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Page 18
Mein Kampf


(Continued from Page Fifteen)

masonry, and the captured press is utilized to poison the Bourgeoisie.

Widespread pacifist paralyzation of the national self-preservation instinct now develops rapidly, and it is time for the Jews to take up their most fearful weapon—brute force. Attack columns are organized to finish off the products of the previous-prepared degeneracy.

Moral
Scruples

First of all, the Jew becomes leader of the labor unions. Then he commences making demands which are either impossible or which if granted would destroy the national economy. The Jew has of course taken over the labor movement as such partly because he wants, not honestly convinced followers, but a herd of oppressed people, ready blindly to obey him; it was precisely for this reason that he first bent them down into the dirt.

The Jewish leadership of unions cannot be broken until vast educational work is done among the masses, or until the state disposes of Jews. As long as the intelligence of the masses remains as slight as it is the masses will always follow the lead of whoever presents the most pleasing economic promises.

The Jew is the master of this technique, for his activities are unhampered by any moral scruples!

The incredible means which the Jew is ready to use to achieve his ends are so vicious that it is not to be wondered at that among our people the figure of the Devil, symbol of evil, takes the form of a Jew!

“It must never be left to the individual to define his faith and his will.”

Mein Kampf—Chapter XIII

Step by step, the fear of the Jewish Marxist weapon creeps like a nightmare into the soul of good people. They begin to tremble before the dreadful enemy, and thus become his victims.

Many Jews now become so arrogant that they proclaim themselves as Jews racially at last, and go so far as openly to admit that they have no thought of actually carrying out Zionism and that they really have no desire to build a Jewish National State in Palestine in order to inhabit it—they only want a central organization beyond control of other states where villains can take refuge or future villains be schooled.

It is a sign of their increasing confidence and sense of security that while some Jews still fraudulently masquerade as Germans, Frenchmen, or Englishmen, others openly admit that they are members of the Jewish race.

Their belief in impending victory is clearly demonstrated in the horible wray in which their intercourse with other peoples is now carried out.

The black-haired Jew boy, devilish jubilation written on his face, waits hours in hiding for the unsuspecting girl whom he outrages with his blood, and thus takes from her people.

(This sentence has convinced many of the great psychiatrists of the world that Hitler, in view of the fanatic persecution of the Jews in Germany since the Nazi regime came to power, is definitely insane at least on the subject of race.)

Everywhere the Jew strives to break down barriers of blood. The Jews brought—and still bring—negroes to the Rhine, clearly with the intention of destroying the white race, which they so detest. For a racially pure people cannot be enslaved by the Jew.

Politically, the Jew slowly begins to substitute the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat for the idea of democracy, for in the organized mass of Marxism he has found a great weapon.

In the field of culture he infects art and everything else, destroying all ideals of beauty and ability, and thus drags into the gutter everything which is great, including the people he craves to destroy.

Religion is scoffed at, customs and morals are scorned as outmoded, until the last supports of national struggle for existence disappear.

Mass
Slaughter

Now the Jew becomes a tyrant—an example of what he will do in the final stages of the revolution can be seen by looking at Russia.

Where with mass slaughter, starvation, and Satanic tortures close to 30,000,000 people, were done away with so that a band of Jewish writers and stock exchange bandits could rule a great people.

(Trotsky was the only important leader of the Russian Revolution who was a Jew—and he is now exiled in Mexico.)

But the end is not only the end of people attacked by the Jew, but also the end of these parasites themselves: with the death of the victim, the vampire itself must die.

If we study the German collapse it is clear that the real cause was failure to understand the race problem, particularly the Jewish menace.

The old Reich did not preserve the racial basis of the nation.

Any calamity—defeat in war, or anything else, can serve as a stimulant to ultimate achievement. Only the loss of blood purity destroys inner happiness once and for all and eternally debases man. Once that has happened, the consequences exist forever more in body and spirit.

