Origin of the Anglo-Saxon Race/Chapter 16

by Thomas William Shore

CHAPTER XVI.

SETTLEMENTS IN THE THAMES VALLEY.

AS we proceed up the Thames from Middlesex, we meet with evidence of settlements by people of different races. This is apparent in the eastern part of Berkshire and the adjoining part of Buckinghamshire. The name Windsor, anciently Wendlesore,^[1] is similar to that of Wendleswurthe, and can scarcely have been derived from any other source than the settlement of a Wend and his family, or a community of these people. When we consider that there are Wendish place-names in the south of Essex, it is not surprising to find them higher up the Thames. Wendlesore and Wændlescumb, also in Berkshire, are examples. The old place-name Wendlebury, a few miles north-east of Oxford, may have had its origin in the settlement of a family or kindred of Wends. Isaac Taylor, in reminding us of the statement by Zosimus of Vandals settled in Britain by the Emperor Probus, mentions this Wendlebury, near Bicester, in Oxfordshire, as a place that was likely to have been a Vandal settlements.^[2] It may, of course, have got its name from an early settlement in the time of the Roman Empire, or a later one in the time of the Anglo-Saxon settlement, such as that of the Rugians, who were Wends, and whom Bede tells us were among the many tribes from which the English in his time had their origin.

In a charter assigning the boundaries of land at Waltham, near Maidenhead, given to Abingdon Abbey the name ‘Godan pearruc’ occurs.^[3] This charter is dated 940, but the name was apparently an older one, and occurs in another charter. It denotes the enclosure of Goda, and Goda denotes a Goth, so that we may take it to have been derived from the settlement of a family of Goths.

There can be no doubt that the ancient names Goda and Geat denote a Goth and Jute, and if we note the old names of this kind as we proceed up the Thames, we find Goddards tything, Reading; Godstow and Godefordes Eyt, near Oxford;^[4] Godeslave, in Oxon;^[5] ‘terram Gode,’ the name of land belonging to the church at Culham;^[6] Geatescumbe, in the boundaries of the land of the Abbey of Abingdon, near Oxford,^[7] and others.

These names suggest that there was a migration into the Thames valley of people called by the race-names of the Goths, Geats, or Jutes, from Kent up the river. If we similarly trace the Kentish name itself up the valley, we meet with very old examples of it: Kenton, now Kempton, in Middlesex; Kentes, in East Berkshire;^[8] Kentswood, near Pangbourn; and Kentwines treöw, at Shefford, near the Thames above Oxford.^[9]

When we look for other confirmatory evidence of a Kentish migration up the Thames, we find it in the Hengist place-names near Oxford. Hengist is a name common in the early history of Frisians as well as Jutes, and these names near Oxford may have been given them by Frisians or Goths. People of both these races settled in Kent, and it was apparently from Kent that the people came into the country near Oxford. The name Hengistesege is mentioned in a charter of Eadwy,^[10] and refers to Hinksey. Hengesthescumb also occurs^[11] among the boundaries of Scypford, now Shefford, not far from Oxford.

At Bray, in this same part of Berkshire, and at Wycombe, in Buckinghamshire, not far from it, we find evidence of settlements of some Scandinavians; for the ancient custom survived by which the eldest daughter inherited the whole of the father’s estate in default of sons.^[12] This identifies the settlers at these places, whenever they may have come, as Norwegians, for in no country but Norway, where the eldest daughter still has her birthright, can the custom, so far as known, be traced.

The evidence that Norse settlements existed in this part of the Thames valley is confirmed by the discoveries in a mound at Taplow overlooking the river. The objects found included two shield bones; a sword, and fragments of others; a bronze vessel; a wooden bucket with bronze hoops, like those common in graves in Scandinavia; two pairs of glass vessels, green in tint, and similar to one found with a burial ship in Void in Norway; silver-gilt ornaments for drinking-horns; a green glass bead; and a quantity of gold thread belonging to a garment, the triangular form of the pattern still remaining.^[13] These objects have been recognised as apparently belonging to the later Iron Age of Scandinavia. The name Wycombe, in a charter of Offa in 767, is written Wicham,^[14] by which it was known as late as the thirteenth century; and it is well known that the prefix wick- in place-names is often a sign of a Norse settlement. In the case of Wickam the significance of the name is confirmed by the survival of the Norse custom. At this place there appear to have been settlers of two races—viz., those in which the eldest daughter took the whole estate in the absence of sons, and those who held land called ‘molland,’ which was divided,^[15] thus pointing, perhaps, to settlements there at two periods.

