a reproof given him by Washington, and resigned from the staff, but he remained in the army, and at Yorktown commanded a storming party, which took one of the British redoubts. This dashing exploit practically closed Hamilton's military service in the Revolution, which had been highly creditable to him both as a staff and field officer.
In the midst of his duties as a soldier, however, Hamilton had found time for much else. On his mission to Gates he met at Albany Miss Elizabeth Schuyler, whom he married on 14 Dec., 1780, and so became connected with a rich and powerful New York family, which was of marked advantage to him in many ways. During the Revolution, too, he had found leisure to study finance and government, and his letters on these topics to Robert Morris and James Duane display a remarkable grasp of both subjects. He showed in these letters how to amend the confederation and how to establish a national bank, and his plans thus set forth were not only practicable, but evince his peculiar fitness for the great work before him. His letters on the bank, indeed, so impressed Morris that when Hamilton left the army and was studying law, Morris offered him the place of continental receiver of taxes for New York, which he at once accepted. At the same time he was admitted to the bar, and he threw himself into the work of his profession and of his office with his wonted zeal. The exclusion of the Tories from the practice of the law gave a fine opening to their young rivals on the patriot side; but the business of collecting taxes was a thankless task, which only served to bring home to Hamilton more than ever the fatal defects of the confederation. From these uncongenial labors he was relieved by an election to congress, where he took his seat in November, 1782. The most important business then before congress was the ratification of peace; but the radical difficulties of the situation (arose from the shattered finances and from the helplessness and imbecility of the confederation. Hamilton flung himself into these troubles with the enthusiasm of youth and genius, but all in vain. The case was hopeless. He extended his reputation for statesmanlike ability and brilliant eloquence, but effected nothing, and withdrew to the practice of his profession in 1783, more than ever convinced that the worthless fabric of the confederation must be swept away, and something better and stronger put in its place. This great object was never absent from his mind, and as he rapidly rose at the bar he watched with a keen eye the course of public affairs, and awaited an opening. Matters went rapidly from bad to worse. The states were bankrupt, and disintegration threatened them. Internecine commercial regulations destroyed prosperity, and riot and insurrection menaced society. At last Virginia, in January, 1786, proposed a convention at Annapolis, Md., to endeavor to make some common commercial regulations. Hamilton's opportunity had come, and, slender as it was, he seized it with a firm grasp. He secured the election of delegates from New York, and in company with Egbert Benson betook himself to Annapolis in September, 1786. After the fashion of the time, only five states responded to the call; but the meagre gathering at least furnished a stepping-stone to better things. The convention agreed upon an address, which was drawn by Hamilton, and toned down to suit the susceptibilities of Edmund Randolph. This address set forth the evil condition of public affairs, and called a new convention, with enlarged powers, to meet in Philadelphia, 2 May, 1787. This done, the next business was to make the coming convention a success, and Hamilton returned to New York to devote himself to that object. He obtained an election to the legislature, and there fought the hopeless battles of the general government against the Clintonian forces, and made himself felt in all the legislation of the year; but he never lost sight of his main purpose, the appointment of delegates to Philadelphia. This he finally accomplished, and was chosen with two leaders of the opposition, Yates and Lansing, to represent New York in the coming convention. Hamilton's own position despite his victory in obtaining delegates was trying; for in the convention the vote of the state, on every question, was cast against him by his colleagues. He, however, did the best that was possible. At an early day, when a relaxing and feeble tendency appeared in the convention, he introduced his own scheme of government, and supported it in a speech of five hours. His plan was much higher in tone, and much stronger, than any other, since it called for a president and senators for life, and for the appointment of the governors of states by the national executive. It aimed, in fact, at the formation of an aristocratic instead of a Democratic republic. Such a scheme had no chance of adoption, and of course Hamilton was well aware of this, but it served its purpose by clearing the atmosphere and giving the convention
a more vigorous tone. After delivering his speech, Hamilton withdrew from the convention, where his colleagues rendered him hopelessly inactive, and only returned toward the end to take part in the closing debates, and to affix his name to the constitution. It was when the labors of the convention were completed and laid before the people that Hamilton's great work for the constitution really began. He conceived and started "The Federalist," and wrote most of those famous essays which rivetted the attention of the country, furnished the weapons of argument and exposition to those who "thought continentally" in all the states, and did more than any thing else toward the adoption of the constitution. In almost all the states the popular majority was adverse to the constitution, and in the New York ratifying convention the vote stood at the outset two to one against adoption. In a brilliant contest, Hamilton, by arguments rarely equalled in the history of debate, either in form or eloquence, by skilful management, and by wise delay, finally succeeded in converting enough votes, and carried ratification triumphantly. It was a great victory, and in the Federal procession in New York the Federal ship bore the name of "Hamilton." From the convention the struggle was transferred to the polls. George Clinton was strong enough to prevent the choice of senators, but at the election he only retained his own office by a narrow majority: his power was broken, and the Federalists elected four of the six representatives in congress. In this fight Hamilton led, and when the choice of senators was finally made he insisted, in his imperious fashion,
