Albany to the Lakes ; Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington and Richmond to the Ohio river, and from Augusta to Tennessee. On the northern frontier he planned canals between Albany, Lake George and Lake Ontario, and between Pittsburg and Lake Erie. Roads were to be built from Plattsburg to Sackett Har- bor, and from Detroit to the Ohio. The southwest was natural- ly guarded by the Mississippi River, while a canal from the 36 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., ist Sess., II, 1678. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 311 Illinois river to Lake Michigan completed the system of com- munication. The cost of building these roads was to be reduced by employing part of the army and paying them slightly higher wages than they ordinarily received. 37 Congress went so far as to appoint a committee in December, 1819, to consider the building of roads and canals, but it was discharged before any- thing was accomplished. 88 In its economical mood toward military appropriations, the House considered the advisability in Jan- CONGRESSIONAL uary, 1820, of stopping the construction OPPOSITION TO of all forts. 30 It also asked Calhoun for BUILDING OF a statement of the money that was being FORTS used for this purpose, and the progress which had been made on the different fortifications. 40 This time he gave the report of one of his chief engineers, who had special charge of such works. REPORT ON He had had the northern, southern and FORTIFICATIONS eastern coasts inspected and had planned a system of forts, such that each fort was connected with the next in a continuous chain of defense. They were all to fulfill some of the following conditions i* 1 1. Close some important harbor to the enemy. 2. Deprive the enemy of strong positions where he could get a foothold in the United States. 3. To protect the cities from attack. 4. To protect avenues of internal trade. 5. Cover coast trade. 6. Cover great naval establishments. The whole system was to cost a little more than one million dollars, and even then, the forts were not all to be built at once, but were divided into three classes, according to the nation's need for them. A committee was appointed on December 8, 37 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., IV, 2443. 38 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., 708. Ibid, II, 3241. 39 Ibid, I, 891. 40 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1594. 41 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., Appendix, 1731, Feb. 7, 1821. 312 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG 1819, to consider the subject of fortifications. It made a report on April 24, 1820, which was laid on the table without any debate. The fulfilling of the Mix or Rip Rap contract for fortifica- tions on the Chesapeake Bay caused Cal- THE Mix OR houn to be severely criticised. 42 The RIP RAP House of Representatives appointed a CONTRACT committee to investigate the affair, and CONDEMNED BY they gained the following information CONGRESS about the forts. The contract had been given to Mix in April, 1818, but the com- mittee was sure that other men could have been found who would have furnished the stone much cheaper. After the work was started, Mix did not deliver the stone at the appointed time, and sold parts of the contract to other men. The chief engineer of the government, who was a relative of Mix, bought an interest in it and the committee suspected some fraud in that transaction. They condemned the engineer for not adver- tising the bids and for the careless methods used in issuing the contract. The testimony of several stone merchants was taken and most of them agreed that Mr. Mix had DEFENCE OF furnished the stone for a very low price MR. Mix and that if the cost of freight and labor had not unexpectedly dropped, he would have lost money. The lowering of freight rates made it possible for him to make profit. Whether or not the stone was deliv- ered on time was not decided. The engineer who succeeded the one mentioned above, asserted that it was not customary to ad- vertise for bids, when the work was to be done in such a closely settled district as the region about the Chesapeake Bay. 42 Hunt, G. John C. Calhoun, 60. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 313 The only faults which were connected with the transaction, were the tardy supplying of stone, and the ALL suspicious reselling of the contract. No- FoTHE ^ WaS t0 blame if the low frdght rates CONTRACT ARE anc * wa es ma de the prices of 1818 look STOPPED BY extravagant to the Congressmen in CONGRESS 1822. Calhoun had nothing to do with this contract, except as he gave his silent sanction to the whole transaction, although it came out in the evidence that when the engineer had considered buying a share in it, Calhoun had warned him of the effect such a deal would have on public opinion. The committee recommended in their report, on May 7, 1822, that no further appropriations be made to Mr. Mix for his work. 43 In all his military work Calhoun grasped large situations and dealt with comprehensive plans. His re- CALHOUN'S port on military roads showed that he had MILITARY an accurate knowledge of the geography ADMINISTRATION of the United States, and a keen appre- ciation of the strategic points for defense. The advice on the reduction of the army revealed his ability to solve, in a clear and logical manner the most perplexing ques- tions. It is interesting to surmise how much he could have done if he had had the support of Congress. CHAPTER IV ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS Regulation of Indian affairs as well as the administration of of the Army, formed an important part RAPID of Calhoun's work as Secretary of War. SETTLEMENT Between 1812 and 1820, the land be- OF THE WEST tween the Alleghanies and the Mississip- pi, as far south as the Gulf, was settled very rapidly. Tennessee, Kentucky and the banks of the Miss- 43 All the Mix Contract papers are found in the American State Papers, I7th Cong., ist Sess., Sec. 109. i 314 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG issippi had the densest population, while between these two dates, five new western states were admited to the Union. 44 In 1820 over one-third of the people of the United States lived in this region. These facts made the Indian question one of national importance. Since 1802 Congress had managed the trading stations, but in 1819 it considered abolishing these posts CHANGE IN SYS- and opening the fur trade to individ- TEM OF INDIAN uals. 45 In December of that year Calhoun TRADE made a report dealing with this change. 47 Before taking up the real subject of the report, he summarized the history of Indian trade. When there were no European settlements in America, the Indians had been able to supply their own meagre wants, but after they began to trade with white men, they demanded CALHOUN'S more than they knew how to make for REPORT themselves. This made them dependent on the merchants of the colonies and later, of the United States. By taking advantage of these circum- stances, Calhoun wanted the government to establish a just and efficient control over the Indians, and our trade with them. He advised the government gradually to abolish its factories and to open the trading privileges to every man who bought a license from his department. Calhoun planned to sell the per- mits for $100, intending by this means to protect the Indian from the merchant with small capital. These traders would be hard to keep under government control, for if they were tried for some offense, they would forfeit their outfit, rather than obey the laws which secured justice to the Indian. 44 Turner, F. J. Rise of the New West, 70. The new states were Louisiana (1812), Indiana (1816), Mississippi (1817), Illinois (1818), Alabama (1819). 45 Walker, Statistical Atlas of U. S. Region including Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama and Florida. The original 13 Atlantic States had in 1820, 7417 inhabitants. The above named group had in 1820, 3,216,390 inhabitants. 46 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., and Sess., Ill, 546. Annals of Congress, isth Cong., ist Sess., II, 1675. 47 Niles' Register, XV, Supplement, 25. Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 366. