BRUSSELS
BRUSSELS
fore 1229, it is almost certain that it dates from a
much earlier period. Its existence, however, as a
body distinct from the higher magistracy, was not
of long duration. It disappeared at a very early
period. From the first the relations between the two
corporations had been strained, as they were the em-
bodiment of hostile ideals, oligarchy, and popular
rule.
For a long period after the municipal organization of Brussels had been definitely determined, all ad- ministration and legislative power was in the hands of a narrow oligarchy of capitalists, headed by the patrician families which from time immemorial had furnished the members of the magistracy. The source of their title to distinction was the ownership of land. Together they formed a class apart, distinct alike from the feudal nobility and from the general body of townsmen. They were divided into seven groups, or Lignages, but it is certain that many patricians were not the direct lineal descendants of the houses whose names and arms they bore. Admission to the aristocracy and to different lignages was to be ob- tained in various ways. Indeed, the lignages of Brus- sels were to a certain extent voluntary associations of aristocratic families banded together for the sake of mutual protection, and with a view to securing the election of their own nominees to the magistracy. What the trade companies were to the plebeians, the lignages were to the patricians.
The patricians were not all rich men, but the wealth of the patrician body was being constantly aug- mented by the new members who gained admission into its ranks, and with the increasing prosperity of the town land was becoming daily more valuable for building purposes. Many were thus able to live in luxury on the rents produced by their property; others increased their revenues by farming the state taxes; others were engaged in banking operations; others again in commerce, in which case they became members of the Merchants' Guild, the members of which were constantly being enrolled in the lignages. Thus the Guild was growing daily more aristocratic, until at last nearly all its members were patricians by birth or by adoption. Embracing as it did at first traders of every kind, it now became an exceedingly close corporation and admitted to its membership only the sellers of cloth and the sellers of wool, the cream of the commercial world. Such were the men who owned the soil of Brussels, who had endowed the city, often at their own cost, with magnificent public buildings, who had won for themselves free institutions, and who for the best part of 200 years tyrannized over everyone else. They wrested from religious houses their right of appointment to city livings; they withdrew the management of schools from the clergy and placed them under municipal control. By a special privilege of the Holy See no new monastery could be founded in Brussels without the authorization of the municipality. The tyranny aroused discontent.
The people first attempted to obtain a share in the government during the troublous times which fol- lowed the death of Duke Henry III (1260), and it seems to have been for the moment successful, for the Council of Jurors was re-established, only how- ever to be suppressed again a few years later, and that was doubtless the cause of the rising which took place in 1302. It was not a very serious affair, and the ruling class with the aid of the sovereign had little ditliculty ni suppressing it. fhe riot which occurred on the eve of Candlemas, 1306, during the absence of Duke John II, though it rose out of a small matter, became a revolution. The party which triumphed showed singular moderation: it was decided that the magistracy should consist as heretofore of seven mem- bers, but that henceforth the people should name them; that two financial assessors should be added to
the city council, and that the Council of Jurors should
be re-established; the new aldermen were all members
of the old ruling class chosen from among the little
band of patricians whose sympathies were sure to be
with the popular cause. The new constitution did
not, however, last six months. Duke John II on his
return to Brussels refused to ratify it, and in spite of
the energetic resistance of the craftsmen, the old order
of things was re-established. The duke, however,
gave discretionary powers to the College of Aldermen
to admit individual craftsmen to the freedom of the
city, no doubt to purchase the good will of leading
plebeians. Fifty years later Duke Wenceslaus, to re-
ward the plebeians for driving the Flemings out of
Brussels, and to mark his displeasure at the conduct
of the patricians who had welcomed them with open
arms, granted to the trade companies by charter an
equal share with the lignages in the government of
the city. But the ink of the new charter was hardly
dry when he revoked it. It is not known why, but
as Duke Wenceslaus throughout his reign was always
in financial straits and considering his shifty conduct
in his dealings with the opposing factions at Louvain
it is not unlikely that he had been purchased by the
patricians. The riot which followed was suppressed
without much difficulty.
Though the College of Aldermen was annually re- newed for more than 100 years, there had been no election, the outgoing aldermen having obtained a prescriptive right to name their successors; the magis- tracy was notoriously corrupt and the city was honey- combed with debt , the outcome of so many years of ex- travagance and thieving. In addition to this, the plebeian triumph at Louvain had inflamed the people with an unquenchable thirst for liberty, and they were only awaiting a favourable moment to try their luck again. It was not, however, till 1368, when Brussels was on the verge of revolution, that the patricians made up their minds to set their house in order. They were not yet prepared to give the people any voice in the magistracy, but they were determined that when their work was done, no man should be able to say that Brussels was ill governed. By the advice of a committee composed of four patricians and four ple- beians stringent measures were taken to ensure the even administration of justice; a permanent board was appointed for the administration of finance, on which several seats were allotted to the representa- tives of the trade companies. This measure proved so successful that the following year revenue covered expenditure and the interest on the debt; the year after that payments were made on the principal, and by 1386, the whole debt was w-iped out. In 1368 the Guild was thoroughly reorganized on popular lines, and about the same time it became customary to be- stow a certain number of government appointments on burghers of the middle class; lastly, in 1375, the old system of electing the magistracy was revived. The franchise was restricted to patricians of twenty- seven years of age and upwards, and if any man failed to take part in the election, he thereby lost all his civil rights and privileges. The method of election was exceedingly long and complicated. Thanks to this important measure and to the other reforms which had preceded it, Brussels was now honestly and capably governed and for something like fifty years patricians and plebeians lived, if not on terms of affection, at all events without quarrelling.
No doubt the greater material prosperity which the city at this time enjoyed, was conducive in no small measure to the maintenance of peace. Brussels was not dependent on cloth to anything like tin' same ex- tent as most of the other great towns of the Nether- lands, and the loss which she had sustained on this head from English competition was probably made good by the profit arising from trade which formerly went to Louvain, but which was now, owing to the