The old Reich had allowed the Jew to infiltrate into and weaken so many of its parts that when it went on the battlefield in August, 1914, this was only the last flicker of the national instinct of self-preservation.

With this realization we come to the guilding principle and tendency of the new movement which alone, in our belief, will be able to halt the decline of the German people and to lay the granite foundation over which one day shall be erected a state representing not an alien economic mechanism, but an organism of the people:

A Germanic state of the German nation.

Chapter XII

Early Development of the Nazi Party.

Often great reform movements have but a single man as leader, but millions of people as followers.

Some goal may for centuries burn as the passionate desire of countless people, until finally one man arises as the standard-bearer who knows how to bring victory.

Viewing the German situation politically, as it was in 1918, a people torn in two parts can be seen.

One class, by far the smallest, is of the intelligentsia, exclusive of all who do physical labor. It is apparently nationalistic, but is actually so in a most diluted sense, for it tries to support its ideas with intellectual weapons which are fragmentary and superficial. Such weapons fail sadly in the face of opposing savagery. A single blow has overthrown this class which recently ruled; now, shaking with cowardly humiliation and fear, it accepts whatever the brutal victor chooses to do.

Facing this class is a much larger one, the proletarian mass. Somewhat united by various Marxist movements, this group is anti-national; but it includes the elements of the nation without which a national revival is impossible.

Cannons
Or Butter?

It was clear by 1918 that any recovery of the German people needed more than mere arms—Germany became helpless not because arms were lacking, but because her desire for self-preservation had been milked of its potency.

The question of Germany regaining her power is not: how can we manufacture arms?

It is: how can we create the spirit of a people worthy to bear arms?

Once this spirit arises in a people, it will find a thousand ways, every one of which ends with arms!

One allies oneself with men, not with weapons.

Therefore the British must be looked upon as the most valuable ally in the world as long as its leadership and its masses lead one to count upon that brutality and perseverance which bring victories.

The weakness of our fifteen million Marxists, Democrats, Pacificists and people of the Centre—affected by Jewish poison or by parliamentary ideas—is so clear to foreign powers that we have no hope today of forging any worth-while alliance.

The great masses, who can fight, who can perform or refuse to perform the necessary industrial labor which lends power to a nation, and who can be managed, must be won over to the ideal of our national freedom. before a New Germany is conceivable.

“War is the aim of every alliance which is not foolish and worthless.”

Mein Kampf—Chapter XXVI

Aims and
Tactics

Thus we realized as early as 1919 that the new movement must consider as its chief aim the nationalization of the masses.

As to tactics:

(1) No social sacrifice can be considered as too great if it can win the masses to the service of the nation.

(That is: to the services of the would-be dictator.)

Profit-Mad
Employers, Too

Few can acknowledge—although some of our businessmen and other people manage to—that in the long run there can be any economic rise for anyone as long as the national solidarity of the masses of the nation is lacking. If the German unions during the World War had protected the rights of the workers from the profit-mad employers even going so far as to stage countless strikes extorting thousandfold benefits, only so long as they always first of all fanatically considered the fate of Germany, we would not have lost the war. How unimportant any economic concessions, even the greatest, would have been compared to the vast importance of a war victory!

A movement trying to give the German worker back to the German people must never consider any economic sacrifices too great, unless they endanger the independence of the national economy.

(2) National education of the masses can only come through social improvement, for that alone will create those economic conditions which allow the individual to share in the culture of the nation.

(3) The masses can only be captured by a ruthless and fanatic one-sided presentation of our nationalistic idea.

Most people are neither professors nor diplomats; their views are based upon sentiment, and not upon reason. These people are not susceptible to half-measures—they fall victim to force. Their attitudes are generally stable, just because they are little influenced by reasoning—for faith is stronger than knowledge, love less changeable than respect, hate more everlasting than mere dislike.

The dynamic force which has made the most important changes in history has always been—not scientific intellect—but rather a fanatic feeling of hysteria which has hurled the masses in one direction or the other.