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 315 For purposes of administration the territory was divided into two districts, one in the "immediate DIVISION OF neighborhood of civilization," and the TRADING second was the land "west of the Miss- DISTRICTS issippi." In the first district individual traders could carry on the work satis- factorily, while in the other one conditions made this plan impossible. Here the Hudson's Bay Company was so strong that it was impossible for unorganized men to compete with them. 48 Calhoun tried to overcome this difficulty by creating a company of American Fur Traders, in which each man who was a stockholder, would buy a share for $100. Calhoun planned a line of forts on the western frontier for two purposes; to foster and protect SYSTEM OF trade and keep out English interference. FORTS PLANNED In 1818 an expedition was sent out to BY CALHOUN establish a post on the Yellowstone River, but later in the year he decided to trans- fer it to Mandan, because that place was nearer the English post on the Red River. 49 At the same time he planned a chain of forts to guard the frontier.* Two posts were to be established on the Mississippi, one was Fort Armstrong and the other was siuated at the juncture of that river with the Minnesota river. At the head of navigation of the Minnesota, he built a second fort, which had an overland connection with Mandan and the third was situated at the head of the St. Croix. 51 Congress cut down the Indian Appropriations, assuming the same attitude toward them that they did toward those for military purposes. In 1822 they hesitated to give Calhoun money 48 Niks' Register, XV, Supplement, 25. Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., IV, 2455. Calhoun gives no suggestion that he had ever had any experience with the small traders mentioned above. 49 House of Representatives, Documents, V. 115, p. 115, 162. Am. Hist. Ass., 1889-1900, V. 2. Letters of Calhoun-, Turner, Rise of the New West, 114. In 1820 Calhoun sent Gov. Cass to Minnesota to drive out the English and establish American influence. 50 House of Representatives, Documents, V. 115, 1899-1900, II, 147-8. Letters of Calhoun. Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, IV, 143. 51 See map. 316 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG to conduct this part of his Administration because they did not know definitely what the money was to ATTITUDE OF be used for. One Congressman said that CONGRESS it bribed the savages not to cut the throats TOWARD INDIAN of white men. Others thought he had APPROPRIATIONS been extravagant and wasteful in In- dian affairs. 52 There were, however, enough in favor of the measure to keep it from being de- feated. 63 Mr. McCoy, a Baptist missionary among the Indians of the United States, wrote on June 23, 1822, to PLANS FOR Lewis Cass, then Governor of Michigan COLONIZATION Territory, and to two members of Con- OF INDIANS gress, concerning a plan for colonizing WEST OF THE the Indians, then living east of the Miss- MISSISSIPPI issippi, on land west of that river. 5 * The suggestions of Mr. McCoy may have had some connection with the Resolution for having the Com- mittee of Indian Affairs, of the House, inquire into the pur- chasing of land in the west, to be used for the purpose of colonization. 65 On December 30, 1823, a month before this Resolution was passed, Mr. McCoy called on the Secretary of War and again urged the plan of moving the Indians to permanent homes in the west. Mr. Calhoun was in favor of the policy, and said that it would be successful if they could convince Congress of its advisability. 66 To accomplish this, the Board of Missions presented a petition to Congress in March, 1824, praying for the removal of the Indians. 67 On January 27, 1825, Monroe sent a message to Congress, urging them to take this step and accompanying his message was a more detailed report from Calhoun. 68 He enumerated the places from which Indians ought to be removed, and located favorable 52 Annals of Congress, i7th Cong., ist Sess., I, 693-695. 53 House Journal, i?th Cong., znd Sess., 312. 54 McCoy, History of Indian Affairs, 200. 55 Annals of Congress, i8th Cong., ist Sess., I, 1164. 56 McCoy, History of Indian Affairs, 218. 57 Annals of Congress, i8th Cong., 2nd. Sess., II. 58 Niles' Register, XXVII, 363. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 317 spots for their settlement west of Arkansas and Missouri. In carrying out this plan there were several principles to be ob- served. Above all, the government should try to keep peace among the different tribes, and the schools, which they had giv- en, were to be moved with them, so that they should have the same advantages of civilization. The government agents must assure them that this new land will not be taken away from them. An effort should also be made to unite all the tribes and to introduce the laws of the United States among them, so that in time they might enjoy the privileges of citizens. To this end Calhoun advised Congress to hold a convention of the leading Indians. 59 The main ideas which run through Calhoun's reports in this chapter, are, the necessity of keeping English traders out of the United States territory, and the peaceful admission of the Indians to participation in the United States Government. He realized that if the English were allowed to trade in our possessions, they would incite the natives to war and drive out our traders. The Indians could not be civilized while they were treated as a foreign and often antagonistic nation. CHAPTER V THE CONFLICT ON THE FRONTIER No part of his work as Secretary of War exhibits Calhoun's diplomacy and caution so well as his connection with the Seminole War and annexation of Florida. The War was caused by the attacks of the Seminole Indians on citizens of the United States, in CAUSE OF THE Spanish territory and on the American SEMINOLE WAR side of the boundary. 60 The Governor of Pensacola 61 asserted in 1818, that he had neither the force nor the authority to conquer the Indians, but that he was as anxious as the United States to stop the out- rages which they committed. 62 Nevertheless the Committee on Register, XXVII, 40 Ses egster, , 404. 60 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1618-9. 61 An important Spanish fort in the southwestern part of Florida. 62 Annals of Congress, i$th Cong., 2nd Sess., IV, Appendix, 1970. ! 318 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG Foreign Affairs, reported to the House of Representatives that the Spanish had "permitted the Indian inhabitants of that territory, whom they had promised by treaty to restrain, to en- gage in savage hostilities against us." 68 Mr. Adams, the Secretary of State, asserted that the Spanish were aiding the Indians, by giving them supplies and allowing the fort to be used for their councils of war. 04 After some hesitation, Calhoun, in the name of the Presi- dent, ordered General Gaines to cross the THE U. S. ARMY boundary of Florida and subdue the na- Is ORDERED tives. This message was sent in a letter ACROSS THE from the Secretary of War to General BOUNDARY INTO Gaines, dated December 16, 1817, in FLORIDA which Calhoun wrote, "On the receipt of this letter, should the Seminole Indians still refuse to make reparation for their outrages and depredations on the citizens of the United States, it is the wish of the President, that you consider yourself at liberty to march across the Florida line, and to attack them within its limits, should it be found necessary, unless they should shelter themselves under a Spanish fort. In the last event you will immediately notify this Department." 85 General Jackson was not ordered to join Gaines until the 26th of December, 1817, 66 and it is very likely that he enjoyed the same privilege of crossing the Florida boundary. On December 26th, Calhoun wrote to Jackson, telling him that Gaines had probably by that date carried the war into Florida, and, "With this in view, you may be prepared to concentrate your force, and to adopt the necessary measures to terminate a con- flict, which it has been the desire of the President, from con- siderations of humanity to avoid ; but which is now made nec- essary by their settled hostilities." 67 63 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., IL 1618-9. 