PARSONS] IS LET A, SANTA ANA, AND AGO MA 57
Summer People, shuren, the last four, Winter People, shifunin, The clans are matrilineal and exogamous. The moieties are neither exogamous nor endogamous. The moieties, as far as I could learn, are divisions merely for ceremonial purposes. 1 Each has its own estufa or tu la (Keresan k'a'ach), and its own headman, i.e., shurekabede for the Summer People and shifukabede for the Winter People. 2 Each moiety will invite the other to participate in the dance it has in charge, i.e., the Summer People in charge of
besides four corn clans, Deer, Antelope, Water, Elk, Moon, Duck. The first three clans, Deer, Antelope, Water, are found at Laguna and may represent Laguna immi- grants. (Final Report, Pt. I, Papers, Archaeological Institute of America p. 273, Ameri- can Series, in, 1890.)
1 Cp. J. P. Harrington, "The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians," Twenty- ninth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, (1916), p. 62.
2 These divisions, shure and ship-hung, Bandelier identifies with the koshare and cuirana. (Final Report, Pt. I, pi. 315.)
It seems likely that the summer-winter moiety pattern, however it originated or was applied among the Pueblo Indians, is carried throughout the pueblos in connec- tion with the two groups of "delight makers." In Laguna there are traces of a long- standing fued between the kurena and the kashare, and indications here as elsewhere, according to Bandelier (Final Report, Pt. i, p. 301), that the kurena- Winter party was the progressive, and the kashare-Snmmer party, the conservative or anti-American party. References at Laguna to both the shikani-kurena cheani (also called hadjamuni kaiuk, Broken Prayer-stick) and the Flint cheani as being the paramount chief or cacique may point to the two-fold cacique system, although, on the whole, it would appear that the senior Flint cheani became the cacique with the shikani-kurena as his assistant.
The yellow altar is said to belong to the kurena, the blue to the kashare, the red to the Flint cheani, and the white to the Fire cheani.
At Zufii the moiety pattern is seen in the assignment of two winter months in myth and ceremonialism to the lewekwe society. The myth of the separation of the lewekwe is in part like that given by Bandelier (Final Report, Pt. i, pp. 303-4) to explain the Tewa separation of the Winter and Summer peoples. The moiety pattern may also be seen in the requirement that at the summer rain dances the koyemshi must be in attendance. At the winter dances either set of "delight makers," koyemshi or ne'wekwe, may come out, and the ne'wekwe are particularly conspicuous. By the way, may not koyemshi be derived from the Jemez variant for koshare (Final Report, Pt. !> P- 3!5)> kuenshare?
Again at Zufii the moiety pattern is or was seen in the extinct lahewe ceremonial, in the war dances, and in the Saint's dance. In the Saint's dance the six estufas are grouped into two alternating and more or less competing sets. They compete, for example, in furnishing "soldiers" for the Saint. It may not be insignificant that the regular leader of one set is the son of the kyakweamosi lashi who is to be equated with the head of the Flint society of the Keresans, i.e., the cacique or, perhaps, Summer cacique. The dancer set meets in the house of the kyakweamosi lashi.
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