At Bray the original custom, which was probably inheritance by the eldest daughter in default of sons, appears to have been modified at some later time. In the thirteenth century Bracton tells us that the jurors of that place say the custom is that if a man have three or four daughters, and all marry out of the tenement of the father except one, she who remains in the father’s house succeeds to all his land.^[16] This is clearly only a modification of the custom of Norway.

A considerable part of East Berkshire, stretching from the river to the border of what is now Surrey, was occupied in the seventh century by people known as the Sunninges.^[17] Their name is mentioned in several Saxon charters—in the words Sunninga-wyl bróc,^[18] and survives in that of Sonning on the river, Sunninghill and Sunningdale on the border of Surrey. Their district is mentioned as ‘the province that is called the Sunninges,’ so that it must have comprised a considerable area of country. The name is an interesting one, and may have been that given to these settlers by their neighbours about Wycombe and Bray, for the Sunninges were Southerners to the people near Wycombe; but there is no evidence to show of what race they were. In this district there was, however, a place called Swæfes heale, which is named as a boundary of the land at Waltham given to Abingdon Abbey in 940. As mentioned elsewhere, Swæfas is a Northern name denoting the Suevi, which is used as an equivalent for Saxons. Swæfes heale, therefore, may refer to a boundary which was the limit of the settlement of a Saxon, as Godan pearruc, mentioned in the same charter, was that of a Goth. If this interpretation is the correct one, Swæfes heale points to Saxons settled in East Berkshire, with Scandians, Wends, and Goths as their neighbours.

In this part of the country we also find the significant name of Cookham, mentioned in an Anglo-Saxon charter^[19] as Coccham, in Domesday Book as Cocheham. As already pointed out, a similar name—Ceokan-ege—occurs in an early charter relating to Battersea. There are many examples which show that the sounds g and k were interchangeable in names of the Anglo-Saxon period. Higher up the valley we find similar names—viz., Cuxham, Coxwell, and others. These apparently have a common source, in the tribal name of the Chaucians, the Frisian tribe near the mouth of the Elbe. The Chaucians, as previously mentioned, were also called Hocings, and both forms of their name are probably met with in place-names in the Thames valley. Hocheston, now part of London, is the Domesday name for Hoxton, and may denote the settlement of a Chaucian. In the eastern part of Berkshire we find separate hundreds mentioned in the Hundred Rolls for Sonning, Bray, Cogham or Cookham, and Windsor. This Cogham hundred of the thirteenth century may be a survival of a more ancient separate local administration, as the hundreds of Bray, Sunninges, and Windsor may be, of the original settlers at these places. Another entry under the name Cocheham occurs in Domesday Book in Burnham hundred in Buckinghamshire, not far from the Berkshire place of this name, so that some of this family or kindred appear to have lived on both sides of the river.

In the north of Berkshire there is a river called the Ock, written in Anglo-Saxon charters in the inflected forms Eoccen and Eoccene, the nominative form being Eocce. Close to the west of Oxford there was a ford which is called Eoccen-ford in part of an early charter of Ceadwalla which has been preserved in a later one. There was also land or a place close to this ford which in this charter is named Eoccene, and centuries later, in a charter of Eadwy, is called Occene. The river Ock flows into the Thames at Abingdon, but the Eoccene, or Occene, mentioned in these last-named charters was certainly close to the west side of Oxford. The proof of this is seen in following a set of boundaries of land given to Abingdon Abbey by Ceadwalla. These boundaries are passed as we proceed up the river from Sandford to the lower or old mouth of the Cherwell, up that river a short distance, round an old river island, down the other side of it again into the Thames, then up the river again, and further up the east side of a triangular or forked island which still exists on the west of Oxford, and down with the stream on its northern side into the main stream of the Thames again, and so on again up the river past Eoccene, the later Oseney, to Eoccen-ford. As there was only one river Cherwell, there can be no doubt that these boundaries lay close to Oxford. The mouth of the Cherwell is now changed by a new cut, but we can still stand on the west bank of the Thames north of the gasworks at Oxford, and see the water flowing along the north side of the forked island into the river, as described in Ceadwalla’s charter at the end of the seventh century. This subject has been fully discussed by the present writer^[20] in a series of articles on the origin of the place-name Oxford. Eoccen-ford is the earliest form of that name. The charter of Ceadwalla in which it occurs contains internal evidence of its authenticity, and that Eoccen-ford was on the west side of Oxford is proved independently by the later charter of Eadwy. Many instances have been referred to in which streams have been named, both in Germany and England, after people settled along them. The supposition is that in North Berkshire and part of Oxfordshire there was a colony or tribe of people who bore the name Eocce, after whom the Ock River, the stream called the Oke at Hook Norton, and the ford at Oxford, were named. The question which concerns us is this: Is there any evidence to be gathered from the old place-names around Oxford or from other sources of the existence of people who may be identified with the supposed colony or tribe of people called Eocce? The only tribe whose name appears possible in this respect is the Chaucians, a nation in alliance with the Frisians, who are believed to be the same people as the Hocings mentioned in Beowulf,^[21] in which an account is given of Hnæf, Prince of the Hocings, and Hengest the Jute, vassals of the Danish King Healfdene, who were sent to invade the Frisian territory at that time governed by Fin, son of Folcwalda, and husband of Hildeburh, the daughter of Hoce. Whatever the name Eoccen-ford, the earliest name for Oxford, may mean, it should not be forgotten that in the old Frisian land, close to that in which the Chaucians lived, there was a place called Occenvorth.^[22]