64 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., and Sess., IV, 1826-39. Letter of Mr. Adams to Mr. Erving, Minister to Spain. 65 State Papers, isth Cong., and Sess., I, Sec. 14, page 35. 66 Ibid. Page 33. 67 State Papers, i$th Cong., and Sess., Sec. 14, page 33. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 319 Again on January 16th, 1818, Calhoun wrote to General Gaines, "The honor of the United States requires, that the war with the Seminoles should be terminated speedily, and with ex- emplary punishment for hostilities so unprovoked. Orders were issued soon after my arrival here, directing the war to be carried within the limits of Florida, should it be necessary to its speedy and effectual termination." 68 It would have been useless to order the war carried on in Florida, without allowing General Jackson to cross the bound- ary of that territory. A good summary of Jackson's powers was given in a letter from Calhoun to William W. Bibb, Gov- ernor of Alabama Territory, written on the 13th day of May, 1818: "Enclosed is a copy of the order authorizing General Gaines to carry the war into Florida ; and you will consider it as fur- nishing authority to the troops of the territory to pass the Florida line, should it be necessary. I send also a copy of a message of the President communicatng information in regard to the Seminole War. General Jackson is vested with full powers to conduct the war, in the manner which he may judge best/' 69 No direct orders to General Jackson to enter the Spanish territory, as were given to General JACKSON TAKES Gaines, can be found in the State Papers. ST. MARKS AND Nevertheless, he took his troops into PENSACOLA Florida in the first part of 1818, and on April 2, captured St. Marks, 70 while in the following May he obtained the surrender of Pensacola, 71 both of which were important Spanish forts of the coast. In June and July of that year, the newspapers made com- ments on the merits of Jackson's action. The "National In- telligencer" commended him 72 and states that he had taken the 68 Ibid. Page 37. 69 Ibid. Page 39. Evidently Calhoun did not know of the capture of St. Marks and Penascola when he wrote this letter. 70 State Papers, isth Cong., and Sess., I, Sec. 14, page 50-1. 71 Ibid. Page 87. 72 Niles' Register, XIV, 337-383. 320 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG forts for purely patriotic motives. The Democratic Press, as Niles classed it, praised Jackson for this act, 73 while the "Rich- mond Enquirer," a paper which favored Crawford, called it, "an act of war and perfidy, showing a grasping nature on the part of the United States." 74 The "Franklin Gazette," a Calhoun paper, said, 75 "Jackson is a man of great courage and noble character, but does not see the value of strict discipline and subordination. He has placed the country in a most delicate situation." 76 Jackson sent a report to Calhoun dated June 2, 1818, giving an account of the taking of Pensacola, and his reasons for doing so. 77 On his march toward that fort, he had been warned by the Spanish governor to advance no JACKSON'S farther, but being confident of the hostile ACCOUNT OF feelings of the Commander toward the His CAPTURE OF United States, he proceeded on and took PENSACOLA the fort with little resistance. Jackson did not change the Spanish government of Pensacola, but established revenue laws on the coast to stop smuggling and admit the American merchants to equal rights with those of Spain. This event practically closed the war, as there were very few Indians left who had not recognized the superiority of Jackson's army. He asserted further, that it was impossible to establish an imaginary boundary line when Spain was not doing anything to subdue the Indians in her territory, and that "The immutable principles of self-defense, justified, there- fore, the occupancy of the Floridas and will warrant the Amer- ican government in holding them until such time when Spain can maintain her authority in it." Calhoun emphatically disapproved of the capture of St. Marks and Pensacola. He wrote to Charles Tait of South Carolina, on July 20, 1818 : 73 Ibid. 369. 74 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, VI, 50. This reference states that the "Richmond Enquirer" was a Crawford paper. Niles' Register, XIV, 371. 75 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, VI, 244-5, gives evidence that the "Franklin Gazette" supported Calhoun. 76 Niles' Register, XIV, 398-9. 77 State Papers, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., I, Sec. 14, page 87. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 321 "The taking of Pensacola was unauthorized and done on his (Jackson's) own responsibility. The place CALHOUN will be given back to Spain, for above all CONDEMNS things the peace of the country should JACKSON FOR be preserved. We have nothing to gain THE CAPTURE OF in a war with Spain, and would be liable THESE FORTS to lose our commerce in such a war. We want time. Let us grow." 78 On the same day that this last letter was written John Q. Adams stated that Calhoun considered the capture of these two towns a violation of the Constitution and an act of war against Spain. The Secretary of War even accused Jackson of having deliberately disobeyed his orders and acted on his own arbitrary will. 78 Yet Calhoun wrote to Jackson on De- cember 23, 1818, "Its (Florida) acquisition, in a commercial, military and point of view would be of great importance to us." 80 He may have been working for the same thing that Jackson was righting for, but condemned Jackson's methods ; or, taking his letter to Governor Bibb into account, he did not realize, before the seizure of St. Marks and Pensacola, what the consequences of such an act would be. President Monroe ordered the two forts to be surrendered to the Spanish government until affairs THE FORTS in Florida could be decided definitely. 81 RETURNED TO The remaining question of what to do SPAIN AND with Jackson was practically determined JACKSON by public opinion. Calhoun wrote to PROTECTED BY Mr. Tait, that the popularity of the Gen- PUBLIC OPINION eral made it impolitic to punish him. 83 President Monroe confirms this state- ment in a letter which he wrote to Madison, acknowledging 78 Gulf State Historical Society, I, 92. Letters of Calhoun to Mr. Tait. 79 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, IV, 113. 80 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, V. 115, Am. Hist. Ass. V. II, 87; 1899-1900. 81 State Papers, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., Sec. 14, page 87, August 14, 1818. 82 Gulf State Historical Magazine, I, 94. Letters of Calhoun to Mr. Tait. 1 322 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG that if Jackson had been brought to trial, the interior of the country would have been agitated by appeals to the sectional interests and imputations of subserviency to Ferdinand of Spain. 83 Throughout this series of incidents, Calhoun's principal idea was to bring about peace as soon as pos- CALHOUN'S sible. 84 He wished to avoid war with WAR POLICY Spain or England, whom he thought would come to Spain's aid, because of the heavy expense of war and the inevitable injury to the nation's commerce. 85 The Acquisition of Florida was a natural sequel to the conditions involving the Seminole War. TREATY FOR Before Jackson crossed the boundary ANNEXATION line, rumors were afloat that Florida was OF FLORIDA to be transferred to this country. 86 A treaty to that effect was drawn up by the Department of State and in September, 1819, was ratified by the Senate. 87 Everything was to be settled when King Ferdinand of Spain signed the same document. For various reasons this did not take place until 1821. In May, 1820, a minister from Spain told the government that the King did not wish to sign the treaty until he knew what policy the United States would assume toward the South American re- publics. 88 At the same time his attention was called away from Florida affairs by a revolution in Spain. 89 83 Letters of Monroe, VI, 87, Feb. 7, 1819. 84 State Papers, isth Cong., and Sess., I, Sec. 14, pages 37-8. 85 House of Representatives, V. 115, Documents. Am. Hist. Ass., 1899-1900, V. 2, pages 145-6. Calhoun's Letters. Niles' Register, XVI. 88 86 Nilcs' Register, XIII, 29, 95. 87 Letters of Monroe, VI, 106. 