SCHISM
539
SCHISM
steps when one has wandered down a mistaken road
because of long-forgotten personal quarrels. They
too must see how disastrous to the common cause is
the scandal of the division. They too must wish to
put an end to so crying an evil. And if they really
wish it the way need not be difficult. For, indeed,
after nine centuries of schism we may realize on both
sides that it is not only the greatest it is also the most
superfluous evil in Christendom.
For details of the schism see Greek Church; Photius; Michael Cerularius; Florence, Council of; also Fortes- cue, The Orthodox Eastern Church (London, 1907) and the works there quoted.
Adrian Fortescue.
Schism, Western. — This schism of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries differs in all points from the Eastern Schism. The latter was a real revolt against the supreme authority of the Church, fomented by the ambition of the patriarchs of Constantinople, favoured by the Greek emperors, supported by the Byzantine clergy and people, and lasting nine cen- turies. The Western Schism was only a temporary mis- understanding, even though it compelled the Church for forty years to seek its true head; it was fed by politics and passions, and was terminated by the as- sembling of the councils of Pisa and Constance. This religious division, infinitely less serious than the other, will be examined in its origin, its developments, the means employed to end it, and its ending in 1417 by the election of an undisputed jiope. From a legal and apologetic standpoint what did the earh' doctors think of it? What is the reasoned opinion of modern theologians and canonists? Was the real pope to be found at Avignon or at Rome?
(1) Pope Gregory XI had left Avignon to return to Italy and had re-established the pontifical see in the Eternal City, where he died on 27 March, 1378. At once attention was directed to the choice of his successor. The question was most serious. Cardi- nals, priests, nobles, and the Romans in general were interested in it, because on the election to be made by the Conclave depended the residence of the future pope at Avignon or at Home. Since the beginning of the century the ]i()ntitTs had fixed their abode beyond the Alps; the Koniaii.s, wliose interests ami claims had been so long slighted, want(>(l a Roman or at least an Italian pope. The name of Hartoloinmeo Prignano, Archbishop of Bari, was merit ioni^l from the first. This prelate had been Vic(>-Chancellor of the Roman Church, and was regarded as the enemj^ of vice, sim- ony, and display. His morals were exemplary and his integrity rigid. He was regardcnl by all as eligible. The sixteen cardinals present at Rome met in con- clave on 7 April, and on the following day chose Pri- gnano. During the election disturbance reigned in the city. The people of Rome and the vicinity, tur- bulent and easily roused, had, under the sway of cir- cumstances, loudly declared their preferences and antipathies, and endeavoured to influence the de- cision of the cardinals. Were these facts, regrettable in themselves, sufficient to rob the members of the Conclave of the necessary freedom of mind and to prevent the election from being valid? This is the question which has been asked since the end of the fourteenth century. On its solution depends our opinion of the legitimacy of the popes of Rome and Avignon. It seems certain that the ctirdiiials then took every means to obviate all possil)l(> doubts. On the evening of the same day thirteen of them proceeded to a new election, and again chose the Archbishop of Bari with the formally exjjressed intention f)f selecting a legitimate pope. During the following days all the members of the Sacred College offered their respectful homage to the new pope, who had taken the name of Urban VI, and asked of him countless favours. They then enthroned him, first at the Vatican Palace, and later at St. John Lateran ; finally on 18 April they
solemnly crowned him at St. Peter's. On the very
next day the Sacred College gave official notification
of Urban's accession to the six French cardinals in
Avignon; the latter recognized and congratulated the
choice of their colleagues. The Roman cardinals
then wrote to the head of the empire and the other
Catholic sovereigns. Cardinal Robert of Geneva,
the future Clement VII of Avignon, wrote in the same
strain to his relative the King of France and to the
Count of Flanders. Pedro de Luna of Aragon, the
future Benedict XIII, likewise wrote to several bish-
ops of Spain.
Thus far, therefore, there was not a single objection to or dissatisfaction with the selection of Bartolom- meo Prignano, not a protest, no hesitation, and no fear manifested for the future. Unfortunately Pope Urban did not realize the hopes to which his election had given rise. He showed himself whimsical, haughty, suspicious, and sometimes choleric in his re- lations with the cardinals who had elected him. Too obvious roughness and blameable extravagances seemed to show that his unexpected election had al- tered his character. St. Catherine of Siena, with supernatural courage, did not hesitate to make him some very well-founded remarks in this respect, nor did she hesitate when there was question of blaming the cardinals in their revolt against the pope whom they had previously elected. Some historians state that Urban openly attacked the failings, real or sup- posed, of members of the Sacred College, and that he energetically refused to restore the pontifical see to Avignon. Hence, they add, the growing opposition. However that may be, none of these unpleasant dis- sensions which arose subsequently to the election could logically weaken the validity of the choice made on 8 April. The cardinals elected Prignano, not be- cause they were swayed by fear, though naturally they were somewhat fearful of the mischances that might grow out of delay. Urban was pope before his errors; he was still pope after his errors. The pas- sions of King Henry IV or the vices of Louis XV did not prevent these monarchs from being and remaining true descendants of St. Louis and lawful kings of France. Unhappily such was not, in 1378, the rea- soning of the Roman cardinals. Their dissatisfaction continued to increase. Under pretext of escaping the unhealthy heat of Rome, they withdrew in May to Anagni, and in July to Fondi, under the protection of Queen Joanna of Naples and two hundred Gascon lances of Bernardon de la Salle. They then began a silent campaign against their choice of April, and pre- pared men's minds for the news of a second election. On 20 September thirteen members of the Sacred College precipitated matters by going into conclave at Fondi and choosing as pope Robert of Geneva, who took the name of Clement VII. Some months later the new pontiff, driven from the Kingdom of Naples, took up his residence at Avignon; the schism was complete.
Clement VII was related to or allied with the prin- cipal royal families of Europe; he was influential, in- tellectual, and skilful in politics. Christendom was quickly divided into two almost equal parties. Every- where the faithful faced the anxious problem: where is the true pope? The saints themselves were divided : St. Catherine of Siena, St. Catherine of Sweden, Rl. Peter of Aragon, Bl. Ursulina of Parma, Philippe d'Alengon, and Gerard de Groote were in the camp of Urban; St. Vincent Ferrer, Bl. Peter of Luxemburg, and St. Colette belonged to the party of Clement. The century's most famous doctors of law were con- sulted and most of them decided for Rome. Theolo- gians were divided. Germans fike Henry of Hesse or Langstein (Epistola concilii pads) and Conrad of Gelnhausen {Ep. brevin; Ep. Concordia') inclined to- wards Urban; Pierre d'Ailly, his friend Philippe de Maizieres, his pupils Jean Gerson and Nicholas of