Latham, as already mentioned in Chapter V., says: ‘In Beowulf we read of the Hocings. Word for word, this is held to be the Chauci by all or most who have written upon the subject.^[23] Hocing means, not so much a Chaucus or Chaucian as of Chauch blood.’ As regards the first syllable of Cuxhaven being derived from Chauc or Chauci, Latham says this has been suggested, and, he believes, adopted. As regards the variation in Anglo-Saxon spelling, Sweet quotes ch as equivalent to c, and this as passing into h.^[24] Thorpe quotes the Hetware tribe as the same as the Chatuarii mentioned by Strabo.^[25] Latham tells us further that ch in Old Frisian is equivalent to h Anglo-Saxon.^[26] Maetzner tells us that the aspirated ch was completely foreign to Anglo-Saxon before the eleventh century,^[27] and he quotes the words cild, cêce, ceafor, ceósan, for the later English words child, cheek, chafer, and choose, as examples. These authorities will probably be held to be sufficient on this point. In dealing with the evidence of place-names in the Upper Thames valley which possibly may refer to the Hocings or Chaucians, there remains to be considered briefly the use of the aspirated h, or its omission. The Anglo-Saxon language was marked by the use of the aspirate, but there are examples which show its omission. Skeat attributes the modern English misuse of the h sound to French influence after the Norman Conquest, the French h being certainly weaker than the English, and hardly sounded.^[28] He admits, however, that a few sporadic examples may be found in Anglo-Saxon.^[29] He gives as an example ors for hors (horse), found in an unedited Anglo-Saxon manuscript. The following also appear to be examples of its omission or misuse: ymen, ymn, for hymn;^[30] Ybernia for Hibernia;^[31] Wulfhora and Wulfora^[32] and Ockemere for Hokemere.^[33] There are other examples, such as Elig and Helig for Ely. The misuse of the h among the Anglo-Saxons may have been due partly to Wendish influence or that of settlers from other Baltic lands. The pastor Mithof tells us that a peculiarity of the Wends in his day was that whenever they spoke German they were in the habit of putting an h before words in which it did not exist, and leaving it out where it did.^[34] Morfill says that the same confusion is found in Lithuania.^[35] The misuse of the letter and its sound which is occasionally met with may therefore have had its origin in settlers from the Baltic, and we have seen that there are Wendish place-names not far from Oxford. It is worth noting also, in reference to the aspirate h, that an old Frisian Chronicle of the thirteenth century has Engist for Hengist.^[36] From what has been said, it will perhaps be admitted that the Anglo-Saxon aspirated h may not always have been sounded by all the Old English people, and that the h sound was used as an equivalent of that represented by the old ch.

