SEMITES
706
SEMITES
ed., Leipzig, 1906, p. 391). Another anonymous
writing dating from the middle of the fifth centm*}'
reckoned among the works of Augustine, and editea
by the Academy of Vienna, bears the title: "Hj^pom-
nesticon contra Pelagianos et Coelestianos " (Corpus
scriptor. ccclesiast. latin., X, 1611 sqq.). It contains
a refutation of Seinipelagiaiiism, as it condemns the
foundation of predestination on the "faith foreseen"
b}' God {fides prcei'isa). But it also shaiply chal-
lenges the irresistibility of grace and predestination
to hell. .\s the ground for eternal damnation the
Divine foresight of sin is given, although the author
cannot help seeing that eternal punishment as the
consequence of sin is settled from all eternity. A
third work deserves special attention, inasmuch as
it reflects the views of Rome towards the end of the
fifth centurj^; it is entitled: "Indiculus seu prajteri-
torum Sedis Apostolicae episcoporum auctoritates"
(in Denzinger-Bannwart, "Enchiridion", Freiburg,
190S, nn. 129-42), and emphasizes in twelve chapters
the powerlessness of man to raise himself, the abso-
lute necessity of grace for all salutary works, and
the special grace-character of final perseverance.
The "deeper and more difficult questions" concern-
ing grace, as they emerged in the course of the dis-
cussion, were passed over as superfluous. The Augus-
tinian standpoint of the compiler is as unmistakable
as the anti-Semipelagian tendency of the whole work.
Regarded in earlier times and to some e.xtent even
to-day as a papal instruction sent by Celestine I to
the bishops of Gaul together with the document
mentioned above, this appendix, or "indiculus",
is now considered unauthentic and its origin referred
to the end of the fifth century. It is certain that
about A.D. 500 this work was recognized as the official
expression of the views of the Apostolic See.
III. Decline and End of Semipelagianism (519-30). — Not at Rome or in Gaul, but after a roundabout passage through Constantinople, the Semipelagian strife was to break out with new violence. It hap- pened in this wi.se: In 519, Scythian monks under Johannes Maxentius who was versed in Latin litera- ture, appeared at Constantinople with the intention of having inserted in the symbol of the Council of Chalcedon (451) the Christological formula, " Unus de 8. Trinitate in came crucifixus est", in view of the Theopaschite quarrel, which was then raging. In this clause the fanatical monks saw the "standard of orthodoxy", and regarded the solemn reception of the same into the symbol as the most efficacious means of overthrowing Monophysitism. With their untimely proposition they importuned even the papal legates, who were entrusted with the negotia- tions for the re-establishment of official relations between Rome and Byzantium. When Bishop Possessor from Africa approached the hesitating legates with quotations from the works of the recent- ly-decea.sed Faustus of Riez, Maxentius did not hesi- tate to denounce Posses.sor and his abettors curtly as "partisans of Pelagius" (sectatores Pelagii; cf. Maxentius, "Ep. ad Icgatos" in P. G., LXXXVI, 85). Thus the question of the orthodoxy of Faustus suddenly arose, and simultaneously that of Semipe- lagianism in general; henceforth, the conflict never abated until its final settlement. As no decision could be reached without the concurrence of Rome, Maxentius started for Rome in June, 519, with several fellow-monks to lay their petition bfifore Pope Hormisdas. During their fourteen months' residence at Rome they left no means untried to induce the pope to recognize the Christological formula and to condemn Faustus. Hormisdas, however, refused to yield to either request. On the contrary, in a reply to Bishop Possessor of 20 Aug., 520, he complains bitterly of the tactless and fanatical conduct of the Scythian monks at Rome (cf. A. Thiel, "Epistolse Romanor. Pontif. genuinae", I, Braunsberg, 1868,
929). As for Faustus, Hormisdas declares in the
same letter that his works certamly contain much
that is distorted {iricongrua) and is, moreover, not
included among the recognized writings of the Fathers.
The sound doctrine on grace and freedom could be
taken from the writings of St. Augustine.