88 Letters of Monroe, VI, 118. Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, V. 115, Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, 181; 1899-1900. 89 Niles' Register, XVIII, 137. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 323 Congress became impatient at his delay, and on March 9, 1820, the Foreign Affairs Committee, at ACTION OF the suggestion of the President, intro- CONGRESS AND duced a bill which recommended, in very ITS INFLUENCE strong terms, the immediate occupation ON CALHOUN of Florida. 90 President Monroe called a cabinet meeting on March 21, to con- sider the postponement of proceedings relative to Florida to the next session of Congress. At this meeting Calhoun firmly opposed such a measure and ridiculed the idea that we hesitate on account of foreign interference or the recent revolution in Spain. 91 In the same month he wrote to Jackson expressing his hope that Congress would take immediate action in regard to Florida, but he made no reference to his disapproval of Jackson's conduct in the Seminole War. 92 The following May, Calhoun took exactly the opposite stand and advised the Presi- dent to refrain from acting on the matter until the next Con- gress met. 93 He was convinced that at present they should not take such a step, which he felt would bring about a disagree- ment between the Executive and the Legislature. Calhoun had reasonable grounds for this last opinion, because on March 30, the House had voted to lay the Florida bill on the table, and doubtless did not wish to consider the matter again. 94 Above all things Calhoun did not think that the United States should go to war with Spain for SUMMARY the possession of Florida. If the nation OF HIS could annex the territory in peace, he PRINCIPLES would approve of the step, but they could not afford to fight for it. He con- demned Jackson because his actions might lead to a war in which not only Spain, but also England, would oppose the United States. The nation needed to accumulate strength in commerce and internal development. It could not afford to 90 Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., ist Sess., II, 1618-9. 91 Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, V, 29, 92 Letters of Calhoun, House Document, V, 115, Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, 171; 1899-1900. 93 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, V, 100-1. 94 Journal of the House, i6th Cong., ist Sess., 353. 324 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG spend money for military supplies, which could be used to great- er advantage in building roads and canals. Calhoun expressed the policy of his administration in three words of his letter to Mr. Tait, when he wrote : "Let us grow." CHAPTER VI CALHOUN AS CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT John Q. Adams wrote on December 29, 1821, less than a year after Monroe's second inauguration, CALHOUN that a delegation of men from Pennsyl- CONSENTS vania had called on Calhoun and asked TO BECOME him to become a candidate in the Presi- A CANDIDATE dential election of 1824. 95 He as- IN 1824 sented, but a few days later assured a friend, Mr. W. Phemer of New Hamp- shire, that, after some hesitation, he only wished to run against a southern man, for personally he was in favor of a northern President. 96 Presumably Calhoun meant by this that he was willing to compete with Crawford, the Secretary of the Treasury, a man whom he thoroughly disliked. In a con- versation with Mr. Adams, on April 22, 1822, Calhoun "spoke with great bitterness of Crawford, of whose manoeu- vers and intrigues to secure the election to the next Presi- dency and to blast the administration of Mr. Monroe, of which he is a member, he (Calhoun) has a full and thorough knowledge. He said there had never been a man in our history, who had risen so high of so corrupt a character or upon so slender a basis of service; and that he (Calhoun) had witnessed the whole series of Crawford's operations from the winter of 1816 to this time." 97 95 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, V, 466, 468. 96 Ibid. 477-8. 97 Adams, J. Q., Memoirs, V, 497-8. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 325 The other candidates who appeared in 1822, were J. Q. Adams of Massachusetts, Henry Clay of COMPARISON Kentucky, Andrew Jackson of Tennessee, WITH OTHER DeWitt Clinton of New York and Craw- CANDIDATES ford of Georgia. All of these, with the exception of Clay, were over ten years older than Calhoun, who was thirty-eight at the time of his nomination. 98 "His age, or rather his youth," was an obstacle to success from the very beginning of the campaign." Party lines were very indefinite in the preliminaries of this campaign. Gallatin wrote that if Calhoun PARTY was nominated he would be the "Federal" DIVISIONS candidate. 100 Elijah H. Mills, writing to IN THIS a friend in 1823, classed Calhoun as a CAMPAIGN "Democrat" with principles like those of Adams, inferring that he belonged to the old conservative democratic party, but of a very different class from that of Crawford. 101 In 1824 Niles stated that Calhoun was nominated by the Democratic Republicans at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. 102 Calhoun in his letters, speaks of Crawford as a Radical, and suggests that he (Calhoun) would like to have the support of the New York Republicans. 103 The following description of this campaign is given by Lyon G. Tyler, in "The Life and Letters of the Tylers :" "At this time, five aspirants had loomed up, William H. Crawford, Andrew Jackson, John C. Calhoun, Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams. All these claimed to be of the good old Republican school, successors in principle as in time of Jefferson, Madison and Monroe. But the truth, that only the first had any pretensions to true orthodoxy. The others were latitudinarians from centre to circumference, new men, supporters of the War of 1812, and all fortunate enough to be on the national stage at that important juncture, to gather political capital to speculate on for the rest of their 98 Niks' Register, XXIII, 369. 99 Story, J., Life and Letters of, I, 426. 100 Adams, Life of Albert Gallatin, 581. May 13, 1822. 101 Letters of Elijah H. Mills, Mass. Hist. Society, XIX, 37. 1881-1882. 102 Niles' Register, XXVI, 20. 103 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, V. 115, Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, page 206. 326 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG natural lives. Restless in the harness of the old party ideas, they had kicked the traces of strict construction, and were now eagerly bidding for the scattered Federal vote by vie- ing with one another in patronizing the vast schemes, em- braced under the name, 'American System/ "104-105 As most of the candidates mentioned above were in the House or the Cabinet, they began to form small FACTIONS OF factions in these departments, through THE DIFFERENT which they fought for their elections. 106 CANDIDATES IN This was partially the cause for the oppo- THE HOUSE AND sition to the military and Indian appro- CABINET priations for the Secretary of War. Rufus King of New York, wrote on January 8, 1822, to C. King, 107 "The premature nomination of sundry gentlemen as candi- dates for the Presidency and among them the nomination of Mr. Calhoun, has given rise to this discussion, concerning the proposed appropriation asked for by the Secretary of War for the Indian Department. Those who may be in favor of some other candidate than Mr. Calhoun, are supposed to take this occasion to manifest their dislike to him, though the occasion is ill taken, and if such be the motive, it seems more likely to serve than injure him." In the Cabinet this discussion was made apparent by the enmity between Calhoun and Crawford. John Q. Adams, the Secretary of State, who was also a candidate for the Presidency in this campaign, stated on July 8, 1822 : "The relations in which I now stand with Calhoun are deli- cate and difficult. At the last session of Congress he suffered a few members of Congress, with a newspaper in Pennsyl- vania, to set him up as candidate for the succession to the Presidency. From that moment the caballing in Congress, in the State Legislatures, in the newspapers, and among the people had been multiplied ten fold. My personal intercourse with him now is necessarily an intercourse of civility and not of confidence." 