We may now go back to consider what evidence the place-names in the Upper Thames valley afford of a possible settlement of Chaucians or Hocings. On the west of Oxford, near Farringdon, we find Coxwell, the Cocheswelle of Domesday Book. South of Witney, in Standlake parish, is Cokethorpe, the Cocthrop of the Hundred Rolls, and east of Oxford, near Watlington, is Cuxham, the Anglo-Saxon Cuceshámm.^[37] Coccetley Croft is also an old name near Abingdon.^[38] Hóchylle^[39] is a name in the boundaries of Sandford-on-Thames, mentioned in Saxon time, and Hócsléw is another mentioned in the boundaries of Witney.^[40] Hocan-edisce was the name of a place in Berkshire on the Thames in the tenth century.^[41] Hockeswell is mentioned in the Hundred Rolls,^[42] and is apparently the same place as that now called Hawkswell, in the northern suburbs of Oxford. Hokemere is an ancient name at Cowley,^[43] near Oxford, the same, apparently, as the Anglo-Saxon name Ockemere,^[44] which occurs in an early charter relating to St. Frideswide’s Abbey. Hochenartone, which had flowing from it the stream called by the old name Oke, is the Domesday name for Hook Norton, and in one of the manuscript copies of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, under the date 914, it is written Hocceneretune. There was a place in Buckinghamshire called Hocsaga in Domesday Book, and the tribal name of the Chaucians may have survived locally, like that of the Gewissas, until after the Norman Conquest; for the Hundred Rolls relating to Oxfordshire show a greater number of inferior tenants entered under the names Choch, Cocus, Coc, and Hok than in any other county.

The evidence of the settlement of Kentish people or others of the Frisian or Gothic race that is supplied by the relics which have been found in the Upper Thames valley is very strong. At Iffley and at Abingdon brooches of the peculiar Kentish pattern have been found, and are now shown in the Anglo-Saxon collection in the British Museum. The relics discovered at Brighthampton and Wittenham, where Anglo-Saxon cemeteries were explored, show a strong resemblance to those found by Kemble at Stade in North Germany.^[45] The ornamented pattern of a mortuary urn containing cremated remains found at Brighthampton closely resembled one found at Stade, where a very large number were discovered, all apparently containing cremated remains. Urns containing calcined human bones were also numerously found at Wittenham, and were of a similar pattern to those found at Stade.^[46] In considering these resemblances, we must remember that Stade is near the lower course of the Elbe in the middle of the country anciently inhabited by the Chaucians.

All these circumstances which indicate a settlement of Chaucians around Oxford among other Frisians, Goths, and Kentish people, cannot be mere coincidences.

There remains one other point—viz., the probability of some connection of the Chaucians with the Jutes. Möller^[47] identifies the language of the Jutes and Kentish people with that of the Chaucians. There is, also, mention of a people named the Eucii in alliance with the Saxons, and that they settled in Kent. These may be a tribe of the Chaucians, for Hengist and Horsa are said to have come from Engern, which at that time extended over the land of the old Chaucians on the Lower Weser.^[48] The reference, whether traditional or otherwise, to a tribe known as the Eucii cannot but be of interest in considering the evidence which points to the existence of a tribe of Eocce in North Berkshire, of which some of the surviving traces may be the names of the river Ock, the Oke stream at Hook Norton, and that of Eoccenford, the earliest name for Oxford.

The personal freedom of all the people of Kent assists us in tracing the probable colonization of parts of the Upper Thames valley by migrations from that county. The manorial tenants called cottars, who are mentioned in Domesday Book, were freemen in some respects, and, as already stated, are found in considerable numbers in Middlesex. They occur still more frequently in parts of Berkshire near the river, and are also mentioned numerously in parts of Oxfordshire in the Hundred Rolls. The Berkshire cottars enumerated in the Domesday Survey lived in certain hundreds and not in others. These hundreds were Benes or Cookham; Heslitesford, near Wallingford; Blewbury, adjoining it on the west; Wantage; and Gamensfeld or Ganfield, which lay between the Wantage Hundred and the Thames. Five Berkshire hundreds close to, or not far from, the river were thus specially characterised by cottars. That they were the descendants of an original class of free settlers is probable from their number in various places. Cholsey had 98 of them, and Blewbury 65. In Heslitesford Hundred, which included Cholsey, there were altogether 144, and in Blewbury Hundred, anciently known as Blitberie, there were 166. They thus appear to have been too numerous as a class in these localities for their origin to be explained otherwise than as probable descendants of original free settlers. From the other evidence already stated, the migration up the river of colonists from Kent can scarcely be open to doubt, and the existence, centuries later, of these numerous cottars settled collectively in parts of the county near the river leads to the same conclusion.