This evasive answer of the pope, showing no in- clination to meet their wishes, was far from pleasing to Maxentius and his companions. Turning elsewhere for support ^laxentius formed a league of the African bishops, who, in consequence of the Vandal perse- cution of the CathoHcs under King Thrasamund (496-523), were hving in e.xile on the Island of Sar- dinia. Fulgentius of Ruspe, the most learned of the exiles, inquired into the matter on behalf of his fellow-bishops. In a long epistle (Fulgentius, Ep. xvii, "De incamatione et gratia", in P. L., LXV, 451 sqq.), he gratified the Scythian monks by approving the orthodoxy of the Christological formula and the condemnation of Faustus of Riez. Unfortunately his polemical work in seven books against Faustus is lost, but in his numerous writings, which he com- posed partly during his exile in Sardinia and partly after his return to Africa, there breathes a spirit so truly Augustinian that he has been rightly called the "epitomized Augustine". The blow dealt to Faustus had its effect both in Gaul and at Rome. Bishop Ca?sarius of Aries, although a pupil of L6rins, subscribed to the Augustinian doctrine of grace, and his views were shared by many of the Galhc episcopate. Other bishops were indeed still inclined towards Semipelagianism. At a Synod of Valence (528 or 529) Caesarius was attacked on account of his teaching, but was able to reply effectively. Hav- ing been assured of the "authority and support of the Apostolic See", he summoned on 3 July, 529, the sharers of his views to the Second Synod of Orange, which condemned Semipelagianism as heresy. In twenty-five canons the entire power- lessness of nature for good, the absolute necessity of prevenicnt grace for salutary acts, especially for the beginning of faith, the absolute gratuity of the first grace and of final perseverance, were defined, while in the epilogue the predestination of the will to evil was branded as heresy (cf. Denzinger-Bannwart, nn. 174-200). As Pope Boniface II solemnly rati- fied the decrees in the following year (530), the Synod of Orange was raised to the rank of an oecumenical council. It was the final triumph of the dead Augus- tine, the "Doctor of Grace".
SuAREz, Proleg. de gratia, V, v, sqq.; Electherius (Livinus Meyer), De PeUigianis el Semipelag. erroribus (Antwerp, 1705); Geffken, UixtoTia semipelagianismi (Gottingen, 1826) ; Wiooerb, Gesch. des Pelagianismus (Hamburg, 1835); Koch, Der hi. Faustus V. Riez (.Stuttgart, 1893) ; Arnold, Cdsarius von Arelate (Leipzig, 1894) ; Hoch, Die Lehre des Joh. Cassian von Natur u. Gnade (Freiburg, 1895); Sublet, Le semipSlagianisme des origines dans ses rapports avec Augustin, le ptlagianisme et I'iglise (Namur, 1897); WoRTER, Beitrage zur Dogmengesch. des Semipelagianismm (Paderborn, 1898); Idem, Zur Dogmengesch. des Semipelagianis- ■mus (MUnster, 1900); Hefele-Leclercq, Hist, des conciles, II (Paria, 1908); Tixeront, Hist, des dogmes, II (2nd ed., Paris, 1909); Harnack, Dogmengesch., Ill (4th ed., Freiburg, 1910). On questions of literary history see Bardenhewer, Patrologxe (3rd ed., Freiburg, 1910), passim, tr. Shahan (St. Louis, 1908); on tlie Middle Ages cf. Minoeb, Die Gnadenlehre des Duns Scoliu auf ihren angeblichen Pelagianismus u. Semipelag. gepriift (MUn- ster, 1900); on the internal development of Augustine's teaching consult Weinand, Die Goltesidee der Grundzug der Weltanschauung des hi. A'ugustinus (Paderborn, 1910).
J. POHLE.
Semites. — The term Semites is applied to a group of peoples closelv related in language, whose habitat is Asia and ])artly Africa. The expression is derived from the Biblical table of nations (Gen., x), in which most of these peoples are recorded as descendants of Noah's son Sem. The term Semite was proposed at first for the languages related to the Hebrew by Lud- wig Schlozer, in Eichhorn's "Repertorium", vol. VIII (Leipzig, 1781), p. 161. Through Eichhorn the name then came into general usage (cf. his "Einleitung in