108 104 Ibid., 210. 105 Tyler, L. G. Letters and Times of the Tylers, 341; 1880. 1 06 Adams, Life of Albert Gallatin, 562. 107 King, R., Life and Correspondence, VI, 437. 1 08 Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, VI, 42. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 327 In April, 1824, Adams again wrote that precedent and popu- larity "was the bent of his (Calhoun's) mind. The primary prin- ciples involved in any public question are the last that occur to him. What has been done and what will be said are the Jachin and Boaz of his argument." 10 ^ It was even asserted by Niles that these cabinet members worked to promote their own interests RELATIONS rather than those of their country. 110 BETWEEN THE Mr. Von Hoist in his "Life of John C. ATTACKS ON Calhoun," writes that "The Presidency CALHOUN AND was at the bottom of these acrimonious His CANDIDACY bickerings" against the Secretary of War. 111 This was undoubtedly true after December of 1821, when Calhoun first declared his intention to be a candidate for the Presidency, and serves to explain the atacks on the military and Indian appropriations in 1822. 112 However, the speeches of Mr. Williams of North Carolina, against Calhoun's reports in 1819 and the early part of 1821, must have been prompted by some other motives, for Calhoun's future aspirations could hardly have been known at that time. 113 Newspapers played an important part in the election of 1824. Four of the Washington papers supported NEWSPAPER three of the candidates. The "National PARTISANSHIP Journal" worked for Mr. Adams, the "National Intelligencer," and "Washing- ton Gazette" favored Crawford. Calhoun"s paper was the "Washington Republican," 114 while in the north, the New York "Patriot," the "Franklin Gazette" and "Boston Galaxy" were trying to make him President. 115 109 Ibid., 177. 1 10 Niles' Register, XXIV, 337. in Von Hoist, John C. Calhoun, 53. The failure of the Yellowstone Expedi- tion, mentioned in III, was used against Calhoun in this election. Turner, F. J. Rise of the New West. Am. Nation Series, 126. 1 12 House of Representatives, Journal, i7th Cong., ist Sess.., 620. Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, V, 466-468. Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 1155. Annals of Congress, i6th Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 767. 113 Annals of Congress, isth Cong., 2nd Sess., Ill, 1155. Annals of Congress, i6th C Niles' Register, XXII, 9-10. 1 14 Niles' Register, XXIV, 178. 115 Adams, J. Q. Memoirs, VI, 244-5. 328 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG In November, 1823, the South Carolina legislature nominated Calhoun for President, 116 giving as their NOMINATION reasons, OF CALHOUN "his devotion to the administration, superiority to local views and sectional principles, his zeal and energy in the late war with England, and his pure and incorruptible integrity." 117 When it became evident that General Jackson was the choice of Pennsylvania, and that that state would determine the elec- tion, Calhoun very wisely decided to be a candidate for Vice- President. 118 Early in 1824 a test vote in the Assembly and Senate of New York indicated that he had very little sup- CALHOUN'S port in those Houses. Adams, Crawford STRENGTH AS and Clay, in the order named, received CANDIDATE FOR more votes than Calhoun in the Assem- PRESIDENCY bly. In the Senate, Adams and Crawford were ahead of him. "9 A few days later, on March 20, 1824, the citizens of Carbarrus County, North Carolina, resolved that they would support Jackson, Calhoun or Adams for the Presidency, before they would Crawford. 120 As candidate for Vice-President, Calhoun proved to have the support of practically all of the states and UNITED SUPPORT of both the Adams and Jacksonian fol- OF BOTH lowers. In New York the friends of PARTIES FOR General Jackson met and nominated VICE-PRESIDENCY Jackson and Calhoun for President and Vice-President. 121 The electors of Ver- mont, who supported Mr. Adams, also voted for Calhoun. 122 Maryland gave Jackson seven votes and Adams, three, for President, while Calhoun received ten for Vice-President. 123 116 Letters of Calhoun, House Doc. V, 115. Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, 216. ii7Niles' Register, XXIV, 243. nSColton, Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, IV, 87. Adams, Life of Albert Gallatin, 601-2. npNiles' Register, XXVII, 19. 120 Ibid. 39. 121 Ibid. 99. 122 Ibid. 161. 123 Niks' Register, XXVI, 39CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 329 On March 4, 1824, the "Democratic Republicans," at Harris- burg, Pennsylvania, nominated Jackson FINAL ELECTION and Calhoun. They paid tribute to the latter for "his democracy, enlightened views of national policy and fearless devotion to public good ; 124 his services in the War of 1812, and the economy and system in the War Department, which saved the country much money." 125 When the final vote was taken by the House of Representa- tives, the three states which Calhoun lost, Delaware, Virginia and Georgia, were three of the four states which supported Crawford. All the states whose representatives voted for either Adams or Jackson were in favor of Calhoun. 126 CHAPTER VII JOHN C. CALHOUN There are very few sketches of Calhoun's character which apply only to the time when he was Secretary of War, perhaps because he did not stand out so prominently in public life in that period of his career. When Calhoun assumed the Secretaryship, he brought his family to Washington and bought the CALHOUN'S home on the heights of Georgetown to PERSONALITY which they gave the name "Oakley." He was very well liked socially on account of his pleasant, unassuming manners and charming personality. His unfathomable blue eyes and firm set features, gave indica- tions of deep thought and self-reliance. When people looked at him they realized that he had qualities which would make him a distinguished character among his fellow men. 127 At this time all his virtues were well summarized by one of his later political enemies, who said, "Mr. Calhoun deserves all that you can say for him. He is a most captivating man." 128 124 Ibid. 20. 125 Ibid. 41. Apparently these were not the same men who approached Cal- houn about the presidential candidacy. 126 Miles' Register, XXVII, 382-388. 127 Hunt, G., John C. Calhoun, 36. "Saw in him an indescribable attribute which set him apart from his fellow men and proclaimed him to be moulded upon greater lines." 128 Colton, Henry Clay Correspondence, Dec. 5, 1824. IV, 107. 330 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG The Calhoun family were prominent in the life of Washing- ton. Their official dinners were described SOCIAL as being the most pleasant of any given POSITION IN by members of the cabinet, the reason be- WASHINGTON ing that they invited women, and that Calhoun was an exceedingly good con- versationalist. 129 The attentions and aid which they received at the death of one of their daughters indicated the regard which people had for them. Young men especially seemed to be greatly attracted by Calhoun, and many were influenced by his political ideals. 130 Calhoun was not a man who studied patiently and deeply on any problem. After giving it a brief MENTAL survey and grasping the essential points QUALITIES OF he depended on his intuition and genius CALHOUN to arrive at a solution. Often this method brought him correct and even brilliant conclusions, but sometimes he advocated such radical measures that his followers rejected them and lost their confidence in him. Once he advised a member of the Cabinet to study less and trust more to his genius. "He certainly practised his own precepts and became justly a distinguished man," wrote William Wirt, "It may do very well in politics where a proposition had only to be compared with general principles with which the politician is fa- miliar" 131 Another, writing of Calhoun's early career, declared : "He wants, I think, consistency and perseverance of mind, and seems incapable of long continued and patient investiga- tion. What he does not see at the first examination, he sel- dom takes pains to search for; but his analysis never fails to furnish him with all that may be necessary for his immediate purposes. In his legislative career, which, though short, was uncommonly luminous, his love of novelty and his apparent solicitude to astonish were so great that he has occasionally been known to go beyond even the dreams of political vision- 129 Ticknor, George, Life of, I, 349. 