Page:Blackwood's Magazine volume 144.djvu/304

From Wikisource
Jump to navigation Jump to search
This page has been proofread, but needs to be validated.
298
The Second Half of the Session.
[Aug.

number of whom are inclined to avail themselves of this right to a limited but still to an inconvenient extent, it is impossible that business can. be transacted with rapidity, or with that careful supervision of details which would be possible if the number of legislators and orators were less. The plan of Grand Committees is still upon its trial, but it may be doubted whether a scheme which permits rediscussion in the body of tho House of Commons after the termination of the Grand Committee, will tend to a material curtailment of debate; and it seems probable that, if the parliamentary machine is to work at all, it will ere long be absolutely necessary either to limit the duration of speeches, or to resort to a more frequent application of the Closure, in order to procure the earlier termination of debates in which the arguments on both sides have been fairly stated, and upon which the House is ready to pronounce its decision.

If, however, there is blame to be attached to the Government and to the Opposition for the tardiness of legislative progress during the present session, it would be unfair to omit mention of another cause which has somewhat contributed to this result. It has often been urged against the Conservative party by their opponents that their discipline is so severe that independence is unknown among them, and that the slightest display of such a quality disappears instantly at the crack of the party whip. A charge of this nature can hardly be sustained against the supporters of the Government in the present House of Commons. Not only by speeches out of doors and by letters in the newspapers, but even by action taken in the House of Commons itself, "Conservative" members of that House have displayed an "independence" of Government and of party ties which must have considerably increased the difficulties of Lord Salisbury's Cabinet and encouraged its opponents. We do not for a moment question the honesty and sincerity of such members, or their fidelity to Conservative and Unionist principles; but we venture nevertheless to doubt the discretion and patriotism of their action in the present position of affairs. It cannot be too often repeated that Lord Salisbury's Government is something more than Conservative; it is a national, Unionist Government, mainly engaged in upholding that union of her Majesty's home dominions which is insidiously threatened by those who, repudiating the term Separatist as applied to themselves, are continuously and actively promoting a policy which leads directly to separation. Thus considered, it is the manifest duty of every Conservative and Unionist member of Parliament to strengthen the Government by every means in his power, and not to afford opportunities to the Opposition to weaken, by attacks and divisions upon side issues, a position too strong to be endangered by direct assault. Whether it be upon questions connected with the Local Government Bill, the Liquor Traffic, Payment of Members of Parliament, or any other question which can be named, it is abundantly evident that Mr Gladstone and his followers are prepared to go into any lobby or adopt any course which may by any possibility place the Government in a minority. It is immaterial to them whether it be disaffected Tories or ultra-Radicals who are their imme-