(4) To win the soul of the people, it is not enough merely to fight for one’s own end—one must at the same time destroy the upholders of the opposite cause.

A savage attack upon some adversary is proof to the people of the justice of their own cause.

The masses feel that if their leaders refrain from destroying an opponent, this must be a sign of uncertainty of their own cause—if not a sign that the cause is unjust.

The masses are only a fragment of nature, and their feelings cannot understand a handclasp between men who proclaim opposite views. What they want is the victory of the stronger and the annihilation of the weaker, or else his unconditional enslavement.

The nationalization of our masses will succeed only if, together with the positive battle for the soul of our people, its international poisoners are wiped out.

(5) The German blood must be purified, and the alien Jew dealt with, or there will be no resurrection of the German nation. The race question is the key to world history and to human civilization.

(6) Just as a worker sins against his community if he makes a demand based upon power, without consideration for the welfare and existence of the community, so an employer injures the community if he abuses the communal working strength through exploitation, inhumanity, and general profiteering out of sweat. Too many employers consider every attempt to guard the interests of the employee as an attack upon the nation.

Might
Makes Right

The task at hand is to take the workers from their internationalist insanity, and enlist their weight behind a movement aimed to bring them economic justice within the national economy.

The winning of the Bourgeois voting cattle must never be the aim of the movement—this would only weigh it down with dull paralysing weight.

Acute class distinctions are not to be abolished by fraternizing—the mass must develop its own force for its upward surge.

(7) The propaganda of the movement must be directed only at one side, for if it were directed at both, the difference between the Bourgeois and the mass mind would mean that any propaganda launched would either be misunderstood by one group, or else it would be automatically rejected by the other.

If propaganda, by word or gesture, applies itself to the coarseness and feelings of the masses, it will be objected to by the “intelligentsia” as vulgar. But on the other hand, if the propaganda sacrifices its primitive expression, it will not be possible for it to reach its broad masses.

Generally speaking, the ideas which I have already summed up under the heading “war propaganda” are sufficient for the guidance of the young movement’s work of enlightenment.

(8) Every idea designed to change the world has not only the right but the duty to adopt any means which make possible the achievement of its aims. (sic.!)

(The above statement, odd as it seems, is actually the Nazi philosophy. Goering has said the same thing in different words: “It isn’t important who is right—the important thing is who wins!”

(9) Our movement is in attitude, and also in inner structure, anti-parliamentary. It throws away the idea of decision by majority rule—by which the leader is degraded into the mere executive of the opinion of the others.

The leader of the entire party is the only leader elected; once elected, he assumes full responsibility and dictates. He appoints the next-highest leaders, and these in turn appoint the group leaders who come after them, until finally the lowest officer is thus appointed. All leaders are chosen from above.

The followers of the movement are free to call the supreme leader to account, and to throw him out of office; then a new leader is chosen, and given the same authorities and responsibilities.

(This is in flat contradiction of Hitler’s previous statement. If the followers of the movement are free to call the leader to account and to “throw him out of office” that is in fact representative government. The essential characteristic of the dictator state is the inability of the people to oust the Dictator once he has seized power. Hitler’s dread secret political police, the Gestapo terrorizes all Germans—putting thousands in concentration camps, killing thousands more—precisely in order to insure that the masses cannot “throw him out of office”. Launching a battleship at Wilhelmshaven before 80,000 Germans on April 1, 1939, Hitler made an address from a rostrum circled by bullet proof glass so that no one could depose him by the only possible method—assassination.)

Only the hero is suited for such serious leadership. Man’s progress depends upon the genius and energy of individuals, and not upon any majorities.

Our movement is anti-parliamentary and if it participates in parliament the sole aim is to smash it.

(Thie raises the vital question, which must be considered in the United States today. Should free democratic rights—free speech, right of assembly, etc.—be granted to groups whose primary aim is to smash the very system, democracy, which grants them those rights?)

(10) The movement flatly refuses to commit itself on questions outside the frame of its political work, or not