1 30 Hunt, G., John C. Calhoun, 39. 131 Am. Hist. Review, II, 571-2, 1905-6. John P. Kennedy, Memoirs of the Life of W llam Wirt, 1849; II, 164. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 331 aries and to propose schemes which were in their nature im- practicable or injurious, and which he seemed to offer merely for the purpose of displaying the affluence of his mind and the fertility of his ingenuity." 132 A New England man classed Calhoun next to Webster in intellectual power and second only to CHARACTERISTICS Clay as an orator. When Calhoun finished AS A PUBLIC speaking he left the impression of im- OFFICIAL mense power. 133 and "every thought that he uttered or imagined was marked by his grand characteristic, impetuous energy." 134 These three men were called at a later time the "illustrious triumvirate and the greatest of the second gene- ration of statesmen, who, within a brief time of one another, fell, shattered by the contentions of Congress." 135 A personal friend of Calhoun's gave the following character sketch of him : "He is ardent, persevering, industrious and temperate, of great activity and quickness of perception, and rapidity of utterance, as a politician, too theorizing, speculative and meta- physical, magnificent in his views of the powers and capaci- ties of the government, and of the virtue, intelligence and wisdom of the people. He is in favor of elevating, cherishing and increasing all the institutions of the government, and of making a vigorous and energetic administration of it. From his rapidity of thought, he is often wrong in his conclusions, and his theories are sometimes impracticable. He has always claimed to be, and is, of the Democratic party, but of a very different class from that of Crawford ; more like Adams, and his schemes are sometimes denounced by his party as ultra fanatical. His private character is estimable and exemplary, and his devotion to his official duties is regular and severe. 136 132 Am. Hist. Review, II, 570-2, 1905-6. Quoted by A. Hodgson, Letters from North America, I, 81. Published in 1824. 133 Gulf State Hist. Mag., I, 284. Documents, A New England Estimate of Calhoun. 1 34 Hart, S. P. Chase, 10. 135 Illinois Hist. Society, 1908, p. 56. Steven A. Douglas, by Adlai E. Stevenson. 136 Mass. Hist. Society Proceed., XIX, 37; 1881-1882. Letters of Elijah H. Mills. 332 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG Calhoun gave men such ah impression of seriousness, perhaps even coldness at times, that he rarely had any intimate friends and, as he grew older, withdrew more and more to himself. 137 All the reports of Calhoun's character were not as favorable as those given above, for Gallatin in his CRITICISMS OF letters called him a CALHOUN "smart fellow, one of the first among second rate men, but of lax political principles and a disordinate ambition, not over delicate in the means of satisfying itself." 138 Lyon G. Tyler in his book on the Tylers, writing of the Presi- dential candidates in 1823, accused Calhoun of gaining political glory in the War of 1812, and living on it for the rest of his life. 139 In July, 1824, Calhoun stated his views on the interpretation of the Constitution, in a letter to Robert CALHOUN'S S. Garnett, declaring that the, EXPLANATIONS "one portion of the Constitution which OF His OWN I most admire, is the distribution of POLITICAL VIEWS power between the States and general government This is our invention and I consider it to be the greatest improvement which has been made in the science of government, after the division of power into the legislative, executive and judicial. It is only by this admirable distribution that a great extent of territory with a proportional population and power, can be reconciled with freedom, and consequently, that safety and respectability be given to free States. As much then as I value freedom, in the same degree do I value State rights." Speaking of the interpretation of the Constitution on this point, he said : "I can give but one solution to this interesting question, and that is, it ought to be drawn in the spirit of the instrument itself. Believing that no general and artificial rule can be devised that will not act mischeviously in its application, I am forced to the result that any doubtful portion of the Consti- tution must be construed by itself in reference to the true meaning and intent of the framers of the instrument, and consequently that the constitution must, in each part, be more 137 Mass. Hist. Society Proceed., XVIII, 459, and Series. Schouler's Characterization of Calhoun. 138 Adams, Henry, Life of Albert Gallatin, 599. 139 Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, I, 341. CALHOUN AS SECRETARY OF WAR 333 or less rigid, as may be necessary to effect the intention, and I think it may be said with confidence that I have never uttered a sentence in any speech, report, or word in conver- sation that could give offence to the most ardent defender of States rights. I have never done any act which, if con- demned in me, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe must not be equally condemned. I have nowhere in my public capacity asserted the right of applying money (for internal improvements) so appropriated without the consent of the States, or individuals affected." 140 Calhoun expressed his views concerning the slavery ques- tion, and the Missouri Compromise in the ATTITUDE following letter to Mr. Tait of South ON SLAVERY Carolina, written on October 26, 1820, just after Calhoun had returned from a trip to the north : 141 "Judging from such facts as come to my knowledge, I cannot but think that the impression, which exists in the minds of many of your virtuous and well-informed citizens to the South, and among others who are your own, that there has commenced between the North and the South a premeditated struggle for superiority, is not correct. That there are some individuals to the North, who for private ob- jects, wish to create such a struggle, I do not doubt. It suits their ambition, and gives them hopes of success, as the majority of votes both in Congress and the electoral college is from the north ; or rather from non-slave-holding states. But their number is small and the few there are, are to be found almost wholly in New York, and the middle states. I by no means identify the advocates for restriction and Mis- souri with them. The advocates of restriction are acuated by a variety of motives. The great body of them are actuated by motives perfectly honest. Very few look to emancipation. I state the case, as I am well assured that it exists. We to the South ought not to assent easily to the belief, that there is a conspiracy either against our property, or just weight in the Union. A belief of the former might and probably would lead more directly to disunion, with all of its horrors. That of the latter would co-operate, as it appears to me, directly 140 Letters of Calhoun, House Documents, V 115 Am. Hist. Ass., V. II, 219-23; 1899-1900. 