One of the significant statements in Domesday Book relating to Oxfordshire is this: ‘If any shall kill another in his own court or house, his body and all his substance shall be in the King’s power, except his wife’s portion, if she has any.’ This refers to a privilege which corresponds to that of the Kentish tenants in gavelkind—viz., that a gavelkind tenant’s land was not forfeited if he should be convicted of felony. The custom in Oxfordshire was not general, as will be seen by the Domesday extract. If the widow was entitled to dower, her share of the husband’s estate could not be forfeited, but there were some people in Oxfordshire at that time whose widows had no dower, as may be inferred from the words ‘if she has any.’ This Domesday entry points to the custom having been an old one, and indicates the probable migration of people up the Thames from Kent, where the widow was entitled to half her husband’s estate for her life, and from the manors in Surrey and Middlesex where, by the custom of borough-English, she was entitled to the whole for her life. The Hundred Rolls for Oxfordshire confirm the probability of such migrations, for they contain some entries which show that widows held a virgate of land each among other virgate-holding tenants, and others showing widows holding only half a virgate^[49]—i.e., half the customary holding. The Hundred Rolls also show, in the occurrence of the personal name Franklin in Oxfordshire, the probability of the migration of Kentish freeholders called Franklins from their homes in Kent.

Similarly, in the Upper Thames valley we find examples of parcenary tenure or partible inheritance that resembled in its main features the gavelkind custom of Kent. Domesday Book tells us of brothers holding land jointly at Burfield in Berkshire, Hook Norton in Oxfordshire, Hevaford (Hatford) in North Berkshire, and at Cerney, near Cirencester. It is not improbable, also, that the many instances in Berkshire and Oxfordshire in which manors were held in the time of Edward the Confessor collectively by thanes or freemen are examples of the same kind, such as that of Brize Norton, which was held by fourteen thanes, who were probably of the same kindred. These instances, which are numerous, are apparently examples of manors that were taxed as a whole, but held collectively, as in Kent, by brothers, uncles, and other kinsmen.

The custom of junior inheritance is known to have prevailed at Binsey,^[50] near Oxford; Garford,^[51] near Abingdon; and Crowmarsh,^[52] close to Wallingford. These examples are probably the only survivals of a custom that prevailed in a larger number of places in the Anglo-Saxon period, but which were changed under the feudal system. They show, in any case, an identity with the borough-English custom that existed on so many manors around London, and point to probable migrations from Sussex or Surrey.

The early settlers who came from the south into the valleys of the Upper Thames and of its tributary streams, the Evenlode, Windrush, and others, whose sources are in East Gloucestershire, probably travelled along the great Roman road that extended from Southampton Water through Winchester to Cirencester. This road can be followed at the present time for the greater part of its course, so that there can be no doubt whatever of the facilities it offered for a migration from the south coast. At Cirencester it joined the Fosse Way that connected Bath with Lincoln. By proceeding along this latter road colonists could pass to north-east Gloucestershire, where the observations of Beddoe upon the present ethnological character of the people show that the original settlers were probably fair people of the so-called Saxon type.^[53] The ancient place-names along the border of Oxfordshire and Gloucestershire are of much interest, and point to settlers of various tribes and races, as will be discussed in a subsequent chapter. From Cirencester, also, the road known as Akeman Street passed eastward, through the middle of Oxfordshire, and thence into Buckinghamshire and the country that was brought under the West Saxon rule in the time of Ceawlin. The east and south of Berkshire were connected with Southampton Water by the great road from Winchester through Silchester, although its course beyond the north gate of Silchester cannot now be followed. A way of less importance also passed from Hampshire northwards through Speen, near Newbury, so that there were three roads which led directly into the Thames valley from the south.

The available evidence relating to the dialects that have survived also points to migrations from the south-Eastern counties up the Thames. The researches made on English dialects by Prince Lucien L. Bonaparte^[54] and A. J. Ellis agree in the conclusion that the dialect of the south-eastern part of England extends up the Thames valley into Oxfordshire.^[55] The dialect of east Gloucestershire, however, has been classed with that of parts of Hampshire and Dorset, with which counties, as shown, it was in direct communication.

