PRUSSIA
525
PRUSSIA
on its military power, not yet, as in the case of the
other Great Powers, upon the area of the country and
the economic efficiency of the population. Conse-
quently, the position of Prussia as a Great Power
needed to be placed on a stroller basis. Its people
had to make marked advances culturally, and develop
a real national spirit. Furthermore, the effort must
be made to bring the future development of Prussia
into close connexion with the leading movements of
the coming generation, so that the roots of its life
should receive fresh nourishment. Both problems
could best be solved by furthering the transfer to-
wards the west of the centre of gra\-ity of the Prussian
states already begun under Frederick's predecessors.
This western development of his territory was also a
policy furthered by Frederick, but he pursued it un-
willingly and cared httle for it. By this one-sidedness
he lessened his services to Prussia when he enlarged
his territories in the district of the Oder and Vistula,
where the foundations of the state had been laid during
the Middle Ages.
There is no doubt that in 1757-58 the coalition formed against him would have crushed him had not Hanover fought on his side and given him the strate- gic control of north-western Germany. As even after 1763 he regarded Austria as the deadly enemy of Prussia, he could not fail to see that for strategic reasons it was absolutely necessary for Prussia to have the whole of north-western Germany within its sphere of influence; but he did nothing to attain this end. Moreover, he could not abstain from interfering in imperial politics in order to keep Austria from mak- ing southern Germany dependent on itself. He, there- tore, urged on the War of the Bavarian Succession against .\ustria in 1778-79, and in 1783 was for a time the leader of the "League of Princes" formed among the German princes of the emphe against Joseph H. However, all imperial, that is to say, German politics were distasteful to him. By his example he, more than any one else, contributed to smother all interest in the empire on the part of the German statesmen. He pre- ferred rather to rest Prussian poUcy on that of Russia, and to lay his pohfical schemes in the east of Europe. In Uke manner in his internal administration he dehb- erately neglected his western provinces, although it was just this part of his kingdom that lay in the centre of the rising economic life of Europe, and con- tained, along with Silesia, the mineral treasures that in the future were to make the country and its popula- tion rich. It was also the population of this section that was to prove itself unusually energetic and ca- pable in economic life. Fortunately for the realm Frederick's excellent minister of commerce, Hej-nitz, did not neglect the western pro\dnces. In these pro\-inces the young Freiherr von Stein passed the first years of his career in the service of the Govern- ment. During Frederick's reign the eastern pro\'inces of Prussia were also brought into connexion with the cultural development of the ciWlization of Western Europe. In order to meet the growing demand of England for grain, their great estates were worked on a capitalistic basis. The younger civil officials and nobility admired England as a model country and were full of interest in all the liberal ideas of the pe- riod. Prominent among these was Theodore von Schon. But a number of other young jurists called for a constitution. The University of Konigsberg had a large share in producing this development. One of its profes.sors, Kraus, a political economist, spread the theories of Adam Smith; aiicitlier professor was Kant, who also started with the luiglish philosophy.
During Frederick's reign a novel element found its way into the Prussian State. By the conquest of Silesia, Prussia for the first time acquired a province that wa,s predominantly Catholic; in annexing Polish Prussia it annexed one that was half Catholic. Up to then the only Catholics in Prussia were a few in
Cleve. During the reign of the Great Elector, Catholic
Ermland also became a part of Prussia, but this
province never was considered of much importance.
The church pri\41eges of the Cathohcs here as there
rested upon national treaties. As a rule they were
respected. However, a strict watch was kept that
the position of the Catholics should be an exceptional
one. Attempts to introduce Protestantism among
them were encouraged. In ecclesiastical matters
Frederick followed in the path of his predecessors.
Being a f ree-t liinker the tolerance of his predecessors,
based on treaty obligations, became under him a policy
merely of rehgious indifference. "In my kingdom,
each may go to Heaven after his own fashion". He
pro\'ided for the religious and educational needs even
of the Catholics, and showed favour to the Jesuits.
Still, in his reign Catholics were not allowed to hold
office except iiSerior ones. In its foreign policy the
State remained the champion of Protestant interests.
This pohcy could be continued, notwithstanding the
great increase in the nmnber of Catholics, because the
population of Prussia was accustomed to obey the
Government without claiming any rights for itself.
In the course of time difficulties would naturally arise
from this policy.
IV. When Frederick II died the area of Prussia was about 78,100 square miles and its population 5,500,000. Since 1740 the annual revenues of the State had risen from 7,500,000 to 22,000,000 thalers; the national treasury contained 54,000,000 thalers. Fred- erick's successor, his nephew Frederick William II (1786-97), was a man of some abiUty, but was soon led astray by his taste for loose living, and fell under the influence of bad counsellors, such as the theologian and Rosicrucian von Wollner, and Colonel von Bischoffswerder. Frederick William III (1797-1840) was a man without much ability, somewhat like a subordinate official in instinct, of good intentions but little force. In consequence of the Revolution whose spirit spread throughout Euro]ie the demands of the new era made themselves heard in Prussia also. Both the ministry and the cabinet were constantly occupied with plans for reform, but there was a lack of united and harmonious working and of abiUty to come to a decision. Dangerous agitations arose among the civil officials. Government by the cabinet became intoler- able to the ministers, as the administration was no longer exercised bj- the king himself but by the secre- taries of the cabinet, who during this reign were von Bej-me, Lombard, and IN/encken. Thus the zeal for reform only increased the dissatisfaction, and very little was accomplished. In foreign politics Frederick William II disavowed the opposition to Austria when he signed the Reichenbach Convention of 27 July, 1790, with the Emperor Leopold II. In 1792 he even became an ally of Leopold's in the war with France, in order to combat the "principles" of the Revolu- tion. His army, however, accomphshed but little in this war, and on 5 April, 1795, he signed a separate treaty of peace with France at Basle, thus deserting Austria. For a number of years following this treaty he and his successor, Frederick WiUiam III, pursued a policy of neutrality in the great events of Western Europe. Still they sought to gain advantages out of them. According to the Treaty of Basle, Frederick William II agreed with France upon a line of demarca- tion by which nearly all of northern Germany was declared neutral under the ]>rotection of Prussia. Pnissia worked energetically for the .secularization of the Catholic ecclesia.-itiral principalities, and by agree- ment with France in 1S()2 obtained the Dioce.ses of Paderborn, Fulda, a part of Miinster, Eichsfeld, the domains of several abbeys, and the cities of Erfurt and Dortmund; the decision of the imperial delega- tion of 1803 confirmed it in the possession of these territories.
Prussia kept a close watch upon the fate of Hanover