141 Gulf States Historical Magazine, I, 99- Letters of Calhoun to Tait. 334 FRANCES PACKARD YOUNG with the scheme of the few designing men to the North who think they see their interest in exciting a struggle between the two portions of our country. If we, from such a belief, systematically oppose the North, they must from necessity, resort to a similar opposition to us. Our true system is to look to the country and to support such measures and such men, without a regard to sections, as are best calculated to advance the general interest. I firmly believe that, those in- dividuals and sections of country, who have the most enlight- ened and devoted zeal to the common interest, have also the greatest influence. "I have sometimes feared that the Missouri question will create suspicions to the South very unfavorable to a correct policy. Should emancipation be attempted, it must and will be resisted at all costs, but let us first be certain that it is the real object, not by a few but by a large portion of the non- slave-holding states." Social justification was Calhoun's argument in defense of slavery. In conversation with J. Q. Adams, during March of 1820, he said : "Domestic labor was confined to the blacks, and such was the prejudice, that if he (Calhoun) who was the most popu- lar man in his district, were to keep a white servant in his house, his character and reputation would be irretrievably ruined. I (Adams) said that this confounding of the ideas of servitude and labor was one of the bad effects of slavery ; but he thought it attended with many excellent conse- quences. It did not apply to all kinds of labor not, for example, to farming. He himself has followed the plow ; so had his father. Manufacturing and mechanical labor was not degrading. It was only manual labor the proper work for slaves; no white person could descend to that. And it was the best kind of guarantee to equality among the whites. It produced an unvarying level among them. It not only did not excite, but did not even admit of inequalities, by which one man could domineer over another." 142 142 Adams, J. Q., V, 10. BIBLIOGRAPHY SOURCES. MEMOIRS, LETTERS AND BIOGRAPHIES. 1. Adams, John Quincy, Memoirs (1817-1825) ; Ed. by Charles Francis Adams, Philadelphia. J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1874- 1877. 12 vol. 2. Buchanan, James, Works of, (1817-1825), Ed. by John Bassett Moore. Philadelphia and London, J. B. Lippincott Co., 1808- II. 12 vol. 3. Calhoun, J. C, Works of, (1817-1825), Ed. by Richard K. Cralle. New York, D. Appleton & Co., 1888. 6 vol. 4. Henry Clay, Works of, (1817-1825), Ed. by Calvin Colt on. New York and London, G. P. Putnam's Son, 1904. 5. Conway, M. Daniel, Memoirs; Boston and New York, Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1905. 2 voL 6. Dix, J. A., Memoirs; comp. by Morgan Dix. New York, Harper and Brothers, 1883. 2 vol. 7. Forbes, J. M., Letters and Recollections; Ed. by Sarah Forbes Hughes. Boston, 1899. 2 vol. 8. Greeley, Horace, Recollections of a Busy Life; New York, 1868. 9. Gulf State Historical Magazine; Ed. by T. M. Owen, 1902-1903. J. C. DuBoise, 1903-1904. Montgomery, Ala. 2 vol. Letters of Calhoun to Mr. Tait. A New England Estimate of Calhoun. Vol. I. 10. Illinois Historical Society, Transactions; Ed. by authority of Board of Trustees of State Historical Library. Springfield, III. Phillips Bros. 28 vol. Stephen A. Douglas, Vol. 13, 1908. 11. King, Rufus, Life and Correspondence; (1817-1825), Ed. by C. R. King, New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1894-1900. 6 vol. 12. McCoy, History of Baptist Missions; Washington, 1840. 13. Magazine of American History, New York and Chicago, A. S. Barnes & Co., 1877-93. 30 vol. Description of Calhoun's Per- sonal Appearance. 1845. Vol. IX. 14. Madison, James, Writings; (1817-1825) IX; Ed. by Gaillard Hunt, New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1900-10. 9 vol. 15. Monroe, James, Writings (1817-1825) VI; Ed, by S. M. Hamilton. New York, London, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1898-1903. 7 vol. 16. Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, 1860-2, Ed. in 1862, Memoirs of Nathan Appleton. 1881-2, Ed. in 1879-1880. Let- ters of Elijah H. Mills, Federalist Representative in 1815, 2nd Series, Ed. in 1903, Schouler on Calhoun, Vol. 18. The Constitutional Ethics of Secession, Vol. 17. 17. Story, J., Life and Letters, I, Ed. by W. W. Story, London, 1851. 3 vol 18. Taney, Roger B., Memoirs; Ed. by Samuel Tyler, 2nd rev. and enlarged edition. Baltimore, John Murphy & Co. 1876. 19. Ticknor, George, Life, Letters and Journals of, I, Boston, Hough- ton, Mifflin & Co., 1909. 2 vol. 336 BIBLIOGRAPHY 20. Webster, Daniel, Writings and Speeches, I, 1782-1852. Boston, Little, Brown & Co. 1908. 18 vol. 21. William and Mary Quarterly; Ed. by L. G. Tyler, Williamsburg, Va. Vol. 17-19. The United States Congress and some of its Celebrities. Some Contemporary Accounts of Eminent Char- acters. F. T. Brooks, Vol. 17. NEWSPAPERS. 1. Niles' Register, XIII-XXVII, (1817-1825); Ed. by H. Niles. Baltimore, Franklin Press. 1811-1849., GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS. 1. Annals of Congress, 15th, 16th, 17th Congresses. 1817-1825. 2. Journal of the House of Representatives, 1817-1825. 15th, 16th, 17th Congresses. 3. State Papers, 15th Cong., 2nd Sess. Vol. I, 17th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. II. 4. House Documents, Vol. 115. American Historical Association Re- ports, Vol. II, 1899-1900. Calhoun Correspondence. (1817-1825). SECONDARY WORKS. 1. Abbott, Lyman, Henry Ward Beecher, Boston and New York. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1904. 2. Adams, Henry, Life of Albert Gallatin, Philadelphia and London, J. B. Lippincott & Co. 1880. 3. American Historical Association, Papers, V, New York and Lon- don, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1886-9. Prof. McLaughlin's Paper on the Influence of Governor Cass, Vol. III. 4. American Historical Review, New York, The Macmillan company; Vol. 1-16. The South 1820-1830, Turner, Vol. II, 1905-6. Letters of Vergil Maxcy to R. S. Garnett, Vol. 12, 1906-7. 5. Babcock, K. C. Rise of American Nationality, Am. Nation Series, Vol. 13. New York and London, Harper and Brothers. 1906. 6. Bancroft, F., Life of Seward, 1801-1872. New York, 1900, 2 vol. 7. Curtis, Life of James Buchanan; New York, Harper and Brothers, 1883. 2 ' vol. 8. Hart, A. B., S. P. Chase; Ed. by Morse. Boston and New York, Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1899. 9. Hunt, G., Life of Calhoun; Ed. by Paxson Oberholtzer. Phila- delphia, George W. Jacobs & Co. 1908. 10. Leland Stanford Junior University Publications, History and Eco- nomics. Palo Alto, 1892-1896. Vol. 1-3. The Tariff Contro- versy, Elliot, Vol. I. 11. McLaughlin, Andrew C., Governor Cass; Ed. by Morse. Boston and New York, Houghton-Mifflin Co. 1891. 12. Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, 37 vol. Sketch of Life of D. B. Cook, F. J. Turner, Vol. 31. 13. Roosevelt, Thomas Benton, Boston and New York, Houghton, Mifflin Co. 1887. BIBLIOGRAPHY 337 14. Schouler, History of the United States. New York, Dodd Mead & Co. 1894-99. 15. Studies in Historical and Political Science, Johns Hopkins Uni- versity, Series 1-29. Baltimore, 1883. States Rights in N. Car. Series 24. 16. Tyler, L. G., Letters and Times of the Tylers, I, Richmond, Va. Whittet and Shepperson, 1884-96. 3 vol. 17. Turner, F. J., Rise of the New West, Am. Nation Series, Vol. 14. New York and London, Harper and Brothers, 1907. 18. Von Hoist, John C. Calhoun, Boston, New York, Houghton, Mifflin
Co. 1882. "ADDRESS"
(By the Canadian settlers of the Willamette Valley to the American settlers on proposed political organization.)
TRANSLATION BY P. J. FREIN.
We, the Canadian citizens, inhabitants of (this word looks like Wallamet which would be about the way a Frenchman would write "Willamette") considering with interest and re- flection the subject which has brought the people to this as- sembly, do present to the citizens of American extraction, and particularly to the gentlemen who have solicited the said assembly, the unanimous expression of our cordial sentiments, of our desire for union and for perpetual and unalterable peace among us all, and considering our duty and interest of the new colony, we declare :
1st. That we desire laws or regulations for the well being of ourselves, and for the security of our property and our labors.
2nd. That we will not rebel against the measures of that nature passed last year by a part of the people; although we do not approve certain regulations nor certain kinds of laws. Let those (last year's P. J. F.) magistrates finish their year. (This last clause seems to have been inserted as an after- thought P. J. F.)
3rd. That we will not make new demands upon the Ameri- can government because it is not decided that this land belongs to it and because we have our reasons, until the time for fixing the boundary of the States (U. S.) be decided upon.
4th. That we object to too anticipatory regulations which may lead to lawsuits over boundary stones, supposed directions, and the registry of lands, in view of the fact that we have no guarantees from the government to be established, and that perhaps even tomorrow all those measures may be abrogated.