As regards the villages, those of Oxfordshire and Berkshire for the most part consist of collected homesteads. The old maps of both counties, made before the enclosures of the great areas of common land, show this in a remarkable way. If, therefore, we may draw a conclusion from the resemblance which the shape of the old villages of Oxfordshire, especially those in the northern half of the county, bear to those in Germany east of the Weser and north of the Elbe, it is probable that a considerable proportion of the settlers in that county came from these Continental areas.

The conclusion in regard to the actual settlement which appears to be most probable is that the valley of the Upper Thames was first occupied partly by a migration of Gewissas from the South, and partly by Kentish people or Goths and Frisians, with some Wends, who came up the river.

1. Codex Dipl., No. 816.
2. Taylor, Isaac, ‘Words and Places,’ 1873 ed., p. 180.
3. Chron. Mon. de Abingdon, edited by J. Stevenson, i. 98, and i. 420.
4. Wood, A. A., ‘Antiquities of Oxford,’ edited by Clark, i. 430.
5. Domesday Book, i. 159.
6. Chron. Mon. de Abingdon, edited by J. Stevenson, ii. 58.
7. Codex Dipl., No. 1171.
8. Cal. Inq., p. m., iv. 394.
9. Codex Dipl., No. 714.
10. Codex Dipl., No. 1216.
11. Ibid., No. 714.
12. Elton, C. I., ‘Law of Copyholds,’ 134; Hale, W. H., ‘Domesday of St. Paul’s,’ Notes.
13. du Chaillu, P. B., ‘The Viking Age,’ i. 318, 319.
14. Cart. Sax., i. 284.
15. Cart. Sax., i. 284; Hale, W. H., ‘Domesday of St. Paul’s,’ p. lxxv.
16. Bracton, H. de, Note-book, ed. by Maitland, Case 988.
17. Cart. Sax., i. 56.
18. Codex Dipl., 208, 441, 1202, etc.
19. Cart. Sax., i. 405.
20. Notes and Queries, Ninth Series, vols. iii., iv., v., and vi.
21. Lappenberg, J. M., ‘Hist. of England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings,’ i. 276, note, quoting Zeuss.
22. Annales Egmundani: Monumenta Germaniæ Script., xvi. 464.
23. Latham, R. G., ‘English Language,’ 5th Ed., 243.
24. Sweet, H., ‘Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon,’ Preface, xix.
25. Thorpe, B., ‘The Poems of Beowulf,’ Glossarial Index, p. 319.
26. Latham, R. G., loc. cit., p. 93.
27. Maetzner, E., ‘English Grammar,’ i. 151.
28. Skeat, W. W., ‘Principles of English Etymology,’ 359, 360.
29. Notes and Queries, Seventh Series, vi. 110.
30. Bosworth, J., Anglo-Saxon and English Dictionary.
31. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, edited by Thorpe.
32. Codex Dipl., 1093 and 1164.
33. Cartulary of St. Frideswide, edited by Wigram, i., p. 4.
34. Morfill, W. R., ‘The Polabes,’ Transactions Philolog. Soc., 1880-1881, p. 85.
35. Morfill, W. R., loc. cit., p. 85.
36. Bosworth, J., ‘Origin of the English, German, and Scandinavian Languages,’ p. 52, quoting Spiegel.
37. Codex Dipl., Nos. 311, 691.
38. Hundred Rolls, ii. 19.
39. Codex Dipl., Nos. 793 and 800.
40. Ibid., No. 775.
41. Cart. Sax., iii. 560.
42. Hundred Rolls, ii. 35.
43. Wood, A., ‘Antiquities of Oxford,’ edited by Clark, ii. 507.
44. Cartulary of St. Frideswide, edited by Wigram, i., p. 4.
45. Akerman, J. Y., Archæologia, vol. xxxvii.
46. Ibid., vol. xxix.
47. Möller, H., ‘Das Altenglische Volksepos.’
48. Meitzen, A., ‘Siedelung und Agrarwesen der Westgermanen,’ ii. 101.
49. Hundred Rolls, ii. 700, 717, 724, 739, 740, 742, etc.
50. Wood, A., ‘Antiquities of Oxford,’ edited by Clark, i. 323.
51. Bracton’s ‘Note-book,’ edited by Maitland, No. 779.
52. Ibid., No. 1005.
53. Beddoe, J., ‘Races in Britain,’ 257.
54. Philological Soc. Transactions, 1875-1876, p. 570.
55. Ellis, A. J., ‘Early English Pronunciation,’ Map of Dialect Districts.