stead in many a crisis which would have swept away nations on a more mercurial basis.
This conservatism has crystallized in the Constitution, this wonderful instrument of political sagacity, and in so doing has stamped upon our institutions their characteristic element. For it is this which distinguishes American constitutional life from that of Great Britain. In the United Kingdom no such breakwater is erected as we possess in our Supreme Court. Beneficial as this institutional conservatism on the whole to us has been, it cannot be disputed that in this epoch of industrialism of ours emergencies have arisen for which to provide apparently the framework timbered in a period of agriculture and provincial barter is not broad enough. Progress is more vital and justice more essential and humanity more sacramental than even constitutional literalism or casuistry. Yet this reconciliation of the political principles of the eighteenth with the social philosophy of the nineteenth century cannot be accomplished by heated prejudice and passionate appeal. That of this we have today a surfeit none may dispute. Selfishness always engenders selfishness. Selfishness wears today too often the cloak of conservatism; it cannot be indignantly surprised that as frequently its own motives assumes as readily the livery of radicalism. The duty to mediate devolves clearly upon the trained minds and men who have learned to pierce beyond the selfish outer crust of interest to the inner kernel of principles. To the university primarily addresses itself today the admonition: Videant consules ne quid detrimenti respublica capiat. Let the consuls be on the alert lest injury result to the commonwealth.
The social question is today the perplexity of every land. It is the penalty which man now pays for his Promethean presumption to yoke the lightning to his plough. I have faith that its solution will be peaceably attained on the continent over which floats the starry banner of Liberty wedded to Law. I question not the sufficiency of our political principles to meet the issue. Yet, I cannot hold with what would pass and pose for American conservatism, that the "foreigner" is the sole disturber of Israel.