5th. That we do not desire a kind of temporary government which may be too individual and too encumbent with officers useless to us in our poverty, and who would be a burden to the colony rather than an advantage to it. Moreover, lawyers and ADDRESS 339 literary men are too rare and have too much to do in a country so new. 6th. That we want rather the system of senate, or Council, to decide quarrels, punish crimes, except capital punishment, and to make suitable regulations for the people. 7th. That the Council might be elected and composed of members from all parts of the country, after the manner of civilized countries, to act in a body, or to be represented par- ticularly by the president, for example, and by a justice of the peace for each part of the country, except the right of appeal to the entire body of the Senate. 8th. That those members be asked to devote their attention to their own and the public's welfare, through the love of right rather than through hope of gain, so as to remove from the mind of the people all suspicion of personal interest on the part of their representatives and honorable legislators. 9th. That every law burdensome and oppressive to the peo- ple especially to the newcomers must be avoided. Such are imposts, useless taxes, all kinds of registration. (This prob- ably means things that had to be registered to make them legal, and possibly requiring a stamp of the government, P. J. F.) We will have none of them. 10th. That the militia is useless at this time and rather a source of danger because the tribes of savages may take umbrage at them ; they are also the cause of delay in the neces- sary (public P. J. F.) works and at the same time they are a financial burden. We will have none of them either, for the present. 1 1th. That we consider this country as free, today and until it has been decided by the two governments; free for every- body to establish themselves in it without any distinction of origin, and without any right to fine them so that they may be- come pretended citizens of English, Spanish or American al- legiance. 12th. That, thus, we intend to be free, we, the subjects of England, as well as those of France, of Ireland, of California, or of the United States, or even the native Indians ; and we desire 340 ADDRESS a union with all respectable citizens who wish to establish them- selves in this country, where we ask to be free to make any regulation suitable to our needs, with the general provision that we have some manner of redress for any grievance done us by foreigners and that our customs and our reasonable rights be respected. 13th. That we are ready to submit to a legitimate and rec- ognized government, if such come. 14th. That nobody is more desirous than we of prosperity of welfare, and of general peace and especially of the guar- antee of our liberty and of our rights. That is our hope for all who are now becoming and who will hereafter become our fellow citizens, and for long years of peace! (Here is added the Old French: li suivent les nos meaning "may we attain unto it") 15th. That it be not forgotten that laws are needed only for necessary cases. The more laws there are, the more oppor- tunity for knavery on the part of lawyers and the greater will be the trouble perhaps, some day. 16th. That, besides the members called to the legislative hall to discuss and pass regulations for the needs of the colony, every honest person shall have the right to take part in the dis- cussions and to give his opinion, since the welfare of all is at stake. 17th. That it be remembered, during a lawsuit, that import- ance should be given to ordinary proofs of fact rather than to subtle points of law, so that justice may be attained and that trickery be not practiced. 18th. That in a new country, the greater the number of men employed and paid by the public, the fewer the men left for industries. S. SMITH, JOSEPH K. GERVAIS, FRANCIS RENAY, CHAS. E. PICKETT, S. M. HOLDERNESS. ADDRESSE Nous les citoyens canadiens, habitans du Wallamet, consid- erant avec interet et reflexion le suyet qui reunit le peuple a la presente assemblee presentons aux citoyens d'origine americaine et particulierement aux messieurs qui ont sollicite la dite as- semblee 1' unanime expression de nos sentimens de cor- dialite, de desir d' union et de paix perpetuelle et inalterable entre tant de monde en vue de notre devoir et de 1' interet de la nouvelle colonie et declarons : 1 Que nous souhaitons des lois ou reglemens pour le bien- etre de nos personnes et la securite de nos biens et de nos travaux. 2 Que nous ne voulons point nous rebeller contre les mesures de ce genre passees 1' annee derniere par une partie du peuple ; quoi que nous n' approuvions point certains reglemens ni certains modes de loi. Que ces magistrats achevent 1' annee. 3 Que nous ne voulons point adresser de nouvelle demande au gouvernement americain par ce qu' il n' est pas decide que ce terrain lui appartienne, et par ce que nous avons nos raisons, en attendant que la ligne soit decidee pour fixer les frontieres des Etats. 4 Que nous nous opposons aux reglemens trop anticipes et exposant a des suites pour les bornes, les directions supposees et les enregestremens des terres, vu que nous n'avons pas de garanties vis avis du gouvernement a venir, et que peut-etre des demain toutes ces mesures seront brisees. 5 Que nous ne voulons pas d' un mode de gouvernement temporaire trop individuel et trop rempli de grades inutiles a notre pauverete et surchargeants plutot la colonie qu' il ne 1* avancerait. D' ailleurs les hommes de loi et de lettres sont trop rares et ont trop a faire dans un pays si nouveau. 6 Que nous desirons plutot le mode de senat ou conseil pour juger les differens, punir les crimes (excepte la peine de mort), et faire les reglemens convenables au peuple. 7 Que ce conseil pourrait etre elu et compose de membres de toutes les parties du pays, sur le plan des pays civilises, pour 342 ADDRESS agir en corps, ou se faire representer en particulier par le presi- dent, par exemple, et par un juge de paix, sauf le droit de rappel au corps du senat entier. 8 Que ces membres soient pries de s' interesser a leur bien- etre et a celui du public par amour du bien plutot que par espoir de recompense afin d' oter de T estime du peuple tout soupc.on d' interet dans les personnes de leurs representans et respect- ables legislateurs. 9 Qu' il faut eviter toute loi surchargeante et penible au peuple, surtout aux nouveaux arrivans; les impots, les taxes inutiles, les enregistremens quelconques sont de ce generenous n' en voulons point. 10 Que la milice est inutile a present et plutot un danger d* ombrage pour les nations Sauvages, et un retardement aux travaux necessaires, en meme terns que c' est une charge nous n' en voulons point non plus a present. 11 Que nous regardons le pays comme libre aujour d' hui jusqu* a ce qu'il aitete decide entre les gouvernemens, libre a tout individu de s' y etablir sans distinction d' origine et sans droit a lui faire payer pour qu' il devienne citoyen soit de pre- tention Anglaise, espagnole ou Americaine. 12 Qu' ainsi nous pretendons etre libre, nous sujets anglais aussi bien que ceux de France, d' Irlande, de Californie ou des Etats-Unis, ou du pays meme; et nous desirons 1' union avec tous les citoyens respectables qui veulent s' etablir dans le pays ou-nous demandons de nous reconnoitre libre entre nous de faire tel ou tel reglement convenable a nos besoins, sauf la reserve generale d' avoir moyen de justice de tout etranger qui nous offenseroit et que nos coutumes et nos pretensions rai- sonnables soient respectees. 13 Que nous sommes prets a nous soumettre a un gouverne- ment legitime et connu, s' il vient. 14 Que personne n' est plus desireux que nous le sommes de la prosperite, de 1' amelioration et de la paix generale et surtout de la garantie de nos libertes et de nos droits. Cest le voeu que nous faisons pour tous ceux qui deviennent ou qui deviendront nos compatriotes et pour de longues annees de paix! ADDRESS i, w ? li suivent les nos. 15 Qu' on n' oublie pas qu' il ne faut de lois que pour les cas necessaires. Plus il y a de lois, plus il y a d' occasion de fourberie pour ceux qui en font profession, et plus il y aura peut-etre de derangement un jour. 16 Qu' outre les membres appeles a la chambre d' assemblee pour discuter et regler les besoins de la colonie, toute personne honnete ait droit de prendre fait et cause dans ces conferences et de donner son avis, puis qu'il s' agit des affaires de tous. 17 Q' on n' oublie pas, dans un proces, qu' avant toute sub- tilite sur 1' accomplissement des points de la loi les preuves or- dinaires de certitude du fait sont a faire valoir, afin de rendre justice et non pas d' exercer a la ruse. 18 Dans un pays nouveau, plus il y a d' homines employes et payes par le public, moms il en reste pour 1' Industrie. S. SMITH, Prest. FRANCIS RENAY / ,,. JOSEPH X GERVAIS f Vls Frest CHAS. E. PICKETT I Q , P , S. M. HOLDERNESS f ^ ectretans I - )